Showing posts with label Uganda. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Uganda. Show all posts

Wednesday, June 17, 2026

Money, Food And Survival: What Drives Paid Sex Among Young Mums In 3 African Countries

Transactional sex is a coping strategy for some adolescents. Stephane de Sakutin/AFP via Getty Images

ANTHONY IDOWU AJAYI, BERYL NYATUGA MACHOKA AND CAROLINE W. KABIRU

Transactional sex, defined as the exchange of sex for money, food, or favours, is common among young people in Africa. Studies have reported that about 10% of those aged 15-24 have engaged in this exchange in South Africa, 23% in Nigeria and 25% in Uganda. The behaviour has been linked to negative consequences such as unintended pregnancy, sexual violence and HIV infections.

Transactional sex refers to sexual relationships outside marriage that are not classified as commercial sex work, but where there is an expectation that material, financial or other benefits will be exchanged for intimacy or companionship.

We are sexual and reproductive health researchers focused on the intersection of evidence, policy, and lived realities of adolescents in Africa. We recently examined the extent and drivers of transactional sex among pregnant and parenting adolescents in three African countries: Burkina Faso, Kenya and Malawi.

In our earlier qualitative research work with pregnant and parenting girls in Nairobi’s informal settlements, we found that pregnancy intensified economic insecurity. The focus of government and most NGOs, however is mainly on preventing adolescent pregnancy. Little attention is paid to the plight and realities of pregnant and parenting girls.

Our research set out to bring attention to these girls. We did this by examining the prevalence and correlates of transactional sex among adolescents in Burkina Faso, Kenya and Malawi. We surveyed 2,243 girls: 980 in Ouagadogou, Burkina Faso; 594 in Korogocho, Nairobi, Kenya; and 669 in Blantyre, Malawi. They were all either pregnant or already parenting. The youngest participants were 12 years old in Burkina Faso and 13 years old in Kenya and Malawi. The oldest girls in all three countries were 19.

Our findings indicated that transactional sex prevalence varied by context. Living in urban informal settlement environments was a risk. The results were a reminder of the need for stronger support systems for adolescents engaged in transactional sex across the three countries, including those who are pregnant or parenting.

Our findings

Our study found that 44.3% of the girls we surveyed in Kenya, 25.4% in Burkina Faso, and 13.0% in Malawi had engaged in transactional sex at some time. The particularly high prevalence in Kenya reflects the study setting in one of Nairobi’s densely populated informal settlements. There, adolescent girls face poverty, unstable support systems, unsafe living conditions, and limited opportunities for self-development. Other studies have also shown that prevalence is lower in other settings outside informal settlements.

The most common reason girls gave for engaging in transactional sex was money. Money was a reason reported by 31.3% of participants in Kenya, 20.5% in Burkina Faso, and 7.8% in Malawi. But girls also reported exchanging sex for food, rent, shelter, clothing, school fees and sanitary pads.

In Kenya, 13.5% specifically cited sanitary pads, compared to 1.0% in Burkina Faso and 1.8% in Malawi. Smaller percentages engaged in transactional sex for school fees, phones or airtime, or other needs such as baby supplies (milk, diapers, clothes).

Individual-level factors

At the individual level, being single increased the likelihood of transactional sex across all three countries. In Burkina Faso, 20% of married and 46% of single girls had transactional sex. In Kenya it was 28% of married girls and 50% of single girls. In Malawi it was 10% of married girls and 16% of single girls.

This suggests that having a partner may provide some degree of financial, material and childcare support. Without support, single adolescent mothers may face pregnancy and early motherhood with very limited resources, increasing their vulnerability to transactional relationships.

One of the surprising findings emerged from Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso. There, 31% of adolescents with a secondary education had engaged in transactional sex, against 21% of those with only a primary education. This challenges the common assumption that education is an immediate shield against exploitation. It suggests that remaining in school may itself become financially difficult for adolescent girls living under poverty and weak support systems. For girls who are in school from a poor background, the need for money, food and school fees may make them engage in transactional sex.

Substance use also more than doubled the risk in Burkina Faso, among girls who reported using alcohol or drugs compared to those who did not. This association was not significant in Kenya or Malawi.

Interpersonal-level factors

At the interpersonal level, orphanhood mattered, though differently across countries.

In Malawi, girls who had lost both parents faced nearly double the risk of engaging in transactional sex, compared with non-orphans. In Kenya, girls who had lost one parent were 43% more likely to engage in transactional sex. Even more significant at the interpersonal level was the impact of low parental support in Malawi, where girls who felt unsupported by their parents were three times more likely to engage in transactional sex.

Community-level factors

We asked participants questions to assess how safe they felt in their neighbourhoods. In Kenya and Burkina Faso, a higher score for perceived neighbourhood safety was associated with a lower likelihood of transactional sex. Girls said they engaged in sex in exchange for security and protection. In Malawi, feeling safe didn’t make a difference.

What needs to change

The study demonstrates that transactional sex among pregnant and parenting adolescents is less a choice than a strategy to cope with severe socioeconomic hardship. It is shaped by distinct individual risks, fracturing family support and community insecurity.

What drives transactional sex changes from country to country. Because of this, programmes to address it need to be customised for each specific place.

Interventions should address structural vulnerabilities and strengthen family and community support systems. They must also improve neighbourhood safety to reduce adolescent mothers’ reliance on transactional sex and the harms associated with it.

READ ORIGINAL STORY HERE

Monday, September 08, 2025

AGING AFRICA: A Wave Of Longevity Is Sweeping Across The Continent

 

Alice Mary Nasanga, who is about 70 and was banished by members of her family after she was accused of witchery, sits in her home in Nabalanga, Uganda, in November. (AP Photo/David Goldman)

BY MATT SEDENSKY, ASSOCIATED PRESS

Across Africa, a stunning success story has quietly taken hold: Decades of progress have begun delivering a wave of longevity that promises to reshape the demographics of the continent. But as lifespans lengthen and villages begin to fill with the old, pensions and social safety nets are minimal, medical care is lacking and routine problems of age are so commonly unaddressed that cataracts turn to blindness and minor infections end in death.

Longer lives, time and again, come with more suffering.

“They’re living in poverty. They’re living in pain,” says Kenneth Mugayehwenkyi, who founded Reach One Touch One Ministries to help older people. “That’s the old people that I see.”

In just 15 years, the number of people 60 and older has ballooned by an estimated 50 percent in sub-Saharan Africa, to about 67 million people. Even more dramatic growth awaits, with the World Health Organization projecting 163 million older people in the region by 2050.

Respect for older people is deeply ingrained in African cultures and the presence of an elder is a source of joy for many families and a point of pride for many villages. But on this continent known for its staggering number of the young, the challenges of growing old never before arrived in a large-scale way. Scores of interviews across a dozen African countries and a review of research and data make clear how few resources await those who reach old age and how much festering poverty disrupts their final years.

“Everything is lacking,” says Dr. Mie Rizig, a Sudanese-born neurologist at University College London who researches aging and dementia across Africa.

Falling birthrates and rising life expectancies have combined to bring the aging revolution nearly everywhere in the world. As the number of older people has multiplied, even the richest countries have stumbled to meet their needs, triggering warnings of catastrophe when the same challenges are heaped on some of the globe’s poorest places.

Rzig concedes Africa’s challenges are steep but remains hopeful it can learn from other regions’ mistakes and capitalize on what she sees as its innate advantages: Cultural values that make tending to the vulnerable second nature; a network of public health programs for communicable diseases that provide a framework for addressing problems related to aging; and an unrivaled population of young people offering economic promise and a strong ratio of potential caregivers.

“The continent has a kind of inherent power,” says Rzig, part of an Africa task force for the Davos Alzheimer’s Collaborative. “Africa could be a model for the rest of the world.”

Here in Uganda, Mugayehwenkyi has built one of the country’s only organizations dedicated solely to supporting the elderly, and this day, a Reach One Touch One team has arrived at Nakyanga’s small home on a dirt road in a village about a 90-minute drive from the capital. A 26-year-old nurse, Derrick Ssemanda, in royal blue scrubs, hustles inside and sits beside Nakyanga. The man’s catheter has been causing pain and Ssemanda pulls white surgical gloves from a camouflage backpack and gets to work changing it.

“Are you strong enough?” he asks Nakyanga.

“I’m a strong man,” he replies. “I can handle it.”

Nakyanga sweated in the fields just to grow enough to feed children who would later die of AIDS and laid the bricks and poured the cement to build a house he nearly lost to medical bills.

He has no electricity or running water. His bathroom is an outdoor pit.

To make it to this age in a place like this seemed impossible to Nakyanga. It’s made all the more an oddity by the fact that it is a country with one of the youngest populations in the world.

“You’re surrounded by young people,” Nakyanga says, “and you’re standing next to death.”

