Showing posts with label Los Angeles. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Los Angeles. Show all posts

Wednesday, April 15, 2026

FELA KUTI: ROCK & ROLL HALL OF FAME 2026 INDUCTEE

Fela and Egypt 80 Band performs inside the shrine. Image: William F. Campbell, 1983

"The Shrine

The Rituals.

The Banter, Yabis Night.

The Audience.

The Protest Songs. Related Activism

Societal ills

Politicians and widespread Scandals of Bribery and Corruption

The junta, dictatorship and absolute shutdown of Press Freedom

No one else could have done it"

Afro Beat legend will be presented with the 'Early Influence Award' at the 2026 Rock & Roll Hall of Fame induction on November 14, 2026 at the Peacock Theater in Los Angeles.

Tuesday, August 05, 2025

The Global Health System Can Build Back Better After US Aid Cuts – Here’s How

A study volunteer in an Ebola vaccine trial receives inoculation at Redemption Hospital in Monrovia in 2017. NIAID/Wikimedia Commons

BY JONATHAN E. COHEN
PROFESSOR OF CLINICAL POPULATION AND
PUBLIC HEALTH SCIENCES, KECK SCHOOL OF
MEDICINE AND DIRECTOR OF POLICY 
ENGAGEMENT, INSTITUTE ON INEQUALITIES
AND GLOBAL HEALTH, UNIVERSITY OF
SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA

Steep cuts in US government funding have thrown much of the field of global health into a state of fear and uncertainty. Once a crown jewel of US foreign policy, valued at some US$12 billion a year, global health has been relegated to a corner of a restructured State Department governed by an “America First” agenda.

Whatever emerges from the current crisis, it will look very different from the past.

As someone who has spent a 25-year career in global health and human rights and now teaches the subject to graduate students in California, I am often asked whether young people can hope for a future in the field. My answer is a resounding yes.

More than ever, we need the dedication, humility and vision of the next generation to reinvent the field of global health, so that it is never again so vulnerable to the political fortunes of a single country. And more than ever, I am hopeful this will be the case.

To understand the source of my hope, it is important to recall what brought US engagement in global health to its current precipice – and how a historic response to specific diseases paradoxically left African health systems vulnerable.

Disease and dependency

Over two decades ago, the field of global health as we currently know it emerged out of the global response to HIV/Aids – among the deadliest pandemics in human history. The pandemic principally affected people of reproductive age and babies born to HIV-positive parents.

The creation of the US President’s Emergency Plan for Aids Relief (Pepfar) in 2003 was at the time the largest-ever bilateral programme to combat a single disease. It redefined the field of global health for decades to come, with the US at its centre. While both the donors and issues in the field would multiply over the years, global health would never relinquish its origins in American leadership against HIV/Aids.

Pepfar placed African nations in a state of extreme dependence on the US. We are now witnessing the results – not for the first time. The global financial crisis of 2008 reduced development assistance to health, which generated new thinking about financing and domestic resource mobilisation.

Yet, the US continued to underwrite Africa’s disease responses through large contracts to American universities and implementers. This was for good reason, given the urgency of the problem, the growing strength of Africa’s health systems as a result of Pepfar, and the moral duty of the world’s richest country.

With the rise of right-wing populism and the polarising effects of COVID-19, global health would come to be seen by many Americans as an elite enterprise. The apparent trade-off between public health countermeasures and economic life during COVID-19 – a false choice to experts who know a healthy workforce to be a precondition for a strong economy – alienated many voters from the advice of disease prevention experts. The imperative to “vaccinate the world” and play a leadership role in global health security lacked a strong domestic constituency. It proved no match for monopolistic priorities of the pharmaceutical industry and the insularity and economic anxieties of millions of Americans.

This history set the stage for the sudden abdication of US global health leadership in early 2025. By the time the Department of Government Efficiency came for USAID, many viewed global health as a relic of the early response to HIV/Aids, an excuse for other governments to spend less on health, or an industry of elites. The field was an easy target, and the White House must have known it.

Yet therein lies the hope. If global health came of age around a single disease, an exercise of US soft power, and a cadre of elite experts, it now has an opportunity to change itself from the ground up. What can emerge is a new global health compact, in which African governments design robust health systems for themselves and enlist the international community to assist from behind.

Opportunity to build back better

To build a new global health compact for Africa, the first change must be from a focus on combating individual diseases to ensuring that all people have the opportunity for health and well-being throughout their lives. Rather than allowing entire health systems to be defined by the response to HIV/Aids, tuberculosis and malaria, Africa needs integrated systems that promote:

primary care, which brings services for the majority of health needs closer to communities

health promotion, which enables people to take control of all aspects of their health and well-being

long-term care, which helps all people function and maintain quality of life over their entire lifespan.

No global trend compels this shift more than population ageing, which will soon engulf every nation as a result of lengthening life expectancy and declining fertility. As the proportion of older adults grows to outstrip that of children, societies need systems of integrated healthcare that help people manage multiple diseases. They don’t need fragmented programmes that produce conflicting medical advice, dangerous drug interactions, and crippling bureaucracy. Time is running out to make this fundamental shift.

Second, there is a need to shift the relationship between low-income and high-income nations towards shared investment in the service of local needs. This is beginning to happen in some places, and it will require greater sacrifices on all sides.

Low-income governments need to spend a higher percentage of their GDP on healthcare. That will in turn require addressing the many factors that stymie the redistribution of wealth, from corruption to debt to lack of progressive taxation. The US and other high-income countries need to pay their fair share, while also sharing decision-making over how global public goods, from vaccines to disease surveillance to health workers, are shared and distributed in an interconnected world.

Third, there is need to change the narrative of global health in wealthy countries such as the US to better connect to the concerns of voters who are hostile to globalism itself. This means addressing people’s real fears that public health measures will cost them their job, force them to close their business, or advance a pharmaceutical industry agenda. It means justifying global health in terms that people can relate to and agree with – that is, helping to save lives without taking responsibility for other countries’ health systems.

It means forging unlikely alliances between those who believe in leadership from the so-called global south and those who take an insular view of America’s role in the world.

Leading from behind

Make no mistake. I am not counting on this – or any – US administration to reinvent global health on terms that are more responsive to current disease trends, more equitable between nations, and more relevant to American voters.

But nor would I want them to. To create the global health for the future, the leadership must come not only from the US, but rather from a shared commitment among the community of nations to give and receive according to their capacities and needs. And that is something to hope for.

READ ORIGINAL STORY HERE

Saturday, June 14, 2025

Forcible Removal Of US Sen. Alex Padilla Signals A Dangerous Shift In American Democracy

U.S. Sen. Alex Padilla, a Democrat from California, speaks to news reporters outside the Wilshire Federal Building after he was forcibly removed from a press conference on June 12, 2025. Patrick T. Fallon/AFP via Getty Images

BY CHARLIE HUNT
ASSOCIATE PROFESSOR OF
POLITICAL SCIENCE,
BOISE STATE UNIVERSITY

Democratic leaders and a lone Republican senator, Alaska’s Lisa Murkowski, quickly decried the treatment of U.S. Sen. Alex Padilla of California and called for an investigation after he was removed from a press conference with Department of Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem on June 12, 2025, in Los Angeles, handcuffed and forced to the ground.

“Sir! Sir! Hands off!” Padilla, 52, shouted as several federal agents surrounded and moved him out of the room where Noem was speaking about the Los Angeles protests against immigration enforcement. “I am Senator Alex Padilla. I have a question for the secretary.”

Padilla, who unexpectedly appeared at the press conference and interrupted Noem as she was speaking during her prepared remarks, was released soon after and met with Noem. Tricia McLaughlin, the assistant secretary at the Department of Homeland Security, shared a video of the incident with Padilla on X, and wrote, “Incredibly aggressive behavior from a sitting US Senator. No one knew who he was.”

Amy Lieberman, a politics and society editor at The Conversation, spoke with Boise State University political scientist Charlie Hunt, an expert on Congress, to understand how political polarization and a shift in American political decorum may have contributed to the shocking moment of an American senator being forcibly removed from a press conference.


What is striking to you about what happened to Sen. Padilla?

What stood out to me was the aggressiveness with which Noem’s security officers detained Sen. Padilla and took him out of the room. We do not ever see something like this happen to members of Congress and particularly members of the Senate. Sen. Padilla represents 39 million people – he is not some back-bencher member of the House of Representatives. I think it’s safe to say that no other modern presidential administration has come close to treating an individual member of Congress in this way.

