In Swipe At Trump, Brazil’s Lula Tells UN That Organized Crime Is Not Terrorism

Lula dedicated part of his speech at the opening of the United Nations General Assembly to expressing his concern about the U.S. stance toward Latin America. AP Photo/Richard Drew

BY THIAGO RODRIGUES

PROFESSOR DE RELACOES

INTERNACIONAIS, UNIVERSIDADE,

FEDERAL FLUMINENSE

Much of Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva’s address at the opening of the 80th session of the United Nations General Assembly was expected.

Condemnation of U.S. interventionism against Brazil and Israeli action in the Gaza Strip have long been part of the rhetoric of the veteran leftist leader. So too has been the need to fight global hunger and speak up for global environmental initiatives.

But, besides those expected major themes, Lula’s speech also embarked on new territory, noticeably on the issue of organized crime and terrorism. “It is worrying to equate crime with terrorism,” Lula noted.

That was a direct reference to U.S. President Donald Trump’s attempts to equate Latin American organized crime groups with terrorist organizations.

Such conflation has been part of Trump’s agenda since the very first day of his second administration. On Jan. 20, 2025, he signed an executive order that ordered the inclusion of Latin American organized crime groups on the list of designated terrorist organizations.

As a result, entities like Venezuela’s Tren de Aragua, Ecuador’s Los Choneros, Mexico’s Cartel de Sinaloa and El Salvador’s Mara Salvatrucha now share space with Boko Haram and the Islamic State group on the State Department’s list of “Foreign Terrorist Organizations.”

Just rhetoric?

The association between drug trafficking and terrorism is not new in U.S. foreign policy. In the 1980s, groups like Sendero Luminoso in Peru and the Medellín Cartel in Colombia were classified as “narco-terrorists” because they fought their own governments using weapons funded by cocaine trafficking.

Ronald Reagan’s administration presented narco-terrorism as a serious threat to American safety. He sent the Army to combat international trafficking and exhorted Andean countries to turn their military into anti-narcotics troops.

The policy left a strong legacy in countries like Colombia, Peru and Mexico, where armies were converted into a de facto military super-police.

In the process, they lost the capacity to act as effective national defense forces.

After the terrorist attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, the relationship between drug trafficking and terrorism was updated. Islamic fundamentalist groups like al-Qaida were accused by the U.S. Department of State of financing their operations through heroin and other drug trafficking.

With the support of a frightened society, President George W. Bush’s government built an anti-terrorist legal and institutional framework that gave the state exceptional powers to repress anyone it deemed to be a “terrorist.”

And in the post-9/11 world, being a “terrorist” held serious consequences in regard to how U.S. authorities could, and would, treat you.

Terrorists were arrested without formal charges. They were tortured and detained in unknown places for an indefinite period of time. Their assets and property were confiscated, their bank accounts interdicted and their resources absorbed by the authorities without accountability.

Today, when Trump extends the classification of “terrorist” to transnational organized crime groups, the tacit understanding is it allows any Latin American accused of international drug dealing to be treated outside the rules of a democratic state of law. That includes to be captured outside the U.S. with no access to any diplomatic aid, to be sent to Guantánamo or to simply disappear.

Geopolitical pressure

Since the 1970s, the so-called “war on drugs” has been an instrument of U.S. diplomatic and geopolitical pressure. It was used to blackmail governments in Latin America, align repressive policies with U.S. guidelines and justify the presence of military personnel, intelligence and military bases in the region, among other forms of intervention.

Since 2001, the “war on terror” has served similar purposes around the world, but with little impact in Latin America. Now, the new classification for Latin American criminal organizations synchronizes the “war on drugs” with the “war on terror.”

More than rhetoric, the U.S. State Department’s updated list allows the government to reinforce the interventionism in Latin America at a particularly sensitive time.

The U.S. is facing a serious domestic political crisis and an unprecedented global challenge posed by China’s consistent and vertiginous rise as a world economic and military power.

The Chinese economic and commercial presence in Latin America poses a concrete threat to the hegemony that the U.S. established on the continent.

Brazil and Mexico – the region’s largest economies – are making Trump’s trade pressure instruments, such as tariffs, much less effective than expected.

In this context, Trump has deployed a military naval force near the Venezuelan coast, reactivating accusations that the regime led by Nicolás Maduro is a “narco-state.”

Trump accuses Maduro of being the head of a group called the Cartel de los Soles, supposedly formed by high-ranking military personnel. The only sources claiming that such a cartel exists are the U.S. itself and voices linked to the ultra-right Venezuelan opposition in exile. However, the accusation is serious and influences U.S. public opinion.

In the same vein, the U.S. government has just “decertified” Gustavo Petro’s Colombia from its list of countries partnering Washington’s effort to fight transnational drugs trafficking – a move that could lead to economic sanctions and cuts in credit lines, loans and military aid.

Following the drug money

Arguing against this logic of unilateral U.S. action, Lula, in his U.N. address, emphasized multilateral cooperation to combat international drug trafficking. And the focus, in his point of view, must be to go after the economic assets of organized crime groups, and their money laundering strategies.

The mention of money laundering refers to the recent actions taken by the Brazilian Federal Police and other local authorities that uncovered huge money laundering schemes from drug trafficking organizations in Brazil’s largest city, São Paulo.

The scheme was carried out through financial institutions, gas stations, hotels and many other “regular” businesses. The initiatives were considered successful because they led to the arrest and indictment of organized crime financial operators, and not the usual low-level streets dealers – who are invariably poor, and Black.

Lula’s talk of international cooperation likely referred to the inauguration of the Center for International Police Cooperation in the Brazilian state of Amazonas. The center is an initiative to coordinate intelligence efforts in the fight against crimes in the Amazon. It brings together representatives of nine Brazilian states and security forces from eight Pan-Amazon countries – and France, on behalf of French Guiana.

The inclusion of the issue of organized crime in Lula’s speech at the U.N. can be seen as an additional front in his opposition to the government of Trump. Like environmental issues, the issue of organized crime is both an internal and international problem for Brazil.