Nakyanga is thin and in tattered clothes and his hair is short and gray. His medical file is thick but he makes little chatter and offers no complaints.

Ssemanda keeps making small talk, trying to distract his patient from the procedure. He pushes a syringe’s plunger, sending an arc of saline in the air, then peels open the packaging to a new catheter, and before Nakyanga knows, it’s over, and Ssemanda rises from his seat.

The list of people clamoring for Reach One’s help is long. It is just one small aid group in one African nation, but to shadow its workers is to see themes that repeat across the continent.

The nurse bounds for the door. There are so many seniors to see.
KAMPALA, Uganda

In the packed aisles of this city’s largest market, every passageway is choked with people, but none of them are old. At an elementary school graduation, hundreds pack the audience, but no grandparents appear to be among them. Even in the pharmacies and optical shops up and down this 1.8-million-person capital’s clamorous downtown, the faces are entirely young.

Follow the frenetic streets of Uganda’s cities to the web of dirt roads pockmarked by craters and bordered by banana trees, though, and thousands of villages await, each a smattering of huts of mud and houses of crumbling cement, seas of red soil splashing with walls of green vegetation, and churches beneath humble steeples or even humbler roofs of corrugated aluminum.

In each of them, Africa’s aging revolution comes into focus, with burgeoning communities of the old. It is a reason for celebration on a continent marked by hardship, but for those rushing to keep up with this new population’s needs, it is also a reason for fear.

“We are not ready,” says Carole Osero-Agengo, who leads Africa programs for the nonprofit HelpAge International from Nairobi, Kenya. “There is development, but we don’t have an aging lens. There are programs, but they don’t cover the whole country. There are so many gaps, but those gaps are being filled so slowly.”

The shift underway across the continent is striking. Advances in nutrition, sanitation and clean water; robust responses to HIV and malaria; and dramatic declines in infant mortality have combined to bring longer lives.

From 2000 through 2020, all of the top 20 life expectancy gains across the globe were posted by African countries.

Gains in life expectancy have fueled growing populations of older people virtually everywhere in the world. But the speed at which it is happening in Africa is unprecedented.

Many rich countries took a century to see their percentage of older residents double. Uganda is expecting to quadruple its share of older people over the course of just 40 years.

Similar projections repeat across sub-Saharan Africa.

“We haven’t had the luxury of time that the developed world had to prepare,” says Dr. Ogugua Osiogbu, the head of geriatrics at National Hospital in Abuja, Nigeria, and one of the continent’s few specialists in medical care for older people.

Though the African Union and varied countries have drawn up plans to address their aging populations, implementation has been uneven. Few goals have been addressed in any substantive way and older people remain absent from most governmental priorities.

In Uganda, like elsewhere in Africa, there has been little government investment in pensions, health care and caregiving support for the country’s oldest. Little U.S. aid goes directly to groups focused on the aging population, but the destruction of the USAID program under President Donald Trump has nonetheless made things worse.

Paired with cutbacks by some European countries, the loss in aid has translated to the demise of antipoverty programs, food distribution operations and AIDS clinics, all of which benefit the elderly. Help for victims of natural disasters, which have an outsized impact on the old, have faced the chopping block, as have surveillance and response to infectious diseases, to which older people can be more susceptible.

Reach One Touch One relies strictly on donations. It has struggled to keep up as costs have risen, cutting back food deliveries from monthly to every two or three months. While it is the largest organization of its kind in Uganda, ROTOM operates in just two of the country’s 146 districts.

“It is a drop in the ocean,” says Grace Nabanoba, a field worker for the agency. “The need is so deep.”

At the time of ROTOM’s founding in 2003, Uganda counted just over 900,000 people 60 and older.

Today, there are more than 2.2 million.

Life, for many of them, is blanketed in disappointment and hardship and pain. But on a continent that, for as long as anyone has tracked lifespans, has lagged the rest of the world, the surprise of a longevity revolution is thrilling.

At a small home ROTOM operates to care for seniors, three women sit beside one another, erupting in a fit of delight when visitors appear. One woman, Veronica Nakattee, who’s unsure of her age, throws her cane to the ground in excitement. Another, an 80-something named Donanta Nanyanzi, breaks into a dance. The third woman, Dorothy Ndibanje, at 93 the oldest of the trio, stays seated, but allows a huge smile to spread across her face.

Nanyanzi and Nakattee tease Ndibanje about her toothless grin.

“I sold off my teeth,” she replies, prompting a round of laughter.

“We’re always giggling like this,” Ndibanje says. “We’re so happy to be alive!”
KITABURAZA, Uganda

In the night, when all that glows on this hilltop is the moonlight and all that moves are branches tickled by a soft breeze, the tumult returns. The old woman grows convinced her house is on fire and, panicked, drags the table, chairs and the rest of her few worldly possessions, outside. Unable to calm his mother, her son knows just one way to end it.

He locks her up.

“She yells,” the son, 62-year-old Herbert Rutabyama, says matter-of-factly. “She pounds on the door.”

Dementia’s prevalence has long been muted on this continent where lifespans have trailed the rest of the world for as long as anyone has kept track. But as the population of older people increases across Africa, experts are seeing a spike in new diagnoses, each of them bringing profound challenges to the patient and their family.

A surge of new cases of dementia is expected across Africa in the coming years as the demographic shift continues. But, already, the desperation of those caring for people living with diseases like Alzheimer’s is beginning to show.

They turn for help in a place with little to offer. In many of the languages spoken on this continent, they don’t even have a word for dementia.

This day, the crew from Reach One Touch One is making its rounds in this western Uganda village about an hour north of the Rwandan border. Nearing the woman whose middle-of-the-night visions are so unnerving, aid worker Moses Kahigwa musters as much sunniness as is splashed outside the lush valley below.

“You look good!” he coos.

The woman, 87-year-old Alice Ndimuhara, gives him an icy glare.

“This looks good to you?” she says.

It’s just past noon and Ndimuhara hasn’t had anything to eat today. She has no money. All her limbs feel weak. Her headache never seems to go away.

If not for visitors, she would’ve just stayed in bed.

“My life is just meaningless,” she says.

Her son, Rutabyama, arrives from working in the field, wearing tall black rubber boots that are coated with mud. Sweat wets his forehead.

Don’t be fooled by his mother’s sass. This, he says, is one of her good days.

It’s been a few years since she started wandering from the house and showing other signs that something was wrong. He took her to ROTOM’s clinic and they said she had dementia. His father has been diagnosed, too.

“It’s really, really hard,” he says of managing their care.

When Ndimuhara wanders off in the daytime, her son will set out to look for her, sometimes finding she’s made it as far as the next village. But when her nighttime confusion returns, he’s unsure what to do. He puts a padlock on her door and nails her window shutters closed and resists unlatching them even when she screams and pounds.

“You know better,” the mother says when the subject comes up.

It’s not entirely uncommon. The United Nations’ chief voice on the rights of older people, Claudia Mahler, issued a report in 2022 warning of elders being locked in their rooms and tied to trees in their yards, without citing the countries in which it was common.

Even for the wealthiest people in the richest places, the solutions offered for those with dementia are inadequate, amounting to salves for a disease with no cure.

Here, though, there is basically nothing. Rutabyama believes caring for his parents is his responsibility. Even if he could afford a nursing home, the country has only a handful and the closest one is a day’s drive away.

As Africa’s longevity revolution makes itself known in a thousand ways, the problems that come with it are being dumped in a place where they have lots of company.

Elders, no longer able to walk, are trapped inside with no wheelchair. But what good would it do if sidewalks are missing, streets are cratered and homes are unnavigable shacks?

Untreated cataracts leave many blind. But how do you broach surgery when even a ride to the doctor is a quandary and even a simple pair of glasses is out of reach?

Dementia brings ostracization and accusation. But who can help if belief in witchcraft is wide, cognitive expertise is sparse and the language hasn’t even a word for the diagnosis?

Rutabyama doesn’t know the answer to those questions and doesn’t defend his choice to lock his mother up.

It is another flawed response to a question with no good answer.
NKULAGIRIRE, Uganda

Uganda is a land of verdant hillsides and fetid trash heaps, of crowded city markets and countryside chapels.

Cherubic babies, swathed tight on their mothers’ backs, turn to eager schoolchildren, who sing songs about someday becoming nurses and lawyers and teachers. Young men and women, in turn, diplomas in hand and little opportunity in sight, end up in dead-end jobs at home, or shipped off to places like Dubai, working in security or construction.

For many, to make it to old age here is to toe the line between joy and misery, to wrap oneself in vivid fabric, stand in a radiant sun and dance outside church, singing in gratitude, only to return to a darkened shack, wrinkled and stooped, and go to bed alone and hungry.

“Old age is not something to brag about here,” says 75-year-old Tereza Nabunya. “Poverty strikes when you’re old.”