This is also a real turn in terms of the completely autocratic way in which Department of Homeland Security staff responded to the incident. They claimed in a social media post that Padilla didn’t identify himself at the briefing, even though, “I’m Senator Alex Padilla” were the first words out of his mouth in the video that they themselves shared.

What safeguards, if any, do members of Congress have that might protect their ability to speak freely, and publicly oppose the executive branch?

Members of Congress enjoy the same basic free speech rights that all Americans do, but they do also have an additional set of protections that are relevant to this incident.

Members of Congress have significant oversight power, which involves doing due diligence on what actions the executive branch is taking and making sure they’re complying with laws that Congress has passed.

As a Senate member from California, it’s perfectly legitimate for Padilla to want clarity on immigration enforcement actions that are taking place in Los Angeles. Padilla even clarified after the incident that he was at the press conference to get answers from the Department of Homeland Security that he and other Senate members have been seeking for weeks about deportations.

This is completely in line with Congress’ oversight power. Senators often question officials in committee hearings like we typically see, but they also conduct fact-finding missions to learn how executive actions are affecting their constituents.

Congress members also have protections stemming from the Constitution’s speech and debate clause. Essentially, they cannot be arrested or indicted for things they say in their official capacity, which – because of Congress’ oversight responsibility – Padilla was clearly within the bounds of here.

Yes, of course, Padilla was also trying to draw attention to himself and the issues he’s focused on. But it’s not against the law to be a little bit disruptive or to engage in political theater, especially thanks to these additional protections members of Congress typically enjoy.

What other factors led to this moment?

Something I’ve written about previously is a phenomenon called negative partisanship. This means that voters and Congress members alike are driven not so much by loyalty to their own party but instead a sort of seething hatred for the other political party. What gets the most clicks and views, and what drives voters more and more, is the idea that “we don’t just want to see voting along the party line – we want to see our team beating the other side into submission.” This incident with Sen. Padilla was a very literal embodiment of this principle.

More broadly, this helps explain why political violence is becoming a more accepted form of political speech, particularly on the far right.

We have seen violence during Trump’s campaigns, where hecklers would be roughed up by participants at rallies, at Trump’s encouragement. Certainly, we saw it at the Capitol attack on Jan. 6, 2021, and Trump’s subsequent pardons of those rioters.

Does Padilla’s removal have anything to do with Donald Trump specifically?

We can’t ignore the singular role Trump has played here. This is a uniquely authoritarian presidency, even much more so than the first Trump administration. By authoritarian, I mean a leader who tries to rule on his own and suppress all dissent. Trump didn’t create partisanship, political violence or negative partisanship. But there’s no getting around the fact that his past behavior and openness to violence have lowered the bar for decorum in American politics.

For example, if you have convinced your supporters that the people on the other side of the political aisle are “sick” or “nasty,” that they are going to ruin the country, then those supporters will become more willing to accept some of the actions Trump has taken, such as calling in the Marines on protesters in Los Angeles, or pardoning the Capitol attackers – even if they wouldn’t have been willing to accept that kind of response 20 years ago.

All of these things combined – negative partisanship, plus having a leader on one side that is willing to lower the decorum bar beyond where we thought was possible – is a recipe for things unfolding like we saw with Padilla.

What will you be watching for as this situation plays out?

My concern is the balance of powers between the executive and legislative branches of government. We expect competition between the branches, for “ambition to counteract ambition,” as James Madison put it, to ensure one branch doesn’t get too powerful. This incident was a huge step in the wrong direction.

As Congress has been steadily torn apart by partisanship, it’s given up lots of its power over the past half-century and no longer seems to see itself as a coequal branch of government with the executive.

As a result, authoritarian presidents and administrations see an opening to treat them this way without consequences. What Congress does in the next several days about this episode will speak volumes – or not – about whether it intends to ever reassert itself as an equal branch of government.

Democrats held the floor in the Senate all afternoon to demand answers about Padilla’s treatment. It will be revealing how Senate Majority Leader John Thune and others respond. Lisa Murkowski has said she’s pretty appalled by what happened. Meanwhile, Lindsey Graham seemed to imply that Padilla deserved what he got. Which route will Republicans, who control Congress, take?

READ ORIGINAL STORY HERE

Tuesday, June 10, 2025

Trump Orders Marines To Los Angeles As Protests Escalate Over Immigration Raids, Demonstrating The President’s Power To Deploy Troops On US Soil

National Guard members watch protests in Los Angeles on June 9, 2025. Luke Johnson/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images

BY WILLIAM C. BANKS
PROFESSOR EMERITUS OF PUBLIC
ADMINISTRATION AND INTERNATIONAL
AFFAIRS, SYRACUS UNIVERSITY

President Donald Trump ordered a contingent of about 700 Marines to Los Angeles on June 9, 2025, in response to what Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth described as “increased threats to federal law enforcement officers and federal buildings.”

This dramatic escalation of the military presence in Los Angeles followed Trump’s June 7 order to send about 2,000 National Guard troops into the city.

Both measures were Trump’s response to what he called “numerous incidents of violence and disorder” by those protesting his administration’s actions rounding up and deporting immigrants in the Los Angeles area.

State and local officials decried Trump’s actions, with California Gov. Gavin Newsom calling the move “purposefully inflammatory,” as well as “an illegal act.” California sued the Trump administration on June 9 to block its deployment of National Guard members. Other critics of Trump’s actions said the scale and character of the protests did not warrant such extreme measures.

Amy Lieberman, a politics and society editor at The Conversation U.S., spoke with William C. Banks, a scholar of the role of the military in domestic affairs, to understand the extent of a president’s power to send American troops to Los Angeles.


Can American troops be used inside the country?

They can, but it is an extraordinary exercise of authority to use troops domestically. It has rarely been done in the U.S. as a way of responding to a civil disturbance.

Congress has delegated that authority of deploying American troops domestically to the president in limited circumstances. Otherwise, the only authority is exercised by governors, who have control of the National Guard.

Why was American law set up this way?

The U.S. was founded in response to heavy-handed English use of the military by King George to interfere with the civil liberties and rights of the colonists in the lead-up to the American Revolution. So, when the founders created the U.S. Constitution, they were very careful to insert roadblocks that would make it difficult for the government to use troops to carry out its own programs.

The country’s framers also understood there might be occasions when it would be necessary to use the military domestically. They did a couple of things to control the exercise of military authority. One was to ensure that the commander in chief of the military was a civilian. Second, they gave the authority to call up the National Guard, what was known as the “militia” in those days, to Congress, not to the president, in order to create a separation of powers.

Under what circumstances can the president deploy troops to an American city?

Under the Insurrection Act, which was signed into law in 1807, a president can deploy troops during what is called an insurrection, simply meaning when all hell breaks loose. The president can decide that it is “impracticable,” according to the Insurrection Act, to enforce the laws of the U.S. in a given city, and he may call forth the military or the National Guard to help restore law and order.

In order to invoke the Insurrection Act, the president first has to make a proclamation to those he calls the insurrectionists to cease and desist. Unless the alleged insurrectionists immediately do what the president says, the president then has the authority to deploy forces.

Trump has repeatedly called the protesters in Los Angeles “insurrectionists,” but has also walked those remarks back and hasn’t made any kind of formal proclamation yet. When Trump ordered California’s National Guard members to deploy to Los Angeles on June 7, he did so on a narrow statutory authority to protect federal buildings, properties and personnel that were trying to enforce immigration laws.

What is the Posse Comitatus Act and how does it apply to the current situation in Los Angeles?

Congress passed the Posse Comitatus Act in 1878. This act’s name derives from an arcane Latin term that means “the power of the county.” This law establishes a legal presumption in the U.S. that the military, if it is deployed domestically, should not engage in law enforcement.

This act is an important part of American law. It means that the military and National Guard are trained on this principle that they are not to engage in domestic law enforcement activities. Those are reserved for police, sheriffs and marshals. Invoking the Insurrection Act is the principal exception to this law.

So the Insurrection Act allows the military to act as law enforcement officials?

That’s right. By invoking the Insurrection Act the military could act as cops and have the right to arrest, investigate and detain civilians, with only the Constitution as a check on its power.