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Nigerian Couriers Central To Brazil-West Africa Cocaine Route

BY GAVIN VOSS

Small trafficking groups embedded in Nigeria’s expansive diaspora play a significant role in moving cocaine between Latin America and consumer markets, the United Nations drugs and crime agency reports.

Nigerian networks employ couriers to move small amounts of cocaine on commercial flights, mostly through Brazil, the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) highlighted in a September 25 report titled “Organized Crime in Nigeria: A Threat Assessment.”

The cocaine moved by Nigerian couriers is sourced from Brazilian criminal groups and exits the continent through São Paulo, Brazil’s Guarulhos International Airport. From there, the authors found, couriers fly to Nigeria’s largest city, Lagos, with some passing through other African countries like Ethiopia or Benin first.

After receiving the drug in Nigeria, Africa’s most populous country, trafficking groups use more couriers to distribute cocaine to other African nations, Asia, and Europe. In this way, the report stated, “Nigeria appears to play an increasing role in the consolidation of cocaine entering the subregion and in the distribution to other countries.”

The amounts of cocaine moved using air couriers are much smaller than multi-ton consignments found in maritime shipping containers: a single courier can transport quantities of up to 10 kilograms, but often less than one kilogram.

Arrest statistics, however, indicate that Nigerian networks employ hundreds of couriers, meaning they are able to move significant quantities, albeit in piecemeal fashion.

In Brazil, Nigerians were the most frequently arrested foreign nationality for drug trafficking in 2018 and 2019, the UNODC found. Worldwide, authorities in at least 70 countries arrested Nigerian nationals for drug trafficking between 2010 and 2019. Nigerians were also the largest non-Latin American and European nationality arrested in European airports between 2016 and 2020 for the crime.
InSight Crime Analysis

Nigerian cocaine couriers have become crucial to the expanding transnational cocaine trade by finding holes in Latin American groups’ global distribution systems, pinpointing unmet demand and creating new markets.

Drug trafficking networks in the Nigerian diaspora are small, mainly consisting of members who are not committed to the trade in the long term, Ted Leggett, a research officer at UNODC and one of the authors of the report, told InSight Crime.

“There isn’t a mafia-type structure to it. The networks are small-scale and organic. As soon as they make enough money, they get out of the drug trade and go into other forms of business,” Leggett said.

These courier networks hire vulnerable or impoverished people looking to earn money. This includes not only Nigerians, but Venezuelans living in Brazil. Couriers swallow small amounts of the drug or carry it concealed in their luggage. They know the ins and outs of security at each airport, and even allow some couriers to be captured to distract law enforcement while others pass through, Leggett told InSight Crime.

These features can make it hard for authorities to target them, as their membership is fluid, and with each arrest, another courier will simply take their place.

In São Paulo, these networks cannot compete with the dominance of the First Capital Command (Primeiro Comando da Capital - PCC). The PCC are Brazil’s main cocaine traffickers and the criminal hegemon in the city. They even control cocaine transit into Brazil from Bolivia.

Instead, Nigerian courier groups have come to agreements with the PCC. Nigerian cocaine traffickers have been a prominent part of the West African route since at least 2005, the report highlighted, meaning they hold the knowledge and connections necessary to be efficient traffickers and valuable partners to the PCC.

Through Nigeria’s massive diaspora, which Nigerian media outlets estimate could consist of 15 million people, Nigerian traffickers are also well-connected to microtrafficking operations in African and Asian cities. This allows them to pinpoint possible new consumers at the street level, providing them with cocaine and other drugs.

“They fill gaps in the global cocaine distribution network,” Leggett told InSight Crime. “It's the invisible hand of the market in action.”

Leggett provided the example of South Africa, where cocaine traffickers embedded in the Nigerian community have created a substantial cocaine consumption market in cities around the country, especially among sex workers.

The courier networks, which are an example of opportunistic, low-level organized crime, are just part of the cocaine trafficking picture in Africa. The continent saw a 400% increase in cocaine seizures in 2021, spurred by trafficking in shipping containers and on private vessels, in addition to air couriers.

“The point of least resistance is usually the place that is least capable of absorbing the damage. West Africa is a perfect example,” Leggett told InSight Crime.

    READ ORIGINAL STORY HERE

What The US Can Learn From Affirmative Action At Universities In Brazil

BY NEIL LEWIS JR., INACIO BO AND RODRIGO ZEIDAN

When Brazil implemented affirmative action at its federal universities in 2012, the policy prompted a public debate that largely resembles the debate over affirmative action in the United States.

Brazil’s affirmative action policy requires every federal university to reserve at least half of all seats for students from certain groups. Out of that half, about half of the seats go solely to Black, mixed and Indigenous Brazilians. The other half go to low-income public-school students. Other universities are free to set their admissions policies.

Like many Americans, some Brazilians worried that affirmative action would reduce the quality of education in public universities. Some were concerned that only the more privileged members in the targeted groups would benefit and that affirmative action wasn’t worth it. Others doubted that beneficiaries could keep up academically and feared that their peers would suffer as a result.

As researchers who study college admissions, economics and the equity of social interventions and policies, we took a critical look at the effects of affirmative action in Brazil. To do this, we examined prior research, as well as the effects of affirmative action on student learning and future earnings. In America, these outcomes are difficult to study because, prior to the use of race being banned in college admissions, schools implemented affirmative action as they saw fit. In Brazil, all federal universities had to implement affirmative action the same way.

Unfounded fears

Brazilian federal universities are some of the best in the country. Even more importantly, they are tuition-free. They are the preferred universities for most high school students and their families. Historically, mostly well-off students attended these universities.

Through our research, we concluded not only that Brazilians’ fears about affirmative action lowering the quality of the nation’s universities were largely unwarranted, but also that across most measures the policy has proved to be quite beneficial.

Specifically, we found that:

• Those admitted to universities via affirmative action performed quite well in their studies. By the time they graduated, their grade-point averages were not much different from the GPAs of other students. In the most selective majors, the disparities in GPAs that existed when students began their studies had largely disappeared by graduation.