Nabunya’s roof leaks. She has no tank to collect water and the nearest well is deep in the bush, about a half-mile away. She is wracked with pain and needs to see a doctor.

There is no way to pay for any of it, so she weaves a mat from papyrus leaves to try and earn some money. She figures it’ll take a week to weave and much longer to find a buyer. It will go for 3,000 shillings – less than a dollar – and will be spent as soon as it’s in her hand.

A far higher proportion of Africans work in old age than anywhere else in the world. In desperation, they dig neighbor’s gardens in exchange for food or collect firewood and try to sell it for a few shillings. There are few options. There is little help anywhere.

The government safety net is minimal and most charities are focused on the young.

“That is the tragedy of getting old in Africa,” says Dr. Zelalem Habtamu, who leads operations in Ethiopia for Cure Blindness, which does cataract surgeries on older people around the continent. “They are working on child health, they are working on maternal healthy, they are working on HIV and malaria, but it’s very rare to see the government or the NGOs working to help the elders.”

In Nabunya’s case, she turned to Reach One Touch One, which put her on its waiting list for aid. Some are on the organization’s waitlist a year or more. Others die without getting off it.

About four of 10 older Ugandans fit World Bank criteria for extreme poverty, meaning they live on less than $2.15 a day. Just 3% of older Ugandans live on more than $10 a day.

That poverty is at the heart of nearly every problem that rises with the longevity boom.

Reverence for the old is entrenched in Africa, but parents often seek household help from children just as economics force the young far away for work. Patients clamor for care, but with no insurance, they put off treatment, avoid tests, or forego doctors altogether. Elders are betrayed by their aging bodies, but poor village life dictates they must sow and reap crops, gather firewood and fetch water.

“The old people,” says 88-year-old Pafras Jjemba, “are left with nothing.”

Jjemba wears gray pants that hang loose and beaten-up black shoes with mismatched laces. He is on ROTOM’s waiting list and, right now, he has barely anything to eat.

Many older Africans worked in informal jobs and had no means to save for an age they never thought they’d reach. Across the continent, social security programs are often minimal, where they exist at all. While nearly seven in 10 people of retirement age around the world receive a pension, only about two in 10 in sub-Saharan Africa do, according to International Labour Organization estimates.

Uganda does have a public pension, known as SAGE, for Social Assistance Grants for Empowerment, though it is only open to people 80 and older and its benefits are tiny: Just 25,000 shillings (about $7) a month.

Jjemba was rejected when he applied and isn’t sure why.

It’s a story heard again and again among the country’s old. Aid workers say they see many of their clients turned away for lost IDs, wrong dates of birth in government records, and other mistakes that can take years to clear up, if ever.

And so one man survives on the pity of neighbors who give him bananas, while down the road, a woman gets by on one meager meal a day. A woman shrieks in pain over the swollen ankle she can’t afford to have looked at, while a man who clamors for a soda has gone so long without one that he can’t even recall what kind of soda he likes. In village after village, elders dream of owning a goat or having some chicken on their plate or just having enough soap.

“Sometimes,” says 84-year-old Kellen Bakeshungisa, “I want to close my eyes and not open them again.”
NYAKITABIRE, Uganda

A drought had dragged on for months. Fields of onions, potatoes and beans went dry. Hungry and desperate, the villagers sought someone to blame.

Their target? A gray-haired, slightly stooped 81-year-old woman.

The woman, Ayder Kanyomushana, said she was beaten by neighbors who believed she was a witch and responsible for the drought. The pain of the attack, they thought, would cause her to cry and her tears, in turn, would spark the rain to return.

“They almost killed me,” Kanyomushana says. “It was really terrible.”

In parts of Africa, accusations of witchcraft lead to beatings, banishment and even death, with the victims overwhelmingly older people. As the continent’s population of older people surges, some fear the problem will too.

Advocates say they see a growing number of cases where the accused is a person with dementia – a condition not widely understood on the continent. Whatever the reason a person may be targeted, though, the results can be devastating.

It’s been three years since Kanyomushana first had fingers pointed at her, but the accusations have continued to bubble up. It didn’t help that after she was beaten, the drought broke and the rain fell, cementing what some already believed true. A few months ago, a group of villagers again targeted her, uprooting and destroying her garden.

“See what we’ll do to you,” she says one boy threatened.

Reach One Touch One Ministries intervened to get Kanyomushana out of her home while they confronted villagers. They warned they would take those involved to court and that they could face prison time.

Kanyomushana isn’t sure how it all started. She wonders if it might have been a local woman she says has long hated her, jealous over the sweet potatoes she grows.

“Sometimes they just point a finger,” says Norah Makubuya, a project manager at Reach One Touch One. “They just say, ‘It’s that person.’”

Before the problems began, Kanyomushana says a piece of bark cloth – a fabric made from the pounded bark of trees – went missing from her small home. She thinks someone took it to a local witch doctor to have it looked at and determine if she’s guilty.

The witch doctor who was consulted was Fredianah Tibeijuka, who is in her 70s and says she was born with a gift to heal. In her small home, in a stout metal basket beneath a lofted bed are the tools of her trade – a jumble of twigs and roots and herbs.

“This is to help people give birth,” she says as she unscrews a jar’s pink cap. “This is to help people that have swollen body parts,” she says pinching at something else. “This stick, I burn it,” she says, an antidote to make poor people become rich.

She cannot answer why she hasn’t grown rich from the same stick and she doesn’t know why so many of those who are accused of witchery happen to be older people like her. All she is sure of is that she didn’t get it wrong in branding Kanyomushana a witch.

“I’m telling you and get it right,” she says sternly. “That woman is a witch. She is a really, really bad person. She deserves to die. I cannot help anyone who is a witch. I curse them.”

Similar stories repeat around Africa.

Leo Igwe, a 54-year-old Nigerian who started Advocacy for Alleged Witches to help those facing accusations, says more than 70% of the cases his organization receives involve older people. Igwe says witchcraft accusations are also used sometimes by families looking for an excuse to dump an elder they no longer want to be saddled with caring for.

The cases are about evenly split between men and women, but Igwe says women suffer the worst outcomes, including being mobbed, brutally injured and even killed.

Witchcraft accusations are not unique to Africa, nor to older people, and progress has been made in many parts of the continent in addressing the issue. Nonetheless, supernatural beliefs are widespread and some find them a catch-all explanation for life’s ills. Even some who are hurt by accusations find it hard to let go of their belief in the occult.

Alice Mary Nasanga, who is about 70, was banished by some members of her family after a brother claimed he survived her witchery. She says he went to money-hungry witch doctors who affirmed his accusation and that nearly everyone went along with what he said.

“He made up a story and everyone believed him,” she says.

In the next room, Nasanga’s 30-year-old son lies on a dirty concrete floor, naked and moaning. He’s steadily deteriorated since getting malaria and no longer can speak.

Nasanga says she looks at him and can’t help wondering if he might be under a spell. Witchcraft, she says, may not just be the cause of his illness but the only thing that can save him.

Data on witchcraft accusations is sparse, making it difficult to say whether the problem is any better or worse than the past. But Igwe says it tends to follow the ebbs and flows of the economy, with cases increasing during downturns, as parts of Africa are in today.

“When people are not able to meet their material needs they take a leap into the supernatural looking for the solutions,” he says. “Witchcraft becomes handy.”

As Africa becomes home to more and more older people, advocates for accused witches say they’re seeing a greater number of cases involving people with dementia. Igwe’s organization says at least 30% to 40% of the cases it handles involve cognitive issues.

Dr. Temitope Farombi, a geriatric neurologist in Ibadan, Nigeria, started a “Dementia Not Witchcraft” campaign six years ago to educate the public about the disease. She was prompted by incidents involving older people who wandered from their homes and then were attacked by someone who perceived them as a supernatural threat.

“You started seeing older adults being in harm’s way,” says the 44-year-old doctor, “and people hunting them, beating them, burning them, stoning them.”

Education is also at the heart of the work being done by Berrie Holtzhausen, the founder of Alzheimer’s Dementia Namibia. He has gone village to village and tribe to tribe in Namibia, both helping those accused of witchcraft and trying to prevent future cases by teaching people about brain disorders like dementia that may spark accusations.

Because there is so little familiarity with dementia, witchcraft becomes a go-to explanation for out-of-the-ordinary behaviors another villager might exhibit.

“Why can’t they find their way back from the river? Why are they talking to themselves at night? Why are they undressing themselves and walking between villages?” Holtzhausen says, mimicking the questions he hears. “If you are turning gray, you are a witch.”

Holtzhausen, 68, is a former pastor who began working with dementia patients about 15 years ago. The work has taken on a new dimension since he, too, was diagnosed with Alzheimer’s disease about four years ago.