This is not a situation that California National Guard members have trained for. They are trained to fight actual wildfires, but this is something entirely different.

Are there any legal roadblocks that could curb the president’s authority to send U.S. troops to Los Angeles?

The short answer to this question is no.

Can state governors or other elected officials prevent U.S. troops from being sent to their cities?

In many ways that is the main question right now. California’s governor, Gavin Newsom, has said that the state doen’t need these military forces. Newsom’s June 9 lawsuit against the Trump administration argues that the authority over the National Guard is reserved for states, “unless the State requests or consents to federal control.” That has not happened in this case.

READ ORIGINAL STORY HERE

Wednesday, December 18, 2024

LA County To Eliminate $500 Million In Medical Debt For Thousands Of Residents


LOS ANGELES (CNS) -- Due to a new pilot program, an estimated 150,000 residents across Los Angeles County will soon have their medical debt cleared, and thousands more will be notified in the coming month of similar news, officials announced Monday.

The L.A. County Department of Public Health launched its Medical Debt Relief Program, an initiative aimed to eliminate such debt that disproportionately affects vulnerable communities.

County officials said the program will initially eliminate $500 million in debt by using a $5 million investment to purchase medical debt for pennies on the dollar for low-income residents. The Board of County Supervisors approved the program earlier this year, which was spearheaded by Supervisors Janice Hahn and Holly Mitchell.

"No one should have to go into poverty to get the health care they need, and yet that's exactly what's happening,'' Hahn said. Medical debt is crushing families across our communities.''

She added that one in 10 adults, or approximately 785,000 residents, in the county are burdened with medical debt -- exacerbating inequities and forcing families to make hard decisions between paying for medical care or food and housing.

"L.A. County is going to step in and buy much of that debt, and instead of sending a bill to the person -- I love this part -- we're going to send a letter to our low-income residents letting them know that their medical debt has been eliminated,'' Hahn said.

Residents who receive assistance from the program can expect a letter as early as January.
How does the LA County Medical Debt Relief Program work?

Designed by the Medical Debt Coalition, a multi-sector group, the program seeks to eliminate $2 billion in medical debt for L.A. County residents.

In support of this goal, L.A. Care Health Plan has contributed an additional $2 million and the L.A. County Medical Association has provided another $1 million for the program, for a total of $8 million.

County officials expect the total investment to eliminate $800 million of medical debt for nearly 200,00 residents.

Initial participating hospitals include Martin Luther King Community Hospital and Adventist Health White Memorial Hospital, which will work with the national nonprofit organization, Undue Medical Debt, to retire qualifying medical debt and close accounts.

Qualifying medical debts are past due medical bills owed by Los Angeles County residents who earn up to 400% of the federal poverty level (FPL), according to the DPH.

Residents with past due medical bills do not need to apply and will receive a letter from Los Angeles County and Undue Medical Debt notifying them that their debt has been fully canceled.

"We are deeply grateful to our many partners who share our commitment to tackling the devastating damage of medical debt,'' Barbara Ferrer, director of DPH, said. "Together, we are working to ensure that every resident has a fair and just opportunity to achieve and maintain good health.''

In 2022, medical debt in Los Angeles County exceeded $2.9 billion, an increase of $300 million from the previous year.

This burden is similar in prevalence to chronic diseases like type 2 diabetes and disproportionately impacts families with children, low-income households and communities of color, including Latinx, Black, American Indian and Pacific Islander residents.

Residents who receive a medical bill they can't pay or did not expect can visit http://publichealth.lacounty.gov/hccp/medicalDebt/ for information and resources, including how to apply for free or discounted hospital services (charity care), legal advice & assistance, consumer counseling and tips for dealing with billing and collections.

Tuesday, December 17, 2024

Jazz Club Blue Note Opens New Los Angeles Venue And Take Over Hollywood Bowl Festival

Grammy winning artist and composer to curate events in L.A.

BY AUGUST BROWN

LOS ANGELES (LOS ANGELES TIMES)
- The acclaimed New York venue Blue Note Jazz Club is going to sweep through L.A.’s music scene in 2025.

The Greenwich Village club — long regarded as one of New York’s elite spaces for jazz — will open a new venue in Hollywood in March, with 200- and 100-capacity performance rooms and a full restaurant. The club already has outposts around the world, including Napa, Hawaii, Tokyo, Italy, China and Brazil.

The venue will again partner with Grammy-winning artist and composer Robert Glasper to curate events in L.A., building on his long-running “Robtober” artist residency.

“I’m honored to partner up with Blue Note once again for what will be a significant cultural intersection for the Los Angeles community. Los Angeles has always been a second home to me, and I can’t wait to bring L.A. culture to the Blue Note,” Glasper said in a statement.

The venue arrives at a mixed moment for local jazz clubs, as some beloved venues have shuttered and others are revamping to hang on.

Additionally, the venue will become the new flagship partner of the Hollywood Bowl Jazz Festival, which will be renamed the Blue Note Jazz Festival (it began as the Playboy Jazz Festival in 1979). Presented by the LA Phil, the revamped festival will debut June 14 at the Hollywood Bowl, with a full lineup announced February 18 and tickets on sale in May.

The Napa edition of the Blue Note Jazz Festival Napa began in 2022, with a mix of hip-hop and R&B that’s hosted headliners Nas, Mary J. Blige, Chance the Rapper and Maxwell.

“We are thrilled to join forces with Blue Note to launch the Blue Note Jazz Festival at the Hollywood Bowl,” LA Phil’s president and chief executive Kim Noltemy said in a statement. “This partnership represents a shared dedication to celebrating jazz and its extraordinary artists while continuing the legacy of world-class music at the Bowl. Together, we look forward to creating an unforgettable experience for jazz lovers in Los Angeles.”

Monday, October 14, 2024

“The Ritual” Tells The Story Of Inglewood Educator Tedric Johnson

Inglewood Educator Tedric Johnson (Los Angeles Standard)

BY JASON LEWIS

LOS ANGELES, CA (LOS ANGELES STANDARD)
-- The Spot SoDo Studios has produced a documentary on Inglewood educator Tedric Johnson, who taught Black and Latino boys at Morningside High School who many teachers did not want to deal with. Through the Schools with a Purpose program, Johnson took students who were considered trouble makers, and many of whom were in gangs, and turned them into positive and successful members of society.

“Mr. J took who California deemed as the worst,” said Dominic Banks, owner of The Spot SoDo Studios and a former student of Johnson’s. “I had given up on school. My mindset was more of a hustling mindset, and I didn’t care. The first day that I had walked in Mr. Johnson’s class, that brother gave me the ‘Autobiography of Malcolm X,’ and he told me to read this. I opened up that book and it changed my life. I turned from being the kid that didn’t care to one of the top students in his class. I made sure to be an example of his program to my other peers.”

“Mr. Johnson would call my house if I was not in his class,” said Los Angeles Fire Department Captain Robert Hawkins, who is also the president of the Los Angeles City Stentorians African American firefighters association and a former student of Johnson’s. “If I chose to ditch, he would know, and my mother would know. Because of Mr. Johnson’s influence, I didn’t want to get on his bad side. I looked up to him and respected him. I loved him like a fatherly figure. It meant everything in the world to me for him to be proud of me. He was my role model. He knew how to talk in business meeting but he also knew the gang culture. He knew the big homies from the neighborhood, and he squashed so many beefs in his class.”

Johnson was able to connect with the boys in his class because he had their same background. He went to school in Inglewood. He had a similar upbringing in the same neighborhoods as his students so he could connect with them in ways that other teachers could not.

“I knew the areas in which they came from,” Johnson said. “I could speak the jargon. I could relate to them. I was someone who they could connect with. I am them. I matriculated through the Inglewood schools. To see someone who came back to the community, who was once them, who went to college and graduated, participated in sports, that was something that gravitated them to me and I gravitated to them. They were able to see someone on a day to day basis who was able to go through the system within Inglewood and come back and be represented in a positive manner. As African American males, we see many people that we perceive as being role models, but they are not tangible. Athletes, entertainers, politicians. But how many times do you get to interact with that person on a day-to-day basis where they can provide them with quality time and mentoring?

“It was my job to make sure that these individuals were taught from a perspective that they could understand. It was culturally responsive teaching. To incorporate from an Afrocentric perspective. It was my job to tap into their greatness and instill confidence in them so that they could be successful.”