• Students admitted through affirmative action did not hamper the learning of their peers. Sometimes, they outperformed peers who entered college the regular way without affirmative action. This is a reminder that traditional admissions processes may not be as meritocratic as some people may think.

• Students admitted via affirmative action were 7% more likely to work as managers or directors later in their careers than if the policy were not in effect. Such students also end up with many more years of education than they would otherwise. This means that many of these students would not pursue a higher education degree at all if these places were not reserved for them.

Implications for the United States

As elite colleges and universities in the U.S. grapple with how to achieve diversity after the Supreme Court banned the use of race in college admissions, we believe our findings bear particular relevance.

Some Americans argue that schools can achieve diversity through race-neutral policies. At least in the Brazilian context, we found that race-neutral policies were ineffective for achieving racial diversity.

We found that race-targeted policies were associated with a significant increase in Black students, whereas race-neutral policies didn’t affect the percentage of Black, mixed and Indigenous Brazilian students in college. Part of the reason is because a large share of candidates, white and nonwhite, compete under income-based quotas. Thus, income-based quotas do not effect the racial composition of university students because these quotas benefit students from all racial backgrounds.

Race-based affirmative action seems necessary to achieve racial diversity, according to the Brazilian evidence. This is consistent with at least one other study from the U.S., where race-neutral policies have been shown to be less effective than those explicitly considering race.

By almost every measure studied, affirmative action in Brazil worked to generate a more diverse student body without reducing the quality of education. Even so, the inequality in Brazil’s higher education system remains.

In 2000, out of the 853,000 students enrolled in tuition-free public universities, around 596,000 were white and 239,000 were Black. By 2010, the system had expanded to 1,788,000 places, with white students numbering 1,063,000 and Black students 689,000. Brazil’s congress successfully made affirmative action mandatory in part because of the large impact of the many-but-scattered initiatives by public universities in the 2000s.

As the U.S. grapples with issues of equity and access to higher education, Brazil’s experience imparts valuable lessons. There, race-based affirmative action policies promote diversity and the values of equal opportunity that American universities like to espouse. Race-based affirmative action can effectively increase enrollment of underrepresented minorities without compromising academic performance. This is something that income-based quotas may not be able to accomplish. Further, the Brazilian experience shows that these policies do not negatively impact other students.

Now that the U.S. courts have banned the use of race in college admissions, college and university leaders must find and adopt new ways to make their campuses more diverse. How to achieve that may be a challenge, but it seems to remain a worthwhile pursuit.

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Brazil’s US Capitol-Like Siege Ominous For All Democracies, India Included

THE FEDERAL

FILE - Protesters, supporters of Brazil's former President Jair Bolsonaro, storm the Planalto Palace in Brasilia, Brazil, Jan. 8, 2023. Planalto is the official workplace of the president of Brazil. (AP Photo/Eraldo Peres, File)

BY KS DAKSHINA MURTHY

For those who support freedom and governments elected by popular vote, the storming of Brazil’s top democratic institutions is a worrisome development. In a copycat attack in the capital Brasilia, similar to the one on the US Capitol on January 6, 2020, rampaging mobs on Sunday backed by right-wing, conservative forces clearly undermined democratic choices and a peaceful change of power.

Though the vanquished former Brazilian president Jair Bolsonaro has not directly supported the attack on the state’s institutions, he has neither condemned it. The mob, on January 8, made up of Bolsonaro supporters, resorted to violence to express frustration at their leader’s loss to leftist President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva in the recent election.

Yet, the fact that they thought it necessary to mount the anarchist attack shows that a defining line has been crossed in the practice of democracy, in which elections play the key role.

Inspiration from US Capitol attack

On January 6, 2020, the world was stunned at defeated presidential re-run candidate Donald Trump’s audacious attempt to egg his supporters to “retrieve the stolen vote”, a claim made to convey to his supporters that he had lost by subterfuge rather than in a fair and free election. Though this accusation proved to be false and did not have supporters even within his administration and the Republican Party, a section of Trump’s rag-tag loyalists, some armed, tried to stage a coup of sorts to overturn the results.

The coup did not work, thanks among others to the then Vice-President Mike Pence who fended off pressure to neutralise Joe Biden’s victory and ratify Trump. But the attack breached an unwritten convention – that of respecting the popular mandate. The copycat Brazil storming has also confirmed the worst fears of democrats, that the US incident could “inspire” losers elsewhere in other democracies to try out similar stunts.

Backdoor entry to power in India

The US first and now Brazil have shown that democracy is creaking under strain. Vested interests are no longer keen on playing a fair game, one that provides a level playing field and allows people to take a call on who should govern them.

The two instances are crucial learning curves for India, which has thrived as an elected liberal parliamentary democracy for seven decades (except for 21 months during the Emergency). Until now, there has never been a situation in India where a vanquished leader of a political party or their supporters have violently challenged their defeat. On the contrary, losers have been gracious and acknowledged the will of the people respectfully. All challenges have been either in the courts or in the Election Commission, as mandated by law.

This is not to imply that everything is hunky-dory in India as far as elections are concerned. Without having to storm any state institution, the ruling BJP, even if in a losing position, appears to have mastered the art of coming to power by “attracting” rival party legislators into its fold. The electorate, in state Assembly elections, may have voted against the BJP, or not given a majority to any single party.

Obviously the verdict, by inference, is for a coalition government. When it turns out to be a non-BJP coalition, in a matter of months the arrangement comes apart and the BJP occupies power – through the back door. In other words, the electorate’s verdict stands subverted. The examples are innumerable – among them, Karnataka earlier and the latest, Maharashtra.

Opinion | Modi and Brazil’s Jair Bolsonaro are cast in the same mould

The process, which initially evoked considerable indignation, drew condemnation and expressions of dismay, is so completely normalised now it hardly triggers a squeak even among the affected opposition parties. As some cynical voters say, it does not matter who you vote for in India today. The BJP will eventually make it to the gaddi.

In the footsteps of Africa

Supporters of Donald Trump and Jair Bolsonaro would probably be surprised to know that there are other “discreet” ways to hijack elections, India style.