He has noticed a progression of the disease since his diagnosis. One time, he walked off from a store with a pair of glasses without paying for them. Sometimes he notices himself getting angry or having bad dreams. Other times, he struggles to find a word.

Still, he plans to continue his advocacy as long as he is able.

“I think this is what’s keeping me alive,” he says.
NKULAGIRIRE, Uganda

Past a smoldering pile of trash and two bleating goats, through a doorway beginning to buckle beneath the weight of the bricks above, is a darkened room where a skeletal, 70-year-old man lies on a pillowless bed above a floor littered with trash.

The lone window’s shutters are closed but enough shards of sun make it through holes in the corroded roof to see Joseph Malagho’s ribs poke at the skin of his torso and legs like twigs inside his olive green pants. As he struggles to sit up, leaves crinkle beneath him on a soiled sheet. His mattress sags. The air is thick and stale.

Malagho has no illusions about the difficulty of growing old. But the fact that he is here at all is its own miracle.

Across Africa, millions who once faced the death sentence of an HIV infection have survived only to face something nearly as daunting: old age.

As infections have dropped markedly and antiretroviral drugs have reduced mortality, the turnaround of the AIDS crisis has helped build Africa’s longevity revolution. Lives that were expected to be cut short instead continued decades more, changing the demographics of those facing the disease and fueling the rush of people encountering health systems that were never built for old age.

Malagho isn’t sure when he was infected, but he was diagnosed about five years ago. His health has steadily declined since. He has tuberculosis now, too, and can barely stand.

He hasn’t left this room in months.

There is barely any soap for his wife to wash him with a rag. His lone source of entertainment, a small radio, has gone dead, and there’s no money for batteries. He has lost most of his teeth and can’t afford dentures, but there is little food to eat anyway.

“If there is food or not,” he says, “I don’t even care.”

He urinates into a small white bucket and his wife hurls it outside just as the first drops of rain begin to strafe the roof and start leaking to the space below.

Reach One Touch One sponsors Malagho and has dispatched a field worker, Grace Nabanoba, to check on him this day.

The organization distributes food and medicine to many of its beneficiaries and helps repair homes, install water tanks and provide basic items, like a bed for seniors who are sleeping on dirt floors. But there are limits to what it can do and Nabanoba feels helpless as she stands before Malagho.

She promises him batteries for his radio and exits the home. Sometimes, after visiting him, colleagues will ask her why she’s quiet and she’ll slink off to cry.

“Some situations,” she says, “are too hard to bear.”
MUKONO, Uganda

Maybe it’s something as simple as a urinary tract infection that has 80-year-old Erisafan Khayiki doubled over in pain. Or a kidney stone. Or something more.

The only thing certain is a truth that repeats across this continent: For a poor man like him, there are few options. And so this will be the day that he dies.

As more and more Africans reach old age, economic realities are clashing with the needs of late life. When a medical bill is too much to face or even a ride to the doctor is out of reach, a patient can begin a spiral toward a painful death.

“For so long, Africa’s population has been youthful. Over the years, medical care has improved for them. But for the old it has not,” says Dr. Lenusia Ahlijah, who is one of Ghana’s few geriatricians. “There are no trained people who understand any of the special health problems of the elderly. We have to find a solution.”

A lifetime of poverty can bring unique challenges in old age.

Some who, for years, passed up doctors when they were sick, relying on cheap, over-the-counter antibiotics, experience drug resistance. Others who have gone without treatment for hypertension end up with vision loss or vascular dementia. Untreated injuries are, in part, to blame for one in five older Ugandans having a severe disability.

Even using the bathroom is intertwined with an older person’s wealth. Forced to squat over a latrine and no longer able to support themselves, some touch the ground, and with water precious, they pass up handwashing and contract typhoid.

“Omwavu wakufa,” goes a phrase in Luganda, one of the country’s native tongues, an expression that gained popularity as COVID raged. “The poor man will die.”

Across much of Africa, older people fall into a blind spot of public health systems that prioritize infectious diseases, maternal care and children. Trained geriatricians are rare, national health care programs are limited, and clinics are rarely equipped to manage chronic conditions tied to aging. Many older people have little access to doctors and, if they see one, often forego necessary diagnostics or treatment to cut the costs.

“I will not check for this,” Mugerwa says they’ll say, “I will not check for that.”

Eventually, it comes to a head.

Khayiki is sitting on his bed when a nurse ducks to enter the doorway of his tiny room. He is wincing as he clenches a thick walking stick that rests against his temple.

“I’m in pain,” he says softly.

It is beyond the nurse’s capacity to diagnose, though. He tells Khayiki he isn’t sure what is wrong and that he will have to go see a doctor at the clinic.

“There’s nothing I can do here,” the nurse says.

They agree a ride should be arranged for him to see a doctor, but act with no urgency.

As night falls, Khayiki cries out in pain. He wonders aloud if he can survive. He stirs and talks and frets so much that his wife, Maria Kimono, goes to sleep in the other room.

By morning, he is dead.

If Kimono had known this would be her husband’s last day, she wouldn’t have chastised him for not listening and wouldn’t have left him alone when his moans grew loud. She hopes he was proud of how she took care of him as he ailed, how she’d struggle to carry him outside when he asked, how she’d been faithful to him to his last day.

He had spent years working as a pump attendant at a Kampala gas station, sending back money to care for his family. In old age, even with his sight gone, he showed up to church gatherings and could be seen singing and, on occasion, dancing.

He was buried in the yard, just beyond the clothesline, near a grandchild who went before. An Anglican minister came and said prayers and friends gathered and bowed their heads.

Maybe things would have been different, Kimono says, if her husband wasn’t so poor.
MUBUSHURO, Uganda

Some things have changed as Joy Okwanjire has grown older: Ears that struggle to hear, a back that throbs in pain, and savings that have faded away.

But at least one thing remains the same: A long daily walk to gather water.

Across Africa, where most of the population has no running water, the task of collecting it from a stream, bore hole or spring typically falls to women and children.

It is a responsibility that knows no age: As the continent’s population of older people grows, so too does the number of older people fetching water on arduous daily treks.

“It is a bit difficult,” Okwanjire, who is in her 70s, says. “But I have no option.”

And so, as a thick morning fog blankets the valley below, Okwanjire departs the mud hut she calls home in this hilltop village and sets out on her daily journey.

She wears a long, emerald dress splashed with purple, sandals on her feet and carries a 10-liter plastic jug in her left hand, setting off on a narrow, slippery path bracketed by bean stalks.

The path rises and dips and Okwanjire at times extends her right arm to keep her balance. Birds chirp and a baby goat cries but their sounds are muted by a distant chainsaw.

Along she goes, down a slick, rocky hill, grabbing at the vegetation as she descends. Along she goes, past the fields where women work, through the steep drops, beside the cloudy pool that once was safe enough to drink and used to be her collection spot.

She walks for 27 minutes before arriving at a wispy stream, where she steps down to a rock ledge and nearly slips before dipping the yellow jug in the water and filling it.

Okwanjire shoves a firm, green banana in the mouth of the jug as a stopper, takes one deep breath in, and hoists the jug, placing it lengthwise atop her head. She starts back up the hill.

The hardest part of her journey has begun.

A few minutes up the steep hill, Okwanjire takes the jug from her head and puts it on the ground in front of her, lowering herself to sit in the grass.

“I’m tired,” she says.

Every few minutes it is the same, just as every day is the same. She stops again to rest, then continues the journey that she started as a child.

Many older Africans without running water rely on a relative for help, sparing them a difficult chore. Okwanjire isn’t so lucky.

“Sometimes I wish I could have someone to help me,” she says.

When Okwanjire’s husband was alive, he raised bees, and when the season was good, he could fill a 20-liter jug with honey and sell it for around 400,000 shillings ($109). He bought her dresses and was able to put meat on her plate, but those days are gone.

He died about three years ago, and the bees followed soon after.

“Old age is challenging,” she says. “There are so many things that you need.”

She took up weaving mats to try and make some money, but she only sells six or eight a year and, after materials, each one earns her about 3,000 shillings (80 cents). Sometimes she earns a little extra digging her neighbor’s gardens.

She doesn’t have enough to see a doctor much less install a water tank.

So her walk continues.

On she goes, past a bleating goat that bucks its head into her right leg, past three colorfully garbed women weeding in the field. A few drops of water escape from the jug’s mouth and rocks and twigs crunch beneath her feet. She rests here and there, but mostly she makes an arduous trip look effortless. Her steps are sure. She says she has never fallen.

“When I bend down it hurts,” she concedes, “when I get tired it hurts.”

Okwanjire conserves as best she can, spacing out how often she cleans herself, and reusing water from the utensils she washes. Still, a daily walk is needed.

The clouds part and the sun shines down as a cool breeze blows. Tall grass and ferns tickle at Okwanjire’s legs, and leaves, browned by the sun, brush against her arm.