Johnson’s program was created by the Los Angeles County Office of Education in 1991 and it ran until 1997.

“The concept was that it was a school within a school model,” Johnson said. “The concept arose out of the need to help African American males matriculate through high school, middle school, and elementary. The reason why this came about was because the African American male population were being denied a quality education. They were suspended and expelled at a higher rate than any other ethnic group and gender. One of the main principles was to choose African American men to lead these classes. I was fortunate enough to be chosen.”

Johnson believed that it was not the Black males fault that they were not succeeding, but the system and individuals within the system who were not giving them a fair chance.

“Teachers were intimidated by some African American males,” Johnson said. “So any specific reason that they could give to eliminate them from the class — not having a pencil, coming late, not having homework — they used those excuses to get rid of them from their classes. So therefore, if they were not in class, it was difficult for them to learn and to matriculate through the system. If individuals are given the proper tools and the proper environment for success, they will succeed. Success must be presented to all individuals without obstacles.”

Johnson taught the core curriculum of English, math, science, and social studies. Through his class he saw that his students had great improvements in confidence, accountability, respect, and they were getting better grades. Johnson’s mentorship also steered his students away from gangs.

“Ultimately if some of them stayed on the track that they were on, that would lead to either incarceration or an untimely death,” Johnson said. “I preached that on a daily basis.”

Telling Johnson’s story was extremely important to Banks because Johnson changed his life and the lives of many others like him.

“This tells the story of a gentleman who came back to his community in spite of the various gang culture that was going on at that time,” Banks said. “It’s also important because of the teachers. A lot of times teachers are not looked upon or paid financially in the same stipend that we pay athletes or entertainers. We admire those people. But yet there wouldn’t be any athlete, entertainer, or politician, without a teacher. This is a story of the gentleman who enlightened a lot of us. As a society we’re failing our youth. We’re losing kids constantly. We have an influx of gangs and weapons. We need to go back to the core teaching when teachers cared. Teachers pretty much raise our kids. We send our kids to school for eight hours, and if the teacher isn’t right or is going through things, how can our kids listen?”

Many films about inner city Black life show a struggle throughout the story, but this documentary focuses on the change that these students made.

“We watched ‘Boyz N the Hood,’ ‘Menace II Society,’ and the various Black movies that always end the same way; with a mother crying and somebody dead,” Banks said. “Mr. Johnson’s story needed to be told because his program was successful and positive.”

The documentary features one of Johnson’s students who went on to become a scientist.

“That brother is an astrophysicist,” Banks said. “This was a brother that society had thrown away, that wasn’t going to make it. He meets Mr. Johnson, and Mr. Johnson puts him on the road to success. He gives him the confidence that he can be whatever he wants to be. As you see the movie, you will see how Mr. Johnson has touched people so that they can be successful in life and in their community.”

The environment that Johnson created inspired Hawkins to become a firefighter.

“I learned about the medical terms from his class,” Hawkins said. ‘Mandible,’ ‘phalanges,’ ‘occipital.’ He brought people to come and talk to us about opportunities.”

Johnson’s class instilled a confidence in Hawkins that he did not know that he had when he was put back in classes with the rest of the student body.

“When Mr. Johnson mainstreamed me, I still didn’t believe in myself,” Hawkins said. “It was my senior year, and he told me that I had to go. But I was getting on the honor roll for the first time. I trusted him, and when I was mainstreamed, it worked. That’s when I started believing in myself. I could do this on my own as a senior. I graduated early by having over credits by being in his class.”

The title of the film, “The Ritual” comes from rituals that Johnson had in his class. At the end of each class as each student left, Johnson would stand by the door and shake all of their hands. Johnson also used a ritual when his students broke rules.

“We had discipline in the class,” Hawkins said. “If you came late, or was ditching, you got your name on the board. We had this thing called ‘The Ritual.’ We went on the track and you ran miles and then we went into the weight room. You didn’t want your name on the board because that ritual hurt. But everyday we left his class we shook his hand.”

Sunday, October 06, 2024

As Affordable Housing Disappears, States Scramble To Shore Up The Losses

A general view of Hillside Villa, where Marina Maalouf is a longtime tenant, is seen in Los Angeles, Wednesday, Sept. 18, 2024. (AP Photo/Jae C. Hong)

BY JESSE BEDYAN AND ARUSHI GUPTA

LOS ANGELES (AP)
— For more than two decades, the low rent on Marina Maalouf’s apartment in a blocky affordable housing development in Los Angeles’ Chinatown was a saving grace for her family, including a granddaughter who has autism.

But that grace had an expiration date. For Maalouf and her family it arrived in 2020.

The landlord, no longer legally obligated to keep the building affordable, hiked rent from $1,100 to $2,660 in 2021 — out of reach for Maalouf and her family. Maalouf’s nights are haunted by fears her yearslong eviction battle will end in sleeping bags on a friend’s floor or worse.

While Americans continue to struggle under unrelentingly high rents, as many as 223,000 affordable housing units like Maalouf’s across the U.S. could be yanked out from under them in the next five years alone.

It leaves low-income tenants caught facing protracted eviction battles, scrambling to pay a two-fold rent increase or more, or shunted back into a housing market where costs can easily eat half a paycheck.

Those affordable housing units were built with the Low-Income Housing Tax Credit, or LIHTC, a federal program established in 1986 that provides tax credits to developers in exchange for keeping rents low. It has pumped out 3.6 million units since then and boasts over half of all federally supported low-income housing nationwide.

“It’s the lifeblood of affordable housing development,” said Brian Rossbert, who runs Housing Colorado, an organization advocating for affordable homes.





That lifeblood isn’t strictly red or blue. By combining social benefits with tax breaks and private ownership, LIHTC has enjoyed bipartisan support. Its expansion is now central to Democratic presidential candidate Kamala Harris’ housing plan to build 3 million new homes.

The catch? The buildings typically only need to be kept affordable for a minimum of 30 years. For the wave of LIHTC construction in the 1990s, those deadlines are arriving now, threatening to hemorrhage affordable housing supply when Americans need it most.

“If we are losing the homes that are currently affordable and available to households, then we’re losing ground on the crisis,” said Sarah Saadian, vice president of public policy at the National Low Income Housing Coalition.

“It’s sort of like having a boat with a hole at the bottom,” she said.

Not all units that expire out of LIHTC become market rate. Some are kept affordable by other government subsidies, by merciful landlords or by states, including California, Colorado and New York, that have worked to keep them low-cost by relying on several levers.

Local governments and nonprofits can purchase expiring apartments, new tax credits can be applied that extend the affordability, or, as in Maalouf’s case, tenants can organize to try to force action from landlords and city officials.

Those options face challenges. While new tax credits can reup a lapsing LIHTC property, they are limited, doled out to states by the Internal Revenue Service based on population. It’s also a tall order for local governments and nonprofits to shell out enough money to purchase and keep expiring developments affordable. And there is little aggregated data on exactly when LIHTC units will lose their affordability, making it difficult for policymakers and activists to fully prepare.

There also is less of a political incentive to preserve the units.

“Politically, you’re rewarded for an announcement, a groundbreaking, a ribbon-cutting,” said Vicki Been, a New York University professor who previously was New York City’s deputy mayor for housing and economic development.






“You’re not rewarded for being a good manager of your assets and keeping track of everything and making sure that you’re not losing a single affordable housing unit,” she said.

Maalouf stood in her apartment courtyard on a recent warm day, chit-chatting and waving to neighbors, a bracelet with a photo of Che Guevarra dangling from her arm.

“Friendly,” is how Maalouf described her previous self, but not assertive. That is until the rent hikes pushed her in front of the Los Angeles City Council for the first time, sweat beading as she fought for her home.

Now an organizer with the LA Tenants’ Union, Maalouf isn’t afraid to speak up, but the angst over her home still keeps her up at night. Mornings she repeats a mantra: “We still here. We still here.” But fighting day after day to make it true is exhausting.

Maalouf’s apartment was built before California made LIHTC contracts last 55 years instead of 30 in 1996. About 5,700 LIHTC units built around the time of Maalouf’s are expiring in the next decade. In Texas, it’s 21,000 units.






When California Treasurer Fiona Ma assumed office in 2019, she steered the program toward developers committed to affordable housing and not what she called “churn and burn,” buying up LIHTC properties and flipping them onto the market as soon as possible.