If the storming of the US Capitol and Brazil’s institutions housing the National Congress, Presidential Palace and Supreme Court had only been the beginning of such attacks, it could have been dismissed as aberrations. But the fact is that these two prominent powers are only following in the footsteps of several African nations which routinely have seen widespread violence in presidential elections.

Kenya has been the worst affected with all-pervasive election-related violence for the last couple of decades at least. The 2007 general elections were among the worst when at least 1000 people were killed in violence that erupted after elections. In the latest August 2022 elections too, despite efforts to curb post-election violence, the defeat of Raila Odinga brought out his supporters onto the streets, protesting his loss.

Fortunately, violence was only sporadic and not to the extent of previous ones. The court finally ruled in favour of the winner William Ruto.

Nigeria is another country in Africa that has seen widespread election-related violence after the loss of candidates. Violence spiked after 2015, with Nigeria’s Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) being the target. After the 2019 polls, more than 50 attacks were registered across Nigeria against the INEC. With general elections due this year in Nigeria, there is widespread apprehension of violence.

Watch | Why Brazil’s Bolsonaro stirs a storm ahead of Republic Day

With conservative, right-wing leaders and political parties in contention for power worldwide, not coincidentally, the instances of post-electoral violence too appears to be increasing. Rising xenophobia, religious fundamentalism and a growing global economic crisis are not only aiding a sharp turn to the right politically, these are being accompanied by intolerance against dissent, pluralism and the democratic space.

All these years, democracy wherever it was practised, was considered above board, people’s choices were viewed as sacrosanct and political players accommodated the opposition, even if reluctantly. But no more. And that is what makes election-related violence in Brazil, or the US, and countries in Africa ominous for other democracies. India included.

Jogo Bonito: Pelé ’s 10 Most Memorable Goals

BY TALES AZZONI

FILE - Brazil's soccer star Pele bicycle kicks a ball during a game at unknown location, Sept. 1968. Pelé, the Brazilian king of soccer who won a record three World Cups and became one of the most commanding sports figures of the last century, died in Sao Paulo on Thursday, Dec. 29, 2022. He was 82. (AP Photo File)

Pelé made scoring look easy, getting the ball into the net in the most varied and beautiful ways — dribbling past defenders, firing powerful shots, striking well-placed free kicks or using firm headers. Nearly 1,090 of his goals came with the Brazilian club Santos, and 95 were scored with Brazil’s national team.

Not all of Pelé ’s goals were caught on tape, but there is still plenty of footage of his countless outstanding scores. Pelé also had some spectacular “almost goals” throughout his career, including a shot from behind the midfield line that just missed wide in the 1970 World Cup.

Some of his most memorable goals:

THE FIRST

When: Sept. 7, 1956.

Where: Santo Andre, Brazil.

Opponent: Corinthians of Santo Andre.

How: Pelé was a teenager and had just started playing for Santos. He found the net just moments after coming into the match in the second half, helping Santos win the friendly match 7-1. Corinthians’ goalkeeper at the time, Zaluar, later created a business card in which he identified himself as “the first goalkeeper to ever concede a goal to Pelé.”

THE BEST EVER?

When: Aug. 2, 1959.

Where: Sao Paulo.

Opponent: Juventus of Sao Paulo.

How: The goal known as one of his greatest ever was not caught on tape, but it was digitally recreated for a movie about Pelé based on accounts by players, fans and journalists who were at the historic match at Rua Javari, home to Sao Paulo club Juventus. Pelé received the ball just inside the area and immediately flicked it past the first defender who challenged him. He lobbied the ball over another defender near the penalty spot and, without letting it hit the ground, quickly flicked it over the third defender and over the goalkeeper. With an open net in front of him, he headed the ball home. Juventus later honored Pelé for his goal with a statue and a commemorative plaque at the stadium.

WORLD CUP FIRST

When: June 19, 1958.

Where: Gothenburg, Sweden.

Opponent: Wales.

How: Pelé ’s first World Cup goal was a beauty. It happened in the 66th minute of a difficult game against Wales in the tournament’s quarterfinals. With his back turned to the goal, the 17-year-old Pelé controlled the ball with his chest and quickly flicked it toward the goal and past a defender, then fired a right-footed low shot into the corner.

FIRST IN A FINAL

When: June 29, 1958.

Where: Solna, Sweden.

Opponent: Sweden.

How: Pelé scored six goals in his first World Cup, including twice in the 5-2 victory in the final against the hosts. His first goal gave Brazil a 3-1 lead in the 55th minute, and the second was a header near the final whistle to close the scoring. Pelé ’s first goal was the most impressive — he lobbied the ball over a defender inside the area before striking a firm shot from near the penalty spot.

LAST IN A FINAL

When: June 21, 1970.

Where: Mexico City.

Opponent: Italy.

How: Pelé scored his 12th and final World Cup goal with a remarkable header past Italy goalkeeper Enrico Albertosi in front of more than 107,000 people at Azteca Stadium, opening the way for Brazil’s 4-1 victory and a third world title. After a left-flank cross by Rivelino, Pelé jumped high into the air behind an Italian defender and firmly headed the ball into the corner.

THE 1,000TH

When: Nov. 19, 1969.

Where: Rio de Janeiro.

Opponent: Vasco da Gama.

How: The milestone goal came from a penalty kick at a packed Maracana Stadium. Pelé was fouled to set up the penalty, then calmly hit a low shot into the right corner in the 78th minute, giving Santos a 2-1 win. Vasco goalkeeper Andrada guessed the side correctly but was not able to make the stop. Pelé ran to pick up the ball inside the goal as reporters and photographers stormed the field to record the moment. The match was stopped for several minutes. Pelé raised the ball as he was carried away from the net and celebrated by going around the field near the crowd. Although it was a home game for Vasco, most of the 65,000 people in the crowd were cheering for Pelé, who dedicated the goal to Brazil’s children.

WORTH A PLAQUE

When: March 5, 1961.

Where: Rio de Janeiro.

Opponent: Fluminense.