And then, finally, her home, its façade cracked with age, comes into view.

She has made it. She puts the jug outside her front door, then doubles over, placing her hands on a chair. All told, the trek took 82 minutes.

“I’m really tired,” Okwanjire says. “Very, very tired.”

One day, she knows, she may no longer be able to walk this hill or hoist this jug. She doesn’t know what she will do. That is a problem for another day.

Tomorrow, she says, she will walk again.
MAGOGO, Uganda

A boy scales the trunk of a jackfruit tree, pawing at his prize, yellow and swollen. Down the road, another child runs beside a bicycle tire with a stick, a phalanx of kids chasing along. Sunlight shines on the young all through this country’s villages and cities, strapped to the backs of their mothers, singing in schoolyards, sailing across soccer fields.

Meanwhile, in the shadows, in crumbling houses and dim mud huts, a new population of the old blossoms.

Across Africa, young and old are divided in their visibility as resources gush toward children and many elderly are left behind. But the fates of old and young are intertwined.

“Both of them are suffering,” says Dr. Emmanuel Mugerwa, who planned to become a pediatrician before switching to geriatric care at a clinic run by Reach One Touch One. “Both of them don’t have a lot of things that they need.”

Africa is home to the world’s youngest population, filled with countries like Uganda, where a staggering half of its people are under 18 years old. While the continent’s population of older people is a tiny minority, it is fast growing. Together, these bookended age groups share much in common.

Children and people 75 and older have the highest poverty rate, according to Uganda government statistics, and they often live together. Among households with older people, an estimated one in six are “skipped generation,” with grandparents and grandchildren.

At a campus operated by ROTOM, a school is just across from a home where a dozen seniors are tended to by a single caregiver. Uniformed children pray the “Our Father” in an open-air hall on the other side of a wall from an older woman who arrived here with bruises all over that staffers say came from a daughter who beat her with a stick.

It is the final day of school before a holiday break, and two girls in pale red jumpers with periwinkle collars leave campus just as shoeless children begin kicking a ball across a damp field. The girls exit the property’s gate, walking past a boy whose cheeks are wet with tears, then up a dirt road lined with corn stalks and banana trees. On the periphery, goats graze, ducks and roosters wander and a tower of mud bricks bakes in the sun.

The girls pass chickens pecking at trash, shopkeepers sweeping their landings, men playing a dice game, and a pile of burning trash sending an acrid plume to the skies, before arriving home. In a sign of respect, they kneel before the woman who cares for them, 94-year-old Rose Liru.

The girls – 11-year-old Brenda Mungulu, Liru’s grandniece, and 9-year-old Parvin Nakawesi, her great-granddaughter – have been left by parents who no longer can care for them. They quickly change into after-school clothes and get started on their chores.

Liru says she doesn’t have the energy to mother the girls and acknowledges the twin realities of their presence: They are both a burden and a gift. She feels all the weight of being responsible for them while knowing they are also helpful around the house.

She wonders how much longer she will live and what will happen to the girls when she’s gone. For now, she is all they have in this world and will do her best for them.

“I protect them. I defend them,” she says, noting elders like her often fill in for children and grandchildren. “Old people, we are the ones who hold families together. We are the ones who pray for you. We are the ones who do good. We are the ones who are next to God.”

In houses where old and young live side by side, elders often struggled to sustain themselves even before they found themselves with another mouth to feed and school tuition to pay. A majority of older Ugandans are illiterate and, among the very oldest, the rate is staggering, with more than eight in 10 people 85 and older unable to read or write. Though school is not free here, it is a point of pride for elders to educate their young.

Felista Kemitaare, whose home is off a steep rocky path before a panorama of lush hills, is one such woman. At 78, she has been thrust back into parenthood, caring for an 11-year-old granddaughter. She rarely has enough food and, of the little bit she is able to grow, she must sell some to help pay for her granddaughter’s tuition.

Today, a ROTOM field nurse, Winnie Katwesigye, has arrived to check on Kemitaare, who sits below a poster of the late Pope Francis, the light from the doorway shining on her face. Her beans are not growing well and her aches and pains are getting worse.

“I have no choice,” she says, “but to be a strong woman.”

She grabs a walking stick in her right hand and heads barefoot up the steep hill to her garden, where she takes a hoe, swatting at the earth. It is too early to harvest, but she is desperate, so she begins pulling anemic potatoes from the ground, some as small as shooter marbles, some about the size of a small plum, tossing them in a green plastic dish. She lifts her torso slowly and walks back down the hill taking tentative steps.

Norah Makubuya, a ROTOM project manager, says she tries to teach adult children in the community just how difficult it is for those forced to become parents again in old age.

“Their burden,” she says of the adult children, “becomes their parents’ burden.”
LONGER LIVES
Celebration and concern mix as more Africans reach old age

Friday, July 18, 2025

Idi Amin Made Himself Out To Be The ‘Liberator’ Of An Oppressed Majority – A Demagogic Trick That Endures Today

Idi Amin addresses the United Nations General Assembly in 1975. Bettmann/Getty Images

BY DEREK R. PETERSON
ALI MAZRUI PROFESSOR OF HISTORY
& AFRICAN STUDIES, UNIVERSITY OF
MICHIGAN

Fifty years ago, Ugandan President Idi Amin wrote to the governments of the British Commonwealth with a bold suggestion: Allow him to take over as head of the organization, replacing Queen Elizabeth II.

After all, Amin reasoned, a collapsing economy had made the U.K. unable to maintain its leadership. Moreover the “British empire does not now exist following the complete decolonization of Britain’s former overseas territories.”

It wasn’t Amin’s only attempt to reshape the international order. Around the same time, he called for the United Nations headquarters to be moved to Uganda’s capital, Kampala, touting its location at “the heart of the world between the continents of America, Asia, Australia and the North and South Poles.”

Amin’s diplomacy aimed to place Kampala at the center of a postcolonial world. In my new book, “A Popular History of Idi Amin’s Uganda,” I show that Amin’s government made Uganda – a remote, landlocked nation – look like a frontline state in the global war against racism, apartheid and imperialism.

Doing so was, for the Amin regime, a way of claiming a morally essential role: liberator of Africa’s hitherto oppressed people. It helped inflate his image both at home and abroad, allowing him to maintain his rule for eight calamitous years, from 1971 to 1979.

The phony liberator?

Amin was the creator of a myth that was both manifestly untrue and extraordinarily compelling: that his violent, dysfunctional regime was actually engaged in freeing people from foreign oppressors.

The question of Scottish independence was one of his enduring concerns. The “people of Scotland are tired of being exploited by the English,” wrote Amin in a 1974 telegram to United Nations Secretary General Kurt Waldheim. “Scotland was once an independent country, happy, well governed and administered with peace and prosperity,” but under the British government, “England has thrived on the energies and brains of the Scottish people.”

Even his cruelest policies were framed as if they were liberatory. In August 1972, Amin announced the summary expulsion of Uganda’s Asian community. Some 50,000 people, many of whom had lived in Uganda for generations, were given a bare three months to tie up their affairs and leave the country. Amin named this the “Economic War.”

In the speech that announced the expulsions, Amin argued that “the Ugandan Africans have been enslaved economically since the time of the colonialists.” The Economic War was meant to “emancipate the Uganda Africans of this republic.”

“This is the day of salvation for the Ugandan Africans,” he said. By the end of 1972, some 5,655 farms, ranches and estates had been vacated by the departed Asian community, and Black African proprietors were queuing up to take over Asian-run businesses.

A year later, when Amin attended the Organization of African Unity summit in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, his “achievements” were reported in a booklet published by the Uganda government. During his speech, Amin was “interrupted by thunderous applauses of acclamation and cheers, almost word for word, by Heads of State and Government and by everybody else who had a chance to hear it,” according to the the report.

It was, wrote the government propagandist, “very clear that Uganda had emerged as the forefront of a True African State. It was clear that African nationalism had been born again. It was clear that the speech had brought new life to the freedom struggle in Africa.”

Life at the front

Amin’s policies were disastrous for all Ugandans, African and Asian alike. Yet his war of economic liberation was, for a time, a source of inspiration for activists around the world. Among the many people gripped by enthusiasm for Amin’s regime was Roy Innis, the Black American leader of the civil rights organization Congress of Racial Equality.

In March 1973, Innis visited Uganda at Amin’s invitation. Innis and his colleagues had been pressing African governments to grant dual citizenship to Black Americans, just as Jewish Americans could earn citizenship from the state of Israel.

Over the course of their 18 days in Uganda, the visiting Americans were shuttled around the country in Amin’s helicopter. Everywhere, Innis spoke with enthusiasm about Amin’s accomplishments. In a poem published in the pro-government Voice of Uganda around the time of his visit, Innis wrote:

Before, the life of your people was a complete bore,
And they were poor, oppressed, exploited and economically sore.
And you then came and opened new, dynamic economic pages.
And showered progress on your people in realistic stages.
In such expert moves that baffled even the great sages,
your electric personality pronounced the imperialists’ doom.
Your pragmatism has given Ugandans their economic boom.