In California, landlords must notify state and local governments and tenants before their building expires. Housing organizations, nonprofits, and state or local governments then have first shot at buying the property to keep it affordable. Expiring developments also are prioritized for new tax credits, and the state essentially requires that all LIHTC applicants have experience owning and managing affordable housing.

“It kind of weeded out people who weren’t interested in affordable housing long term,” said Marina Wiant, executive director of California’s tax credit allocation committee.

But unlike California, some states haven’t extended LIHTC agreements beyond 30 years, let alone taken other measures to keep expiring housing affordable.

Colorado, which has some 80,000 LIHTC units, passed a law this year giving local governments the right of first refusal in hopes of preserving 4,400 units set to lose affordability protections in the next six years. The law also requires landlords to give local and state governments a two-year heads-up before expiration.

Still, local governments or nonprofits scraping together the funds to buy sizeable apartment buildings is far from a guarantee.

Stories like Maalouf’s will keep playing out as LIHTC units turn over, threatening to send families with meager means back into the housing market. The median income of Americans living in these units was just $18,600 in 2021, according to the Department of Housing and Urban Development.

“This is like a math problem,” said Rossbert of Housing Colorado. “As soon as one of these units expires and converts to market rate and a household is displaced, they become a part of the need that’s driving the need for new construction.”

“It’s hard to get out of that cycle,” he said.

Colorado’s housing agency works with groups across the state on preservation and has a fund to help. Still, it’s unclear how many LIHTC units can be saved, in Colorado or across the country.

It’s even hard to know how many units nationwide are expiring. An accurate accounting would require sorting through the constellation of municipal, state and federal subsidies, each with their own affordability requirements and end dates.

That can throw a wrench into policymakers’ and advocates’ ability to fully understand where and when many units will lose affordability, and then funnel resources to the right places, said Kelly McElwain, who manages and oversees the National Housing Preservation Database. It’s the most comprehensive aggregation of LIHTC data nationally, but with all the gaps, it remains a rough estimate.

There also are fears that if states publicize their expiring LIHTC units, for-profit buyers without an interest in keeping them affordable would pounce.

“It’s sort of this Catch-22 of trying to both understand the problem and not put out a big for-sale sign in front of a property right before its expiration,” Rossbert said.

Meanwhile, Maalouf’s tenant activism has helped move the needle in Los Angeles. The city has offered the landlord $15 million to keep her building affordable through 2034, but that deal wouldn’t get rid of over 30 eviction cases still proceeding, including Maalouf’s, or the $25,000 in back rent she owes.

In her courtyard, Maalouf’s granddaughter, Rubie Caceres, shuffled up with a glass of water. She is 5 years old, but with special needs, her speech is more disconnected words than sentences.

“That’s why I’ve been hoping everything becomes normal again, and she can be safe,” said Maalouf, her voice shaking with emotion. She has urged her son to start saving money for the worst.

“We’ll keep fighting,” she said, “but day by day it’s hard.”

“I’m tired already.”

Bedayn reported from Denver.
___


Bedayn is a corps member of The Associated Press/Report for America Statehouse News Initiative. Report for America is a nonprofit national service program that places journalists in local newsrooms to report on undercovered issues.

Sunday, August 25, 2024

The Impossibility Of Children’s Television



BY MADELINE ULRICH

CHILDREN’S FICTION often belongs to children in name alone. After all, narratives of childhood are largely written by adults, usually to reinforce what Henry Jenkins has called “the myth of childhood innocence”—an ideal that envisions the child as somehow universal, apolitical, and sacred. “Too often,” Jenkins writes,

our culture imagines childhood as a utopian space, separate from adult cares and worries, free from sexuality, outside social divisions, closer to nature and the primitive world, more fluid in its identity and its access to the realms of imagination, beyond historical change, more just, pure, and innocent, and in the end, waiting to be corrupted or protected by adults.

Bound by the contradiction of being vulnerable to politics and at the same time magically beyond its purview, the figure of the child in popular culture does not reflect material realities. Instead, as Lee Edelman says in his 2004 book No Future: Queer Theory and the Death Drive, the image is of a “fantasmatic Child”: a repository of utopian hopes and dreams but also a battleground of deep-seated and incoherent cultural anxieties.

Two examples of popular media from this year, the viral Max/Investigation Discovery docuseries Quiet on Set: The Dark Side of Kids TV and the A24 sci-fi/horror film I Saw the TV Glow, reveal the limits of the childhood innocence myth. They both also happen to draw attention to two major cultural forces so often blamed for corrupting the innocent child: television and queerness. Interestingly, both texts link these two forces together, albeit in distinct ways and to different ends. In Quiet on Set, viewers witness the toxic treatment of child actors working for the popular kids’ cable network Nickelodeon in the 1990s and early 2000s. The majority of the docuseries attributes the on-set abuses to a handful of “bad apples”—including two queer Nickelodeon employees—and each episode unpacks in detail the specific nature of their transgressions. By compiling and displaying evidence of Nickelodeon’s mishandling of child stars in the making of its shows, Quiet on Set proposes that television for children comes at a significant cost to children. As the title suggests, the making of kids’ TV must involve a “dark side”—one that includes but is not limited to the suppression, abuse, and manipulation of vulnerable young stars by adults who may care more about the business of “kids’ TV” than they do about actual kids.

I Saw the TV Glow, written and directed by Jane Schoenbrun, also links queerness and television. Rather than present television as threatening in the “bogeyman” sense, the film suggests that TV is a disruptive force to the status quo; in the film, it threatens both the imaginary separateness of kids’ TV from other types of media and the myth that childhood is somehow devoid of or separate from queer and trans ways of life. The film centers on a different kind of youth-focused television that emerged in the same historical moment as Nickelodeon: the meteoric rise of the WB and UPN networks in the year 1995 and the “youth market” that became their demographic targets. The two main characters, teenagers Owen (Justice Smith) and Maddy (Brigette Lundy-Paine), share an obsession with a coming-of-age, supernatural horror series called The Pink Opaque that airs on the “Young Adult Network,” a fictionalized WB/UPN counterpart. When both Owen and Maddy become hyper-identified with the two teen protagonists at center of the program (whose mission is to slay villains sent by the “big bad” Mr. Melancholy week after week), their existence as suburban teenagers—and their desire to eventually lead normal lives as adults—is thrown into doubt.

Described by the director as an allegory for the experience of coming out as trans, I Saw the TV Glow constructs an analogy between the fantasy worlds that television may provide us and the not-so-distant fantasy of creating a queer life outside of the norms often prescribed for children. The choice between what is queer and what is normative materializes when The Pink Opaque eventually impels one of the teens, Maddy, to reject the reality of suburban life in favor of a different universe, while Owen is left with the choice to remain in his current reality—despite knowing there might be a challenging but fulfilling alternative—or to follow Maddy to an unknown plane of existence.

Both Quiet on Set and I Saw the TV Glow explore anxieties around television, gender, sexuality, and queerness, but both also confront the impossibility of “kids’ TV.” Each text, in its respective style and subject matter, points to the potential hazards of seeing both kids’ media and children themselves as existing in a vacuum, apart from the realities of adulthood. Both texts also suggest the inevitable damage that results from adults’ investment in producing certain ideas of the child—harm that ranges from the literal and physical to the figural and symbolic—and in pushing on children ideas of the good life grounded in financial and commercial success, rather than other metrics of happiness and fulfillment. The medium of television at the center of Quiet on Set and I Saw the TV Glow becomes an interesting zone to challenge the tensions at the heart of what we consider “good” for kids, in part because television itself is so often assumed to be “bad” for them. Quiet on Set and I Saw the TV Glow suggest that it is not television itself that is inherently good or bad; instead, they illustrate how TV becomes imbued with specific values to different and sometimes disparate ends. If both I Saw the TV Glow and Quiet on Set show the figure of the child under threat, the former locates that threat not in television but in the surrounding culture. By contrast, Quiet on Set seems to hold out on the promise of television’s “good” (consumer) influence on children, if only it can be saved from a few “big bad” executives and crew members.