How: It became known as the Gol de Placa, now a synonym for an outstanding goal, because it receive a commemorative bronze plaque at the Maracana Stadium. It was another one of Pelé ’s goals not caught on tape, but reports from the time said that Pelé crossed nearly the entire length of the field dribbling past his opponents before finding the net to lead Santos to a 3-1 win over Fluminense. The plaque at the Maracana still reads, “On this pitch, on March 5 of 1961, Pelé scored the most beautiful goal in the history of the Maracana.”

COSMOS WONDER

When: Aug. 10, 1976.

Where: New York.

Opponent: Miami Toros.

How: One of the few bicycle kick goals of Pelé ’s career came in the last match that the New York Cosmos played at Yankee Stadium, an 8-2 thrashing of the Miami Toros. After a right-flank cross into the penalty area, Pelé thrust his body into the air and s truck the ball with his right foot high above the rest of his body, sending a rocket in to the net.

CLUB GLORY

When: Oct. 11, 1962.

Where: Lisbon, Portugal.

Opponent: Benfica.

How: Pelé had a stellar performance in the decisive match against Benfica in the Intercontinental Cup, scoring three goals to lead Santos to a 5-2 win and its first club world title. His second goal was the most impressive — he used his body to elude the first defender then burst into the area past two other opponents before firing a left-footed shot into the far corner.

THE LAST GOAL

When: Oct. 1, 1977.

Where: East Rutherford, New Jersey, United States.

Opponent: Santos.

How: It came in his farewell match, a friendly between Santos and the New York Cosmos at the Giants Stadium. Pelé played a half for each team, but it was with Cosmos that he got on the board with a powerful free kick shot just before halftime. It was one of his more than 60 goals in more than 100 games with the Cosmos.

Tales Azzoni on Twitter at http://twitter.com/tazzoni

As The 'King', Pele Enchanted Fans And Dazzled Opponents

FILE - Brazilian soccer star Pele relaxes after a workout in Santos, Brazil, June 3, 1975. Pelé, the Brazilian king of soccer who won a record three World Cups and became one of the most commanding sports figures of the last century, died in Sao Paulo on Thursday, Dec. 29, 2022. He was 82. (AP Photo, File)

BY TALES AZZONI AND MAURICIO SAVARESE

SAO PAULO (AP) — Pelé was simply “The King.” He embraced “the beautiful game” of soccer in his 1958 World Cup debut for Brazil and never really let go.

He won a record three World Cups and was widely regarded as one of his sport’s greatest players. His majestic and galvanizing presence set him among the most recognizable figures in the world.

Pelé died Thursday at 82. He had undergone treatment for colon cancer since 2021.

Pelé was among the game’s most prolific scorers and spent nearly two decades enchanting fans and dazzling opponents. His grace, athleticism and moves on soccer’s highest stage transfixed all. He orchestrated a fast, fluid style of play that revolutionized the sport — a flair that personified Brazilian elegance on the field.

He carried his country to soccer’s heights and became a global ambassador for his sport in a journey that began on the streets of Sao Paulo state, where he would kick a sock stuffed with newspapers or rags.

“Pelé changed everything. He transformed football into art, entertainment,” Neymar, a fellow Brazilian soccer player, said on Instagram. “Football and Brazil elevated their standing thanks to the King! He is gone, but his magic will endure. Pelé is eternal!”

In the conversation about soccer’s greatest player, only the late Diego Maradona, Lionel Messi and Cristiano Ronaldo are mentioned alongside him.

Different sources, counting different sets of games, list Pelé’s goal totals anywhere between 650 (league matches) to 1,281 (all senior matches, some against low-level competition). When Maradona once interviewed Pelé, he playfully asked the Brazilian how he accumulated so many goals.

The player who would be dubbed “The King” was introduced to the world at 17 at the 1958 World Cup in Sweden, the youngest player ever at the tournament.

Pelé was the emblem of his country’s World Cup triumph of 1970 in Mexico. He scored in the final and set up Carlos Alberto with a nonchalant pass for the last goal in a 4-1 victory over Italy.

The image of Pelé in a bright-yellow Brazil jersey, with the No. 10 stamped on the back, remains alive with soccer fans everywhere. As does his trademark goal celebration — a leap with a right fist thrust high above his head.

Pelé’s fame was such that in 1967 factions of a civil war in Nigeria agreed to a brief cease-fire so he could play an exhibition match in the country. He was knighted by Britain’s Queen Elizabeth II in 1997. When Pelé visited Washington to help popularize the game in North America, it was the U.S. president who stuck out his hand first.

“You don’t need to introduce yourself because everyone knows who Pelé is,” Ronald Reagan said.

Pelé was Brazil’s first modern Black national hero but rarely spoke about racism in a country where the rich and powerful tend to hail from the white minority.

Opposing fans taunted Pelé with monkey chants at home and all over the world.

“He said that he would never play if he had to stop every time he heard those chants,” said Angelica Basthi, one of Pelé’s biographers. “He is key for Black people’s pride in Brazil, but never wanted to be a flagbearer.”

Pelé’s life after soccer took many forms. He was a politician — Brazil’s Extraordinary Minister for Sport — a wealthy businessman, and an ambassador for UNESCO and the United Nations.

He had roles in movies, soap operas and even composed songs and recorded CDs of popular Brazilian music.

Pelé was an ambassador for his sport until his final years but as his health deteriorated his travels and appearances became less frequent. After needing a hip replacement, he started using a cane.

He was often seen in a wheelchair during his final years and did not attend a ceremony to unveil a statue of him representing Brazil’s 1970 World Cup team.

“He gets very shy, he gets very embarrassed,” his son Edinho told Globoesporte.com. “He doesn’t want to go out.”

Pelé spent his 80th birthday with a few relatives.

Pelé spent a month hospitalized in 2021 after surgery to remove a tumor from his colon. Pelé said he was ready “to play 90 minutes, plus extra time,” but soon started chemotherapy.

Born Edson Arantes do Nascimento, in the small city of Tres Coracoes in the interior of Minas Gerais state on Oct. 23, 1940, Pelé grew up shining shoes to buy his modest soccer gear. His father was also a player.