In May 1973, Innis was back in Uganda, promising to recruit a contingent of 500 African American professors and technicians to serve in Uganda. Amin offered them free passage to Uganda, free housing and free hospital care for themselves and their families. The American weekly magazine Jet predicted that Uganda was soon to become an “African Israel,” a model nation upheld by the energies and knowledge of Black Americans.

As some have observed, Innis was surely naive. But his enthusiasm was shared by a great many people, not least a great many Ugandans. Inspired by Amin’s promises, their energy and commitment kept institutions functioning in a time of great disruption. They built roads and stadiums, constructed national monuments and underwrote the running costs of government ministries.

Patriotism and demagoguery

Their ambitions were soon foreclosed by a rising tide of political dysfunction. Amin’s regime came to a violent end in 1979, when he was ousted by the invading army of Tanzania and fled Uganda.

But his brand of demagoguery lives on. Today a new generation of demagogues claim to be fighting to liberate aggrieved majorities from outsiders’ control.

In the 1970s, Amin enlisted Black Ugandans to battle against racial minorities who were said to dominate the economy and public life. Today an ascendant right wing encourages aggrieved white Americans to regard themselves as a majority dispossessed of their inheritance by greedy immigrants.

Amin encouraged Ugandans to regard themselves as frontline soldiers, engaged in a globally consequential war against foreigners. In today’s America, some people similarly feel themselves deputized to take matters of state into their own hands. In January 2021, for instance, a right-wing group called “Stop the Steal” organized a rally in Washington. Vowing to “take our country back,” they stormed the Capitol building.

The racialized demagoguery that Idi Amin promoted inspired the imagination of a great many people. It also fed violent campaigns to repossess a stolen inheritance, to reclaim properties that ought, in the view of the aggrieved majority, to belong to native sons and daughters. His regime is for us today a warning about the compelling power of demagoguery to shape people’s sense of purpose.

READ ORIGINAL STORY HERE

Friday, June 27, 2025

How Zohran Mamdani’s Win In The New York City Mayoral Primary Could Ripple Across The Country

New York mayoral candidate Zohran Mamdani, center, greets voters with New York Comptroller Brad Lander, right, on the Upper West Side on June 24, 2025. Michael M. Santiago/Getty Images

BY LINCOLN MITCHELL
LECTURER, SCHOOL OF INTERNATIONAL
AND PUBLIC AFFAIRS, COLUMBIA
UNIVERSITY

Top Republicans and Democrats alike are talking about the sudden rise of 33-year-old Zohran Mamdani, a state representative who won the Democratic mayoral primary in New York on June 24, 2025, in a surprising victory over more established politicians.

While President Donald Trump quickly came out swinging with personal attacks against Mamdani, some establishment Democratic politicians say they are concerned about how the democratic socialist’s progressive politics could harm the broader Democratic Party and cause it to lose more centrist voters.

New York is a unique American city, with a diverse population and historically liberal politics. So, does a primary mayoral election in New York serve as any kind of harbinger of what could come in the rest of the country?

Amy Lieberman, a politics and society editor at The Conversation U.S., spoke with Lincoln Mitchell, a political strategy and campaign specialist who lectures at Columbia University, to understand what Mamdani’s primary win might indicate about the direction of national politics.


Does Mamdani’s primary win offer any indication of how the Democratic Party might be transforming on a national level?

Mamdani’s win is clearly a rebuke of the more corporate wing of the Democratic Party. I know there are people who say that New York is different from the rest of the country. But from a political perspective, Democrats in New York are less different from Democrats in the rest of country than they used to be.

That’s because the rest of America is so much more diverse than it used to be. But if you look at progressive politicians now in the House of Representatives and state legislatures, they are being elected from all over – not just in big cities like New York anymore.

Andrew Cuomo, the former governor of New York, ran an absolutely terrible mayoral campaign. He tried to build a political coalition that is no longer a winning one, which was made up of majorities of African Americans, outer-borough white New Yorkers and orthodox and conservative Jews. Thirty or 40 years ago, that was a powerful coalition. Today, it could not make up a majority.

Mamdani visualized and created what a 2025 progressive coalition looks like in New York and recognized that it is going to look different than the past. Mamdani’s coalition was based around young, white people – many of them with college degrees who are worried about affordability – ideological lefties and immigrants from parts of the Global South, including the Caribbean and parts of Africa, South Asia and South America.

When you say a new kind of political coalition, what policy priorities bring Mamdani’s supporters together?

Mamdani reframed what I would call redistributive economic policies that have long been central to the progressive agenda. A pillar of his campaign is affordability – a brilliant piece of political marketing because who is against affordability? He came up with some affordability-related policies that got enough buzz, like promising free buses. Free buses are great, but it won’t help most working and poor New Yorkers get to work – they take the subway.

He has been very critical of Israel and has weathered charges of antisemitism.

In the older New York, progressive politicians such as the late Congressman Charlie Rangel were very hawkish on Israel.

What Mamdani understood is that in today’s America, the progressive wing of the Democratic Party does not care if somebody is, sounds like or comes close to being antisemitic. For those people, calling someone antisemitic sounds Trumpy, and they understand it as a right-wing hit, rather than the legitimate expression of concerns from Jewish people. Some liberals think that claims of antisemitism are simply something done just by those on the right to damage or discredit progressive politicians, but antisemitism is real.

Therefore, Mamdani’s record on the Jewish issue did not hurt him in the campaign, but he needs to build bridges to Jewish voters, or he will not be able to govern New York City.

How else did Mamdani appeal to a base of supporters?

He got the support of “limousine liberals” – including rich, high-profile, progressive people. His supporters include Ella Emhoff, a model and the stepdaughter of Kamala Harris, and the actress Cynthia Nixon, but there were many others. Supporting Mamdani became stylish – almost de rigueur – among certain segments of affluent New York.

Mamdani is also a true New Yorker and the voice of a new kind of immigrant. His parents are from Uganda and India. But he is also the child of extreme privilege – his mother, Mira Nair, is a well-known filmmaker, and his father is an accomplished professor. Mamdani went to top schools in New York and knows how to play in elite circles, and with white people. He is a Muslim man whose roots are in the Global South, not threatening because he knows how to speak their language.

But to people of color and immigrants, Mamdani is also one of them. Because of Mamdani’s interesting background, he brought the limousine liberals together with the aunties from Bangladesh.

Finally, on the charisma scale, Mamdani was so far ahead of other Democratic candidates. Who is going to make better TikTok videos – the good-looking, young man whose mother is a world-famous movie producer, or the older guy who is a loving father and husband but gives off dependable dad, rather than hip young guy, vibes?

Is New York City so distinct that you cannot compare politics there to what happens nationwide?

I think that nationwide or at the state level there is a potential for something similar to a Mamdani coalition, but not a Mamdani coalition exactly. But in a place like Oklahoma, there are people who are in bad economic shape and who will also respond positively to an affordability-focused, Democratic political campaign. Mamdani remade a progressive New York coalition for this moment. Other progressives politicians should copy the spirit of that and reimagine a winning coalition in their city, state or district.

When Trump was campaigning, he focused at least on making groceries cheaper. Mamdani is one of the few Democrats who took the affordability issue back from Trump and addressed it head on and in a much more honest and relevant way. Trump has the phrase, “Make America Great Again!” That’s a popular slogan on baseball caps for Trump supporters.

If Mamdani wanted to make a baseball cap, he could just print “Affordability” on it. Boom.

Other Democratic politicians can take that approach of affordability and reframe it in a way that works in Kansas City or elsewhere.

READ ORIGINAL STORY HERE

Monday, May 12, 2025

Okigbo And The Makerere Conference

Christopher Okigbo

BY JAMES GIBBS

What happened at and after the Makerere Writers Conference held in June 1962? The significance of the Conference of Writers of English Expression held in Makerere College, Kampala, during June 1962, continues to be pondered, and rightly so. As I write, a conference to mark the sixtieth anniversary of that gathering is being organised by the Pan-African Writers Association (PAWA), Nigerian Academy of Letters (NAL) and Association of Nigerian Authors (ANA), and is scheduled for June 23-26. It is to be hoped that questions raised by the original meeting will continue to be considered. There is certainly much about what happened 60 years ago that should be examined closely and, indeed, I note that, myth-making is still in progress. This was illustrated by the use of a photo-shopped picture to illustrate the article about the PAWA Conference by Akintayo Abodunrin carried in the Nigerian Tribune of June 19, 2022.(See ‘Ibadan hosts Pan-African Writers conference, 60 Years After Kampala’.) This is not the first time that this particular photograph has featured in relation to an event marking an anniversary of the 1962 Conference.