In the opening moments of I Saw the TV Glow, the viewer first meets Owen—a quiet and shy seventh grader—when he stumbles upon the mysterious and brooding ninth grader Maddy hiding in the cafeteria reading an episode guide of The Pink Opaque. “It’s a kids’ show, right?” Owen hesitantly asks when he sees her book. Maddy launches into an annoyed yet cool defense of the show’s narrative merits and sophisticated horrors, claiming that while “technically it’s on the Young Adult Network […] it’s way too scary, and the mythology is way too complicated for most kids.” The film is less interested in answering Owen’s question (is it a kids’ show?) than it is in using such a question as a central refrain: does being a “kids’ show” inherently negate an object’s political, or in this case queer, potential? Or does such a label as “kids’ TV”—with its associations of innocence and simplicity—perpetuate distinctions (such as “real world” versus “kids’ stuff”) that never truly existed in the first place?

Numerous reviews of the film have noted the striking similarities between The Pink Opaque and the WB/UPN television hit Buffy the Vampire Slayer (1997–2003). As Elana Levine and Lisa Parks observe in a book-length anthology on Buffy, “netlets” such as the WB and UPN catered to millennial adolescents and teens in the 1990s and early 2000s to differentiate themselves from the four major broadcast networks (CBS, NBC, ABC, and Fox). Just as Nickelodeon revolutionized a formerly niche kids’ network in pursuit of the child consumer, the WB and UPN elevated the importance of young adult content with shows like Buffy the Vampire Slayer, Dawson’s Creek (WB, 1998–2003), Smallville (WB/CW, 2001–11), Gilmore Girls (WB/CW, 2000–07), One Tree Hill (WB/CW, 2003–12), and Veronica Mars (UPN/CW, 2004–07). In the process, as Mary Celeste Kearney has argued, these shows could court a coveted youth market while selling an image of “youthfulness” and “cool” not just to those within the age demographic but also to those outside it. In other words, while seeming to be “about” and “for” adolescents, programs like Buffy and its fictional equivalent, The Pink Opaque, call into question the purity of labels like “teen” or “youth TV,” as well as the issues that may fall into their purview.

The first beat of the film’s narrative is a classic kid problem: Owen must find a way to successfully sneak over to Maddy’s house to catch an episode of The Pink Opaque. (His parents won’t let him stay up late enough to watch it.) As the episode begins, the film abruptly switches from wide-screen into TV’s classic 4:3 aspect ratio, along with a grainy, mid-1990s video feel, launching Owen, Maddy, and filmgoers into the odd and colorful world of The Pink Opaque. The teens are nearly hypnotized by the show, which features the deranged Ice Cream Man (a visual homage to Mr. Tastee from Nickelodeon’s The Adventures of Pete & Pete) as the episode’s villain. When the episode concludes, Owen asks, “Is the Ice Cream Man in every episode?” Maddy grows impatient with his lack of knowledge about the series’ rhythms and narrative structure. “No,” she says with a laugh, “That’s just a Monster of the Week! Mr. Melancholy is the Big Bad.” Maddy continues describing the characters with earnest excitement and intensity, elaborating on Mr. Melancholy:

MADDY: “He’s always messing with time and reality. He wants to rule the world, to trap Isabela and Tara in the Midnight Realm. So each week, he sends a new supernatural foe their way.”

OWEN: “Because they’re part of the Pink Opaque?”

MADDY: “No, because they are the Pink Opaque.”

Owen’s first experience of watching The Pink Opaque leaves him caught somewhere between exasperation at not quite “getting it” and excitement about the possibility of joining a new universe of characters and fellow fans. Owen’s emerging fandom quickly materializes as the film’s central allegory: joining a new world, whether with fictional characters in an imaginary realm or with queer community in real life, often requires leaving the old one, along with the ideologies we have internalized about what it means to live a “happy” or “fulfilled” life. When The Pink Opaque is canceled in 1998 after its fifth season, during Maddy’s final year of high school, Owen learns that his friend has vanished without a trace, apart from a burning TV left in the backyard of her family home. Only when the two are reunited 10 years later does Owen discover the reason for the abrupt disappearance: in an ode to the death of the main characters in The Pink Opaque’s series finale, Maddy too wanted to be buried alive, an act that would supposedly allow the show to continue forever. The unbelievable catch to Maddy’s plan, and the reason for her return, is that Owen, too, must bury himself alive in order for the show to go on. Owen is understandably disturbed and dumbfounded by Maddy’s story. “This is insane,” he stutters, as he tries to debunk Maddy’s theory that all along they, like the main characters, had been stuck in the Midnight Realm, and that his only way out is to do as she says. He begins recounting pleasant childhood memories: “I remember playing in the snow. Driving to baseball games with my dad. Cooking with my mom. […] This isn’t the Midnight Realm, Maddy. It’s just the suburbs.”

I Saw the TV Glow presents the loss of self that Maddy undergoes—even through something as seemingly innocuous as a kids’ show—as inherently alienating and violent. But even in connecting such loss to the experience of coming out as trans, as Schoenbrun does so convincingly, the film does not suggest that burying oneself alive—or the experience of coming to terms with one’s trans identity—is necessarily any more violent than the process of denying oneself the opportunity to live authentically. In the film, Owen experiences this denial of the self as death by a thousand cuts, both in the aftermath of Maddy’s disappearance and again when he rejects Maddy’s proposed plan, opting instead to continue on with “normal” life.

The film signposts the supposed pleasures of such a life through the progression of Owen’s adulthood: working at the movie theater and then at “the Fun Center,” and eventually buying his childhood home and having a family of his own. (Owen describes his life to the viewer, Pete & Pete–style, while looking directly into the camera as he picks up the brand-new LG flat-screen TV delivered to his porch.) Despite seeming to have made peace with his choices, he secretly ponders the what-if, divulging his insecurity in a voiceover narration:

I found myself wondering: What if she was right? What if she had been telling the truth? What if I really was someone else? Someone beautiful and powerful? Someone buried alive and suffocating to death? Very far away, on the other side of the television screen? But I know that’s not true. That’s just fantasy. Kids’ stuff.

“Kids’ stuff.” The phrase is a stand-in for a variety of affects, from describing what is simple, silly, and frivolous to anything deemed inherently innocuous and innocent. But the point of I Saw the TV Glow, as well as Quiet on Set, is that both this conception of “kids’ stuff” and the idea that it is somehow “over there” in kiddie land—in children’s TV, books, cartoons, comics, video games, and toys—but not “here,” in the real, “adult” world, is the actual fantasy. Rather than classifying the desire to find oneself as “kids’ stuff,” I Saw the TV Glow instead insists that it’s never too late (or too early) to take that desire seriously. As Maddy writes in chalk on the pavement outside of Owen’s house: “There is still time.”

In the last act of the film, Owen experiences a final, torturous cut, revealing the TV’s glow inside of himself. In opening himself up—literally—to the TV’s glowing light within, the film seems to propose that the true horror is not that media might make your kid queer or trans (if they weren’t already). Rather, as the viewer sees when Owen opens and closes himself back up, the danger is that, as adults, we might deny the truths that will certainly unsettle what we are told makes a happy life but that also make life worth living.

In I Saw the TV Glow, adults serve less as the film’s “Big Bad” than as a continuous reminder that harm to kids can take many guises. Like many kids’ and teen shows of the 1990s, in which parents are largely absent, most of the adults in I Saw the TV Glow—aside from Owen’s ailing mother—hinder their children through neglect, apathy, and subtle disdain. In one of the film’s early scenes, ninth-grade Owen asks his parents if he can stay up late to watch The Pink Opaque. “Isn’t that a show for girls?” his otherwise silent father dismissively remarks from the driver’s seat. Comments such as these, the film suggests, are all the more powerful in their subtlety.

In Quiet on Set, the harmful impact of adults on children’s lives and culture is made much more explicit. Indeed the “explicit” nature of this impact—on kid stars put into “comedic” situations that include pornographic references, or who are subjected to molestation and sexual abuse—is the docuseries’ main revelation and the primary source of its shock value. These revelations are presented as especially shocking given Nickelodeon’s reputation as a place where “kids rule” (doubly implying both kids’ self-governance and their superiority). As Sarah Banet-Weiser argues in her 2007 book Kids Rule! Nickelodeon and Consumer Citizenship, far from imagining children as innocent or unsophisticated spectators, Nickelodeon differentiated itself in the late 20th-century cable marketplace by instead identifying its kid audience as “empowered citizen consumers”; it addressed its young demographic as technologically savvy, cool, and socially aware, yet irreverent towards “grown-up” virtues and tastes. The network’s “kids only” programming highlights children’s empowerment as a matter of choice and consumption. A lineup of kid-hosted late-night and variety shows spoofing Saturday Night Live and The Tonight Show, televised award ceremonies like the Kids’ Choice Awards, and cartoons and sitcoms focused on issues facing children and teens gesture toward the genres and conventions of “grown-up” TV while suggesting a better attunement to kid viewers through a “by kids, for kids” trademark.