Pelé’s talent drew notice when he was 11, and a local professional player brought him to Santos’ youth squads. Despite his youth and 5-foot-8 frame Pelé’ scored against grown men with the same ease he displayed against friends back home. He debuted with the Brazilian club at 15 in 1956, and the club quickly gained worldwide recognition.


The name Pelé came from him mispronouncing the name of a player called Bilé. He later became known simply as ‘O Rei’ – The King.

Pelé went to the 1958 World Cup as a reserve but became a key part for his country’s championship team. His first goal, in which he flicked the ball over the head of a defender and raced around him to volley it home, was voted as one of the best in World Cup history.

“When Pelé scored,” veteran Swedish midfielder Sigge Parling said, “I have to be honest and say I felt like applauding.”

The 1966 World Cup in England — won by the hosts — was a bitter one for Pelé, by then already considered the world’s top player. Brazil was knocked out at the group stage and Pelé, angry at fouls and hard tackles by Portugal, swore it was his last World Cup.

He changed his mind and was rejuvenated in the 1970 World Cup. In a game against England, he struck a header for a certain score, but the great goalkeeper Gordon Banks flipped the ball over the bar in an astonishing move. Pelé likened the save — one of the best in World Cup history — to a “salmon climbing up a waterfall.” Later, he scored the opening goal in the final against Italy, his last World Cup match.

In all, Pelé played 114 matches with Brazil, scoring a record 95 goals — including 77 in official matches. Most of his goals came with Santos, which he led to five national titles, two Copa Libertadores trophies and two club world championships — all in the 1960s.

His run with Santos stretched over three decades until he went into semi-retirement after the 1972 season. Wealthy European clubs tried to sign him, but the Brazilian government intervened to keep him from being sold, declaring him a national treasure.

On the field, Pelé’s energy, vision and imagination drove a gifted Brazilian national team, with intricate passing combinations slicing defenses while leaving room for players to showcase flashy skills.

The fast, fluid style of play exemplified “O Jogo Bonito” — Portuguese for “The Beautiful Game.” And at the center of it all, like a maestro in command of his orchestra, was Pelé. It was his 1977 autobiography, “My Life and the Beautiful Game,” that made the phrase part of soccer’s lexicon.

In 1975, he joined the New York Cosmos of the North American Soccer League. Although he was past his prime at 34 years old, Pelé briefly gave soccer a higher profile in North America before ending his career on Oct. 1, 1977, in an exhibition between the Cosmos and Santos. Among the dignitaries on hand was perhaps the only other athlete whose renown spanned the globe — Muhammad Ali.

Pelé had two daughters out of wedlock and five children from his first two marriages, to Rosemeri dos Reis Cholbi and Assiria Seixas Lemos. He later married businesswoman Marcia Cibele Aoki.

Azzoni is based in Madrid.

Hospitalized Pelé Thanks Fans During Fight Against Cancer

FILE - Brazilian Pele attends the 2018 soccer World Cup draw at the Kremlin in Moscow, Dec. 1, 2017. Brazilian soccer great Pelé was hospitalized in Sao Paulo to regulate the medication in his fight against a colon tumor, his daughter said on Wednesday, Nov. 30, 2022. Kely Nascimento added that there was “no emergency” concerning her 82-year-old father's health. (AP Photo/Alexander Zemlianichenko, File)

BY MAURICIO SAVARESE

SAO PAULO (AP) — Brazilian soccer great Pelé thanked fans worldwide on Thursday for the well-wishes he’s received since being admitted to a Sao Paulo hospital amid his fight against cancer.

The 82-year-old Pelé, who had a colon tumor removed in September 2021, was hospitalized Tuesday to regulate his medication, his daughter said.

Messages of support have poured in from around the world including from Brazil coach Tite at the World Cup in Qatar.

“It’s always nice to receive positive messages like this,” Pelé said in an Instagram post showing a building in Qatar displaying wishes for his recovery. “Thanks to Qatar for this tribute, and to everyone who sends me good vibes.”

Pelé said he was making his monthly visit. His daughter Kely Nascimento said Wednesday there is “no emergency” concerning her father’s health. She and another sister, Flavia Nascimento, on Thursday published pictures of several members of Pelé’s family at an undisclosed location.

Hospital Albert Einstein in Sao Paulo did not issue a daily statement about the health of Edson Arantes do Nascimento, the man globally known as Pelé.

On Wednesday, the hospital said Pelé was in stable condition after arriving on Tuesday “for a reevaluation of the chemotherapeutic treatment of the tumor.” The former footballer is not in intensive care, the hospital added.

ESPN Brasil reported on Wednesday that the three-time World Cup champion was brought to the hospital because of “general swelling.”

Earlier on Thursday, Tite also wished Pelé well during a press conference ahead of his team’s World Cup group stage match against Cameroon on Friday. The team needs a draw to finish first in Group G.

After a tumor was removed more than a year ago, the hospital said Pelé would begin chemotherapy but did not inform whether the former footballer’s cancer had spread to other organs. He has checked in with the hospital every month since.

Pelé helped Brazil win the 1958, 1962 and 1970 World Cups and remains the country’s all-time leading scorer with 77 goals in 92 matches for the national team.

AP World Cup coverage: https://apnews.com/hub/world-cup and https://twitter.com/AP_Sports

25 African Migrants Come Ashore In Brazil After Sea Rescue

In this photo released by Maranhao state, African migrants arrive after being rescued by fishermen, at the pier in Sao Jose de Ribamar, Brazil, Sunday. | CARLINHOS PEREIRA / MARANHAO STATE GOVERNMENT / VIA AP

SAO PAULO, BRAZIL (AP)--Authorities say about two dozen African migrants have come ashore in northeastern Brazil after being rescued at sea by fishermen.

The government of Maranhao state said Sunday the group of 25 people from Senegal, Nigeria, Guinea, Sierra Leone and Cape Verde landed Saturday. Two Brazilians were also among those rescued.

The government said the 27 people were dehydrated and received medical care and meals.

Federal police are looking into whether any crimes were committed against the group. That could mean there is suspicion they were exploited by people who smuggle migrants. The G1 news portal reported the migrants’ boat was adrift for weeks.