In London, during 2017, the same picture was used by the organisers of a London conference marking the 55th anniversary of the Makerere Conference. It is reproduced below, along with a ‘key’, and the full title that includes the words ‘artist impression.’ At the 2017 anniversary meeting, the picture filled the cyclorama behind the speakers who included Wole Soyinka. During an early session, I raised the question of the origin of the photograph, and went on to point out that whatever it showed it did not reveal the organisation that had funded the event. That is to say, it did not hint at the presence ‘behind the scenes’ at Makerere of the Central Intelligence Agency. As has since become common knowledge, the 1962 Makerere conference was financed by the CIA, then operating clandestinely through the Farfield Foundation and the Paris-based Congress for Cultural Freedom. The betrayal of trust involved in this deception has been chronicled in detail by Frances Stoner Saunders in her exposé of ‘The CIA and the Cultural Cold War’ entitled Who Paid the Piper? (1999).

The ‘photo-shopped’ photograph used in London in 2017 that has now resurfaced was a shoddy piece of work on several levels. To ‘pick apart’ the photograph, we must start by saying that it shows the heads of some of the writers present at the conference ‘grafted’ onto to bodies in a fairly formal picture of a group that may be of members of a Makerere College Society. This is monstrous enough and to imagine all is explained or excused by the description ‘Artist impression’ is preposterous. The deception is compounded by the fact that the picture does not show all who were present. A full ‘gallery’ would include, for example, critics, publishers, and editors, at least one of whom was a long-serving agent of the CIA.

The objectionable photograph is, I understand, the work of Dada Khanyisa for a website called ‘Chimurenga Chronic’. It was irresponsible of the London 2017 conference organisers to have used it in 2017 without a clear ‘Warning’, and it is sad to see it being used again, once more, without warning. Incidentally, it may be of interest that when Soyinka was button-holed after the first session of the London conference, and asked what he made of the picture, it was apparent that he had not ‘recognised himself’ in the podgy, suited figure on the extreme left. In part explanation,he pointed out that he had stopped wearing ties and suits long before June 1962!…It is to be hoped that the 60th Anniversary gathering will get off to a better start than the 2017 event, and that there will be a determination to get to the bottom of what really happened at Makerere in 1962. Despite the presence of Soyinka – and it should be said of Cameron Duodu -at the 55th anniversary in London, the gathering did not by any means sort out all the issues raised by the 1962 conference. Many loose ends remain. Serious research into archives are among the steps required to discover who expected what from the gathering.

Over the years, details about individual experiences at Makerere 1962 have emerged but the conference is still surrounded by uncertainty. Perhaps fifty-five years was too strange an anniversary to celebrate. It smacked of organisers who had failed to mark the fiftieth anniversary sufficiently and feared that none of the original participants would be alive at the time the sixtieth celebration – that has now ‘come along’.Perhaps the 60th Anniversary Conference will fare better?

Christopher Okigbo and Makerere 1962

To shed light on the 1962 Conference and to gesture towards areas where work is still required, I am going to bring together some reports and thoughts about the experience of the poet Christopher Okigibo at Kampala. I am doing so in the hope that it will provide an insight into what was going on below the surface and behind the scenes. Okigbo presents himself as a suitable subject for this exercise because he has been the subject of a scrupulous biography, Thirsting for Sunlight by Obi Nwakanma (2010), and because a significant ‘industry’ has gown up around him his life and works. For example, during 2007, he and his works were considered at a four-day conference held in Boston. Okigbo was easy to find at the Makerere Conference: he put himself forward, contributed to discussions, delighted in shocking the more staid of his fellow delegates, and generally ‘made his mark’. He did this by, for example, declaring that he did ‘not read his poetry to non-poets’ and he also took a leading role in ensuring that the social side of the conference was ‘memorable’. First some background to his presence at the Conference:

Okigbo graduated in Classics from University College, Ibadan, and embarked on a career in the Civil Service. However, that did ‘not work out’ and he moved into teaching. In the meantime, he had begun to write poetry and had had some success, notably with verses published in the Ibadan-based Black Orpheus. That publication had been founded by Ulli Beier, and had been put on a fairly solid financial basis thanks to grants from the ‘Farfield Foundation’ – that Saunders and others have exposed as a CIA front. Okigbo’s writing has long intrigued and pleased. By 1962, he had already attracted the interest of Donatus Nwoga, who was a member of the Nigerian delegation at Makerere and who must be briefly introduced here. By the time he set off for Makerere, Nwoga had completed a Dublin PhD and secured a lectureship at the University of Nigeria. He was, in fact, one of the first Nigerian literary critics to establish a reputation and it was inevitable that he would engage with Okigbo’s work. The two men had much in common: they were near contemporaries, and both had been brought up in Igbo families that had been exposed to Catholic missionary influences.

The Makerere Conference has become known as a ‘Writers Conference’, but this has tended to obscure the presence of critics, such as Nwoga. The same, misleading ‘short-hand’ has tended to obscure the presence at the Conference of others who were not writers. The ‘delegates’ included, for example, broadcasters, editors, and publishers, and people who were ‘more than publishers’ – see below. Okigbo clearly made an impact on the deliberations of the Conference. He did this, first of all, by his contribution to a discussion at the heart of the conference: the answer to the question: What is African writing? To this Okigbo responded abruptly, ‘finally’, and, as many must have felt, frivolously, by saying: ‘There is no such thing as African writing. There is only good or bad writing.’ (Nwakanma: 182.) Of Okigbo’s other contributions, Nwakanma records that in the session on Language and African Literature the poet threw ‘many of the writers into guffaws when he wondered aloud about the kind of Pidgin English Nigerian prostitutes spoke in Lagos.’ This topic – The Language Issue – has, of course, been of consuming interest to many, including one of the younger writers at the conference, ‘James T Ngugi’. One can’t imagine Ngugi wa Thiong’o – as he was later known guffawing at Okigbo’s irreverent answer.

At one of the reading sessions, Okigbo, declared, as noted above: ‘I don’t read my poems to non-poets!’ Nwakanma describes this as an ‘impish’ moment, however delegates at Makerere might have categorised it in other terms, as, for example, aloof, pompous or elitist.

‘A cool place for a conference’

Whatever others made of him, Okigbo described Kampala in positive terms. He thought it was ‘a cool place for a conference’, and, ever alert to recreational opportunities, he said it offered ‘more than adequate outlets at Top Life and White Nile’. (Night clubs visited by delegates.) However, he went on to describe Makerere / Kampala as ‘a literary desert’ and he expressed the hope that the Conference would do ‘what irrigation does to the Sudan.’ (It being understood that the image was of a ‘literary desert’ in need of water.)

Nwakanma gives further insights into Okigbo at Makerere by writing: ‘During the conference Okigbo was always to be found in the company of the Ugandan playwright and journalist Robert Serumaga and he struck up an easy friendship with the South African writers and exiles, Bloke Modisane and Lewis Nkosi.’ (181)While in Uganda, Okigbo also got to know Langston Hughes and Otis Redding. Nwakanma offers that the latter’ shared many views, especially on the meaning of international blackness and against racial essentialism in cultural production.’ The lastsentence of the paragraph on these interactions reads: ‘Okigbo and Robie Macauley, Editor of the Kenyon Review, discussed the possibility of publishing Limits and the early version of “Laments to the Silent Sisters.” But nothing came of it.’ (181)

In sifting these pieces of information, it is interesting to note that Serumaga’s name is omitted from some lists of those present at the conference. The fact that Nwakanma’s book makes it clear that Serumaga was not only present but interacted with Okigbodraws attention to the need for fuller, more authoritative documentation of the conference, and who came and went during it. Perhaps Serumaga’s established contacts with the University and his interests in both journalism and playwriting made him ‘persona grata’. He certainly sems to have moved in and out of the conference easily, and to have mingled with the visitors.

I want to draw this article to a close with the image created by Nwakanma’s reference to Okigbo in conversation with that other delegate who is glossed as the editor of the Kenyon Review, Robie Macauley. Macauley was indeed an influential editor, but he was also a long-serving CIA agent.

Macauley’s commitment to espionage is alluded to in on-line sources and in exposés of the CIA. From these it is possible to get a sense of how Macauley might have attempted to manipulate the ’soft power’ the CIA leveraged through its links to publications, its budget of $900,000,000, and the support it received from disenchanted Communists. Macauley was an experienced operator, how did he engage with the impish, witty, Okigbo? Did he, for example, dangle the prospect of publication in the Kenyon Review before the poet? If so, it can be seen that Okigbo did not swallow the bait – since ‘Limits’ first appeared in Presence Africaine (1966).