Indeed, the opening moments of Quiet on Set feature former child actors praising Nickelodeon and its shows for minimizing parents’ roles in the stories and on the set. Kids’ entertainment, viewers in the 1990s were told, was the first and foremost concern of the network. But the assembled evidence—taped and behind-the-scenes footage, alongside talking heads–style interviews with former Nickelodeon cast members, their parents, and crew members—suggests that working for Nickelodeon did not exactly align with this kids-first experience sold by the network. Instead, Quiet on Set showcases horrifying tales of mistreatment: child stars were subject to microaggressions due to their race or gender and made to perform abject physical stunts (getting drenched in the infamous Nickelodeon “slime,” for example, but also being forced to swallow insects and submerge themselves in tanks of live animals, part of an effort to imitate adult game shows like Fear Factor). “It was a house of horrors. House of horrors!” recalls the mom of child star Bryan Christopher Hearne. The docuseries suggests that Hearne was fired from the sketch comedy show All That (1994–2005) because his mother complained about the behavior she saw from adults on set. Then, in a jump scare–like fashion, the show cuts to the story of Jason Michael Handy, a Nickelodeon crew member and one of a handful of men accused of inappropriate behavior (in Handy’s case, child pornography and lewd acts). A later episode tells the story of Brian Peck, a Nickelodeon dialogue coach charged with the sexual abuse of a child star. (The docuseries makes a big deal out of revealing the identity of the survivor, actor Drake Bell.) The details of both cases are incredibly unsettling, and somewhat predictably, Nickelodeon brushed Handy’s case under the rug. Peck, meanwhile, continued to work on children’s shows for Disney after his conviction, though he was terminated when Disney discovered his history.

No one would deny that the acts of pedophilia that occurred on set at Nickelodeon are deeply upsetting. Yet a central question that goes unanswered throughout Quiet on Set is its goal in revisiting these traumas. Is it to problematically reinforce the stereotypical association between pedophilia and homosexuality, an association that comes up repeatedly in the tale of Brian Peck (who is gay)? Or to imply that the women on set, those in the writer’s room as well as the mothers of these child actors, are to blame for the harm that came to these children, just as much as or even more so than the TV executives at the helm when these abuses occurred?

What the series fails to question, in other words, is the very ideal of “children’s TV” itself—or rather, the impossibility of kids’ TV. As the feminist critic Jacqueline Rose once put it regarding the children’s novel Peter Pan:

Children’s fiction is impossible, not in the sense that it cannot be written (that would be nonsense), but in that it hangs on an impossibility, one which it rarely ventures to speak. This is the impossible relation between adult and child. Children’s fiction is clearly about that relation, but it has the remarkable characteristic of being about something which it hardly ever talks of. Children’s fiction sets up a world in which the adult comes first (author, maker, giver) and the child comes after (reader, product, receiver), but where neither of them enter the space in between. To say that the child is inside the book—children’s books are after all as often as not about children—is to fall straight into a trap. It is to confuse the adult’s intention to get at the child with the child it portrays. If children’s fiction builds an image of the child inside the book, it does so in order to secure the child who is outside the book, the one who does not come so easily within its grasp.

To put it differently, if children’s television is always already impossible—not in the sense that it doesn’t exist as an industrial category (Nickelodeon proved otherwise), but that it is indeed a misnomer. What gets lost when we insist on the label “children’s television,” rather than calling the form what it actually is—namely, “television written for kids by adults”? (Or is that too clunky for marketing campaigns?)

Unlike Quiet on Set, I Saw the TV Glow faces the impossibility of children’s television head-on by insisting that the contradictions of media designed for kids need not be resolved so much as explored, acknowledged, or even embraced. If both children’s television and childhood itself hinge upon the impossible relation between adult and child, as Rose proposes, it is worth wondering what is to be done about this impossibility. Quiet on Set serves as a cautionary tale about the desire to collapse the distinction between adult and child when it describes a kind of television that claims to address kids “as kids” but really intends to transform them into mini-adults. I Saw the TV Glow, on the other hand, imagines a kind of television that addresses young adults as such, while doing what Rose claims can never be done: it is in fact about that very relation between child and adult. Schoenbrun’s film does not suggest that this impossibility can be resolved but rather that acknowledging it is perhaps the best we can do for kids—including the ones inside all of us.

READ ORIGINAL STORY HERE

Wednesday, August 21, 2024

Los Angeles Is In A 4-Year Sprint To Deliver A Car-Free 2028 Olympics



BY JAY L. ZAGORSKY
ASSOCIATE PROFESSOR OF MARKETS,
PUBLIC POLICY AND LAW,
BOSTON UNIVERSITY

With the Olympic torch extinguished in Paris, all eyes are turning to Los Angeles for the 2028 Olympics.

The host city has promised that the next Summer Games will be “car-free.”

For people who know Los Angeles, this seems overly optimistic. The car remains king in LA, despite growing public transit options.

When LA hosted the Games in 1932, it had an extensive public transportation system, with buses and an extensive network of electric streetcars. Today, the trolleys are long gone; riders say city buses don’t come on schedule, and bus stops are dirty. What happened?

This question fascinates me because I am a business professor who studies why society abandons and then sometimes returns to certain technologies, such as vinyl records, landline phones and metal coins. The demise of electric streetcars in Los Angeles and attempts to bring them back today vividly demonstrate the costs and challenges of such revivals.
Riding the Red and Yellow Cars

Transportation is a critical priority in any city, but especially so in Los Angeles, which has been a sprawling metropolis from the start.

In the early 1900s, railroad magnate Henry Huntington, who owned vast tracts of land around LA, started subdividing his holdings into small plots and building homes. In order to attract buyers, he also built a trolley system that whisked residents from outlying areas to jobs and shopping downtown.

By the 1930s, Los Angeles had a vibrant public transportation network, with over 1,000 miles of electric streetcar routes, operated by two companies: Pacific Electric Railway, with its “Red Cars,” and Los Angeles Railway, with its “Yellow Cars.”

The system wasn’t perfect by any means. Many people felt that streetcars were inconvenient and also unhealthy when they were jammed with riders. Moreover, streetcars were slow because they had to share the road with automobiles. As auto usage climbed and roads became congested, travel times increased.

Nonetheless, many Angelenos rode the streetcars – especially during World War II, when gasoline was rationed and automobile plants shifted to producing military vehicles.

Demise of public transit

The end of the war marked the end of the line for streetcars. The war effort had transformed oil, tire and car companies into behemoths, and these industries needed new buyers for goods from the massive factories they had built for military production. Civilians and returning soldiers were tired of rationing and war privations, and they wanted to spend money on goods such as cars.

After years of heavy usage during the war, Los Angeles’ streetcar system needed an expensive capital upgrade. But in the mid-1940s, most of the system was sold to a company called National City Lines, which was partly owned by the carmaker General Motors, the oil companies Standard Oil of California and Phillips Petroleum, and the Firestone tire company.

These powerful forces had no incentive to maintain or improve the old electric streetcar system. National City ripped up tracks and replaced the streetcars with buses that were built by General Motors, used Firestone tires and ran on gasoline.

There is a long-running academic debate over whether self-serving corporate interests purposely killed LA’s streetcar system. Some researchers argue that the system would have died on its own, like many other streetcar networks around the world.

The controversy even spilled over into pop culture in the 1988 movie “Who Framed Roger Rabbit,” which came down firmly on the conspiracy side.

What’s undisputed is that, starting in the mid-1940s, powerful social forces transformed Los Angeles so that commuters had only two choices: drive or take a public bus. As a result, LA became so choked with traffic that it often took hours to cross the city.

In 1990, the Los Angeles Times reported that people were putting refrigerators, desks and televisions in their cars to cope with getting stuck in horrendous traffic. A swath of movies, from “Falling Down” to “Clueless” to “La La Land,” have featured the next-level challenge of driving in LA.