Every year, tens of thousands of people from Africa and the Middle East try to reach Europe in smugglers’ boats. But such journeys to Brazil are rare.

Rain And Sorrow Accentuate Memorial For Dead At Brazil Club

BY MAURICIO SAVARESE AND STEPHEN WADE

ASSOCIATED PRESS DEC. 3, 2016

Trucks carrying the coffins with the remains of Chapecoense soccer team members, victims of an air crash in Colombia, drive through the streets of Chapeco, Brazil, Saturday, Dec. 3, 2016.

CHAPECO, BRAZIL (AP) — On a rainy Saturday that only accentuated the grief, 20,000 people filled a tiny stadium under umbrellas and plastic ponchos to say goodbye to members of the Chapecoense soccer club who died in a plane crash.

The accident Monday in the Colombian Andes claimed most of the team's players and staff as it headed to the finals of one of Latin America's most important club tournaments. Seventy-one of the 77 people on board died, including 19 players on the team.

Rain-soaked mourners jammed the modest stadium with four or five times that many outside to pay homage to a modest club that nearly reached the pinnacle of Latin American soccer. In total, about half the population of the southern Brazilian city of 210,000 gathered.

Thousands also lined the roads as the coffins were driven in a procession from the airport to the stadium memorial. "I've been here since early morning," said 19-year-old Chaiane Lorenzetti, who said she worked at a local supermarket frequented by club players and officials. "I'll never see some of my clients again. It's a devastating day that will last forever."

Soldiers wearing berets carried the coffins into the stadium on their shoulders, sloshing through standing water and mud on a field filled with funeral wreaths, club and national flags, and other tributes.

A tent, with the coffins placed underneath, stretched across the width of the soccer field. On top of the white tent, a sentence from the club's anthem was written for all to read. "In happiness and in the most difficult hours," it said. "You are always a winner."

Family members and friends wept under the tents. Many hunched over the coffins with photos of the deceased placed on top or alongside as almost everything got splattered by the non-stop rain. Brazilian President Michel Temer, who had not planned to visit the stadium for fear of being jeered, showed up after greeting the arrival of the bodies at the airport. He was treated respectfully and was joined by Gianni Infantino, the head of FIFA — the world governing body of soccer.

"This is a time for pain and suffering, not for talking," Infantino said. "No words can diminish the suffering." Marco Polo Del Nero, the head of the Brazilian Football Confederation, was mildly applauded but also had insults shouted his way.

Del Nero has been indicted by U.S. officials on corruption charges, although he has not been extradited. "You only came here because it's inside Brazil," one fan shouted, referring to the fact that Del Nero is likely to be arrested on a warrant if he leaves Brazil.

Del Nero's predecessor, Jose Maria Marin, is under house arrest in the United States awaiting a trial. He was among top soccer officials arrested 18 months in raids in Switzerland. The loudest applause was probably for Brazil's new national team coach Adenor Leonardo Bacchi — known universally as Tite (pronounced Chi-Chi). He has led Brazil to six straight victories since taking over, quickly becoming a national hero.

Ivan Tozzo, the acting president of the club, told fans the club would continue on, and reminded them that "it was here on this field where this club fought the good fight." "This team taught us that everything is possible," he added, recalling the team rose in less than a decade from the depths of Brazilian club soccer to the final of the No. 2 tournament on the soccer-crazed continent.

In closing he added, "We are all Chapecoense." Chapeco Mayor Luciano Buligon, like several speakers, praised the aid Colombia provided — along with the club Atletico Nacional, the team Chapecoense was to play in the two-game final.

"Atletico Nacional summed it all up on its website," the mayor said. "Atletico said Chapecoense came to Medellin with a dream, and it leaves a legend. Legends don't die." The stadium memorial came after a heart-wrenching week for residents and family members stunned by the crash.

Hundreds of banners, flags and handwritten messages hung around the stadium — in Portuguese, Spanish and English. One sign in Spanish was aimed at Colombian officials who helped with the rescue. Six people survived, including three players.

"Colombia, Thanks For Everything" it read. "They deserve a farewell of champions," said Tatiana Bruno, who stood inside the stadium in the rain, wearing a plastic poncho to stay dry. It wasn't clear exactly how many coffins were brought into the stadium, though television reports put a rough count at 50. Most of the people who died, including the 19 players, were not from Chapeco and were to be buried elsewhere.

The rain let up at the end of the two-hour memorial, lifting some of the gloom. It also allowed family members and friends to circle the field, many with photos raised high of the deceased. Ahead of the memorial, the bodies arrived in Chapeco on overnight flights from Colombia.

The caskets were received by soldiers waiting in formation on the tarmac. Under heavy rain, they removed one at a time, wheeling them through standing puddles to vehicles to transport them to the stadium.

Staff at the Jardim do Eden cemetery, where some victims will be buried, said on Friday they were used to the business of death, but not a tragedy of this size. "We bury two people every day. I've done this job for a long time, but this is different," said Dirceu Correa, caretaker of the cemetery. "It is a tragedy for the families, for the club, and also for us because we are a part of the city."

Savarese reported from Chapeco, and Wade from Rio de Janeiro.

Mauricio Savarese on Twitter: http://twitter.com/MSavarese .His work can be found at http://bigstory.ap.org/journalist/mauricio-savarese

Stephen Wade on Twitter: http://twitter.com/StephenWade . His work can be found at http://bigstory.ap.org/content/stephen-wade

Brazil's President Rousseff Ousted From Office By Senate

ASSOCIATED PRESS

Brazil's President Michel Temer gives the thumbs up before taking the presidential oath at the National Congress, in Brasilia, Brazil, Wednesday, Aug. 31, 2016. Temer was sworn in as Brazil's new leader following the ouster of President Dilma Rousseff.

BRASILIA, BRAZIL (AP) — Brazil's Senate on Wednesday voted to remove President Dilma Rousseff from office, the culmination of a yearlong fight that paralyzed Latin America's largest nation and exposed deep rifts among its people on everything from race relations to social spending.