More research must be undertaken into what happened at Makerere in 1962. In the meantime, we must insist that coverage of the 60thanniversary conference risesabove photo-shopped images that have been concocted, confected, contrived, compounded, and cooked up. As a first step in searching for the truth about what happened in Uganda sixty years ago, it must be recognised that Dada Khanyisa’s ‘artist’s impression’ cannot be taken at face-value.

Gibbs writes in from Bristol, United Kingdom.

ARTICLE WAS PUBLISHED AT IGBO JOURNAL REVIEW 

Wednesday, February 28, 2024

ICC awards $56 Million In Reparations To Thousands Of Victims Of Convicted Ugandan Rebel Commander

 Dominic Ongwen sits in the court room to listen to the Appeals Chamber of the International Criminal Court’s judgment on the Defence’s appeals against his conviction and sentence in The Hague, Netherlands, Dec. 15, 2022. Judges at the International Criminal Court on Wednesday, Feb. 28, 2024, granted reparations of more than 52 million euros ($56 million) to tens of thousands of victims of the convicted commander in the the shadowy Ugandan rebel group the Lord’s Resistance Army, including former child soldiers and children born as a result of rapes and forced pregnancies. (Sem van der Wal/Pool Photo via AP)

BY MIKE CORDER

THE HAGUE, NETHERLANDS (AP)
— Judges at the International Criminal Court on Wednesday granted reparations of more than 52 million euros ($56 million) to thousands of victims of a convicted commander in the shadowy Ugandan rebel group the Lord’s Resistance Army.

The nearly 50,000 victims covered by the order included former child soldiers and children born as a result of rapes and forced pregnancies.

Dominic Ongwen was convicted three years ago of 61 offenses, including murders, rapes, forced marriages and recruiting child soldiers in 2002-2005. An ICC appeals panel upheld his convictions and 25-year sentence in late 2022, setting the stage for an order for reparations.

“Tens of thousands of individuals suffered tremendous harm due to the unimaginable atrocities committed” as rebel fighters led by Ongwen attacked four camps for displaced people in northern Uganda, said Presiding Judge Bertram Schmitt.

“Similarly, over 100 women and girls and thousands of children, boys and girls under the age of 15 suffered profound, multifaceted harm as a result of being kidnapped. Many were later subjected to sexual and gender based crimes and/or forced to serve as LRA soldiers, being kept in captivity with cruel methods of physical and psychological coercion,” he added.

Ongwen was not in court for the reparations hearing. While he is considered liable for the reparations, the court ruled that he is indigent and said the reparations will be paid by a trust fund for victims set up by the court’s member states.

Schmitt urged “states, organisations, corporations and private individuals to support the trust funds for victims’ mission and efforts and contribute to its fundraising activities.”

He said victims would each receive 750 euros ($812) as a “symbolic award” while other reparations would come in the form of community-based rehabilitation programs.

Evidence at Ongwen’s trial established that female civilians captured by the LRA were turned into sex slaves and wives for fighters. The LRA made children into soldiers. Men, women and children were murdered in attacks on camps for internally displaced people.

“The chamber concludes that the direct victims of the attacks, the direct victims of sexual and gender based crimes and the children born out of those crimes, as well as the former child soldiers, suffered serious and long-lasting physical, moral and material harm,” Schmitt said.

The LRA began its attacks in Uganda in the 1980s, when one of the court’s most-wanted fugitives, Joseph Kony, sought to overthrow the government. After being pushed out of Uganda, the militia terrorized villages in Congo, Central Africa Republic and South Sudan.

Ongwen was among those abducted by the militia led by Kony. As a 9-year-old boy, he was transformed into a child soldier and later a senior commander responsible for attacks on camps for displaced civilians in northern Uganda in the early 2000s.

Defense lawyers portrayed him as a victim of LRA atrocities. But the judge who presided over his trial called Ongwen “a fully responsible adult” when he committed his crimes.

Activists welcomed his convictions for offenses against women, which included rape, forced pregnancy and sexual slavery.

Kony, whose whereabouts are unknown, faces 36 charges, including murder, torture, rape, persecution and enslavement. Prosecutors are seeking to hold a hearing into the evidence against him at the court in Kony’s absence.

The LRA leader was thrust into the global spotlight in 2012 when a video about his crimes went viral. Despite the attention and international efforts to capture him, he remains at large.

ICC cases against three other LRA leaders were terminated after confirmation that they had died before they could be arrested.

Monday, October 16, 2023

Used Clothing From The West Is A Big Seller In East Africa. Uganda’s Leader Wants A Ban

A second hand clothes retailer folds second hand jeans at his stall at Owino Market in Kampala, the capital of Uganda, Friday, Sept. 15, 2023...(AP Photo/Hajarah Nalwadda) 

BY RODNEY MUHUMUZA

KAMPALA, UGANDA (AP) — Jostling for space, people jam the crowded footpaths crisscrossing a massive open market in Uganda’s capital. They are mostly looking for secondhand clothing, sifting through underwear for pairs that seem new or trying on shoes despite getting pushed around in the crush.

Downtown Kampala’s Owino Market has long been a go-to enclave for rich and poor people alike looking for affordable but quality-made used clothes, underscoring perceptions that Western fashion is superior to what is made at home.

Discarded by Europeans and Americans, these clothes are often purchased from wholesalers and then shipped to African countries by middlemen. It’s a multimillion-dollar business, with some two-thirds of people in seven countries in East Africa having “purchased at least a portion of their clothes from the secondhand clothing market,” according to a 2017 U.S. Agency for International Development study, the most recent with such details.

Despite the popularity, secondhand clothes are facing increasing pushback. Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni, a semi-authoritarian leader who has held power since 1986, declared in August that he was banning imports of used clothing, saying the items are coming “from dead people.”

“When a white person dies, they gather their clothes and send them to Africa,” Museveni said.

Trade authorities have not yet enforced the president’s order, which needs to be backed by a legal measure such as an executive order.

Other African governments also are trying to stop the shipments, saying the business amounts to dumping and undermines the growth of local textile industries. The East African Community trade bloc — consisting of Burundi, Congo, Kenya, Rwanda, South Sudan, Tanzania and Uganda — has recommended banning imports of used apparel since 2016. However, member states have not enforced it at the same pace amid pressure from Washington.

In Uganda, the president’s order has spread panic among traders, for whom such a ban, if implemented, spells disaster. They hawk used clothes in scores of large open-air markets across the country of 45 million people, at roadside stands and even in shops in malls where it’s possible to buy secondhand clothes marketed as new.

The clothes are cheap and drop further in price as traders make room for new shipments: a pair of denim jeans can go for 20 cents, a cashmere scarf for even less.

At one of Uganda’s Green Shops, a chain specializing in used clothes, apparel reseller Glen Kalungi shopped for items his customers might want: vintage pants for men and cottony tops for women.

“I am a thrift shopper,” he said. “I usually come to these Green Shops to check out clothes because they have the best prices around town.”

Kalungi likes to visit on clearance days when he can buy clothes for a fraction of a dollar. Then he sells them at a profit.

The chain, whose owners include Europeans, unveils new clothes every two weeks at its three stores. Some of the items are sourced from suppliers in countries including China and Germany, retail manager Allan Zavuga said.

“How they collect the clothes, we are not aware of that,” Zavuga said of their suppliers. “But (the clothes) go through all the verification, the fumigation, all that, before they are shipped to Uganda. And we get all documents for that.”

The Green Shops are environmentally friendly because they recycle used clothes in bulk, he said.

The association of traders in Kampala, known by the acronym KACITA, opposes a firm ban on used apparel, recommending a phased embargo that allows local clothing producers to build capacity to meet demand.

Some Ugandan apparel makers, like Winfred Arinaitwe, acknowledge that the quality of locally made fabric is often poor. Not surprisingly, many people would rather buy used clothing, she said.

“Because it lasts longer,” she said. “It can easily be seen.”

In Owino Market, a ban on used clothes is inconceivable to many, including some who say they don’t think the president’s threat was serious.

Abdulrashid Ssuuna, who tries to persuade customers in the market to stop by his brother’s used clothing business, said a ban would deny him a livelihood.

“It’s like they want to chase us out of the country,” he said of the president’s order. “From these old clothes, we get what to eat. If you say we leave this business, you are saying we go into new clothes. But we can’t afford to go there.”

Ssuuna approaches people in Owino Market to urge them to visit the stall where his brother sells used jeans. The market is aggressively competitive, with merchants sitting behind heaps of clothes and shouting words of welcome to possible customers.

If he helps his brother sell clothing, “I get something,” said Ssuuna, who started this work after dropping out of high school in 2020.

The market is always full of shoppers, but business is unpredictable: Traders must try to anticipate what customers are looking for before they are lured by other sellers.

Some days are better than others, said Tadeo Walusimbi, who has been a used-clothes trader for six years. A government ban is simply untenable, he warned.

It “will not work for me and for so many people,” Walusimbi said.

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