Traffic was also a concern when LA hosted the 1984 Summer Games, but the Games went off smoothly. Organizers convinced over 1 million people to ride buses, and they got many trucks to drive during off-peak hours. The 2028 games, however, will have roughly 50% more athletes competing, which means thousands more coaches, family, friends and spectators. So simply dusting off plans from 40 years ago won’t work.

Olympic transportation plans

Today, Los Angeles is slowly rebuilding a more robust public transportation system. In addition to buses, it now has six light-rail lines – the new name for electric streetcars – and two subways. Many follow the same routes that electric trolleys once traveled. Rebuilding this network is costing the public billions, since the old system was completely dismantled.

Three key improvements are planned for the Olympics. First, LA’s airport terminals will be connected to the rail system. Second, the Los Angeles organizing committee is planning heavily on using buses to move people. It will do this by reassigning some lanes away from cars and making them available for 3,000 more buses, which will be borrowed from other locales.

Finally, there are plans to permanently increase bicycle lanes around the city. However, one major initiative, a bike path along the Los Angeles River, is still under an environmental review that may not be completed by 2028.

Car-free for 17 days

I expect that organizers will pull off a car-free Olympics, simply by making driving and parking conditions so awful during the Games that people are forced to take public transportation to sports venues around the city. After the Games end, however, most of LA is likely to quickly revert to its car-centric ways.

As Casey Wasserman, chair of the LA 2028 organizing committee, recently put it: “The unique thing about Olympic Games is for 17 days you can fix a lot of problems when you can set the rules – for traffic, for fans, for commerce – than you do on a normal day in Los Angeles.”

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Monday, August 12, 2024

From Paris To Los Angeles: How The City Is Preparing For The 2028 Olympics

Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass holds the official Olympic flag returning to Los Angeles at the Los Angeles International Airport on Monday, August 12, 2024. (AP Photo/Damian Doverganes)

BY JAIMIE DING and ANDREW DALTON

LOS ANGELES (AP)
— It’s Los Angeles’ turn for the torch. Mayor Karen Bass accepted the Olympic flag at the Paris closing ceremony Sunday, before handing it off to a key representative of LA’s local business — Tom Cruise — who in a pre-recorded trek via motorcycle, plane and parachute kicked off the countdown to 2028.

The city will become the third in the world to host the games three times as it adds to the storied years of 1932 and 1984. Here’s a look forward and back in time at the Olympics in LA.

LA’s Olympic trilogy

Los Angeles got the 2028 games as a consolation prize when Paris was picked for 2024.

Back in 1932, LA hosted its first Olympics. The city was the only bidder for the games at a time marred by the Great Depression and the absence of several nations. Yet memorable sport moments came from athletes including American athlete Babe Didrikson Zaharias, who won golds in the new women’s events of javelin and hurdles.

Financial and cultural success gave 1984 a reputation as the “good” Olympics” which made seemingly every major world city want their own.

Emphasizing both the modern and the classical with a hand from Hollywood, the games opened with decathlon champion Rafer Johnson lighting the torch, a guy in a jetpack descending into the Memorial Coliseum and theme music by “Star Wars” maestro John Williams.

With Eastern Bloc countries boycotting, the U.S. dominated. Carl Lewis and Mary Lou Retton are among the athletes who became household names. A young Michael Jordan led the men’s basketball team to gold.

The games renewed, for a while, the global reputation of a city that had been perceived to be in decline.

“We want our games to be a modern games, youthful, full of the optimism that Southern California brings to the world and the globe,” Janet Evans, four-time Olympic gold medalist in swimming and chief athlete officer for the LA 2028 organizing committee, told The Associated Press in Paris.

Passing the torch

Bass, who arrives back in LA Monday, spent these games in Paris along with organizers and city officials, learning what it takes to host the world’s largest sporting event.

Joining her were LA28 Chairperson Casey Wasserman, an entertainment executive, and LA councilmember Traci Park, chair of the city Olympic committee.

“As we’ve seen here in Paris, the Olympics are an opportunity to make transformative change,” Bass said at a press conference ahead of the closing ceremony.

Venues old and new, plus a swimming stadium

Amid a stadium-and-arena boom, LA will polish existing structures rather than erect new ones.

“It’s a no-build games,” Evans said.

After Paris’ innovative opening ceremony on the Seine River, LA plans to open with a traditional, stadium-based approach at SoFi Stadium in neighboring Inglewood that also incorporates the century-old Memorial Coliseum in Los Angeles itself.

Home to two NFL teams, SoFi has hosted a Super Bowl and several Taylor Swift concerts since opening in 2020. It will become what organizers say is the largest Olympic swimming venue ever. Its opening ceremony role means swimming will come after track and field for the first time since 1972.

Intuit Dome, the soon-to-open Inglewood home of the NBA’s Clippers, would be the games’ newest major venue and is the planned home for Olympic basketball. The Lakers’ downtown Crypto.com Arena will host gymnastics.

The toxicity of swimming in the Seine became a serious issue in Paris. That could put renewed focus on the Long Beach area waterfront when it hosts marathon swimming and triathlon races. Its cleanliness history is mixed but its ocean waters got consistently high marks in a 2023 analysis by nonprofit Heal the Bay.

The Long Beach shore was home to the pre-recorded performances during Sunday’s ceremony of the Red Hot Chili Peppers, Billie Eilish, Snoop Dogg and Dr. Dre, though it was easy to mistake for LA’s Venice Beach, where the journey of the flag begun by Cruise was shown ending moments earlier.

Trains, buses and traffic

A city that’s notoriously hard to traverse may seem like an odd fit for the Olympics, but it can work.

Bass said she plans to emulate the tactics of Tom Bradley, the mayor in 1984, whose traffic mitigations had some saying it was better than at non-Olympic times. They include asking local businesses to stagger workforce hours to reduce the number of cars on the road and allow work from home during the 17-day games.

Landing the Olympics under then-Mayor Eric Garcetti in 2017 gave the city an unusually long lead time for planning.

While it’s no Paris Metro, LA has built a subway since its last Olympics, with lines running past major venues.

In 2018, the city planned an ambitious slate of 28 bus and rail projects to transform public transit. Some were scrapped but others moved forward, including the extension of a subway line to connect downtown Los Angeles with UCLA, the planned home of the Olympic Village.

Another high-profile project is the Inglewood People Mover, an automated, three-stop rail line past major Olympic venues. It initially received a commitment of $1 billion in federal funding, but opposition from Democratic Rep. Maxine Waters led to a $200 million reduction, the Los Angeles Times reported. It’s unclear whether the line will be completed by 2028.

Metro recently received $900 million in funding through an infrastructure spending package and grants from the Biden administration, of which $139 million will go directly toward improving transportation by 2028 and the goal of a “car-free” Olympics.

“The biggest challenge is not waiting to 2028, but really taking the opportunity between now and 2028 to help Angelenos and visitors alike reimagine the transportation network as something that will be their first choice,” Metro CEO Stephanie Wiggins said.

Crime, safety and perception

While crime rates were considerably higher in 1984 than today, the countdown to 2028 comes as the issue has gotten increased attention and cast a social-media-amplified shadow.

The Olympics are designated as a national special security event, which makes the U.S. Secret Service the lead agency tasked with developing a security plan, supported by significant federal resources.

LA city and county law enforcement sent officers to Paris to observe, learn and assist as they prepare for their own 2028 games.

There are many more encampments on city streets than there were in 1984, and it’s unlikely LA will have solved its homeless crisis in the next four years. As the Paris games ended, California Gov. Gavin Newsom threatened to withhold funding from cities unable to clear encampments.

Ahead of the Games in Paris, organizers relocated thousands of unhoused people, a practice also used for the 2016 Rio de Janiero games and criticized by activists as “social cleansing.”

Tourists and finances

LA is the “next logical destination” for the Olympics, said Adam Burke, president and CEO of the LA Tourism and Convention Board. “LA has emerged as really one of the world’s sports capitals.”

First though, the city will host a FIFA World Cup event and U.S. Women’s Open in 2026 and another Super Bowl in 2027.

The city’s hotel industry has continued to see growth, adding 9,000 new hotel rooms in the past four years with more to come over the next four.

LA28 organizers are banking on ticket sales, sponsorships, payments from the International Olympic Committee and other revenue streams to cover the games’ $6.9 billion budget. The committee has brought in just over $1 billion toward a goal of $2.5 billion in domestic corporate sponsorships.

Associated Press Writer Noreen Nassir contributed from Paris.

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