While Rousseff's ouster was widely expected, the decision was a key chapter in a colossal political struggle that is far from over. Her vice president-turned-nemesis, Michel Temer, was immediately sworn in as president with Rousseff's allies vowing to fight her removal.

Rousseff was Brazil's first female president, with a storied career that includes a stint as a Marxist guerrilla jailed and tortured in the 1970s during the country's dictatorship. She was accused of breaking fiscal laws in her management of the federal budget.

"The Senate has found that the president of the federal republic of Brazil, Dilma Vana Rousseff, committed crimes in breaking fiscal laws," said Chief Justice Ricardo Lewandowski, who presided over the trial.

Opposition lawmakers, who made clear early on the only solution was getting her out of office, argued that the maneuvers masked yawning deficits from high spending and ultimately exacerbated the recession in a nation that had long enjoyed darling status among emerging economies.

Nonsense, Rousseff countered time and again, proclaiming her innocence up to the end. Previous presidents used similar accounting techniques, she noted, saying the push to remove her was a bloodless coup d'etat by elites fuming over the populist polices of her Workers' Party the last 13 years.

The opposition needed 54 of the 81 senators to vote in favor for her to be removed. They got many more, winning in a landslide of sorts, 61-20. "Today is the day that 61 men, many of them charged and corrupt, threw 54 million Brazilian votes in the garbage," Rousseff tweeted minutes after the decision.

Rousseff won re-election in 2014, garnering more than 54 million votes. In a second Senate vote about 30 minutes later, Rousseff won a minor victory as a measure to ban her from public office for eight years failed. The 42-36 vote fell short of the 54 votes needed for passage.

In the background of the entire fight was a wide-ranging investigation into billions of dollars in kickbacks at state oil company Petrobras. The two-year probe has led to the jailing of dozens of top businessmen and politicians from across the political spectrum, and threatens many of the same lawmakers who voted to remove Rousseff.

Rousseff argued that many opponents just wanted her out of the way so they could save their own skins by tampering with the investigation, which Rousseff had refused to do. Many lawmakers and Brazilians nationwide, meanwhile, blamed Rousseff for the graft even though she has never been personally implicated. They argued that she had to know, as many of the alleged bribes happened while her party was in power.

Rousseff's removal creates many questions that are not easily answered. Temer will serve out the remainder of her term through 2018. He was expected to address the nation in the evening. But Brazilians have already gotten a taste of Temer's leadership, and they are clearly unimpressed.

In May, Temer took over as interim president after the Senate impeached and suspended Rousseff. The 75-year-old career politician named a Cabinet of all-white men, a decision roundly criticized in a nation that is more than 50 percent nonwhite. Three of his ministers were forced to resign within weeks of taking their jobs because of corruption allegations, which also follow Temer and threaten his hold on power.

When Temer announced the opening of the Olympics on Aug. 5, he was so vociferously booed that he remained out of sight for the remainder of the games. Rousseff's allies have vowed to appeal to the country's highest court. While previous petitions to the court have failed to stop the impeachment process, at the very least legal wrangling will keep the issue front and center.

Late Wednesday night, a group of unhappy Rousseff supporters smashed windows of bank branches, other businesses and a police SUV in the city of Sao Paulo. Anti-riot police tried to quell the demonstration with stun grenades and tear gas.

The decision to remove Rousseff also leaves many question marks over the economy, expected to decline for a second straight year. Temer has promised to pull the country of 200 million people from its recession by tackling reforms that have long been taboo, such as slimming public pensions.

But he has not been able to accomplish much the last three months as interim president, and it remains to be seen whether Congress will be willing to work with him. Several polls have shown that Brazilians prefer new elections to solve the crisis.

For that to happen, however, Temer would have to be removed from office or resign, something he clearly has no intention of doing. Speaking to the nation in televised address Wednesday evening, Temer hit back at Rousseff.

"Putschist is you," he said, referring to Rousseff's accusation that he had led the charge to oust her. "It's you who is breaking the constitution." Temer said he had tasked his Cabinet with pushing forward budget and pension reforms as well as proposals to create jobs.

"From today on, the expectations are much higher for the government. I hope that in these two years and four months, we do what we have declared — put Brazil back on track," he said. Speaking to supporters at the presidential residence, Rousseff promised to mount a strong opposition, but didn't elaborate.

"This coup is against social movements and unions and against those who fight for their rights," she said. "Rights for the young people to make history, rights for the black, indigenous, LGBT and women."

Associated Press writer Mauricio Savarese reported from Brasilia and AP writer Peter Prengaman reported from Rio de Janeiro.

Peter Prengaman on Twitter: https://www.twitter.com/peterprengaman

Mauricio Savarese on Twitter: https://www.twitter.com/MSavarese

No Strings Attached: Brazil Nudists Get Rio Beach

THE ASSOCIATED PRESS

DECEMBER 5, 2014

Erica Menezes de Oliveira prepares a drink as her husband Carlos Eduardo grabs some ice on Abrico beach, recently designated as nudist after a 20-year-battle, in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, Thursday, Dec. 4, 2014. The city renown worldwide for its wild Carnival celebrations featuring near-naked samba dancers has finally gotten its first official nudist beach.

Abrico beach, about 25 miles (40 kilometers) west of central Rio, was officially made a nudist beach last month. While Brazilian beachwear may be as close as one can get to being nude while ostensibly clothed, for Brazilians those tiny spandex triangles covering private parts make all the difference.
Nudism outside of Carnival parades is widely frowned upon in Brazil. On the more than 7,400 kilometers (4,600 miles) of coastline, there are just eight official nudist beaches, now including Rio's Abrico.

That's compared to over 200 nude recreation areas in the U.S. under the care of the American Association for Nude Recreation, and even more common nudism in Europe. "It's still very taboo. Most people here continue to mix up nudism and free love," said Ribeiro, as he strolled the sand in his birthday suit, accessorized with a cap to shield his head from the sun. "In Rio, you have Carnival celebrations with nude or nearly nude people parading in the samba schools. But Rio residents only accept that during Carnival."

Surrounded by tropical vegetation, Abrico is isolated from neighboring beaches by outsized rock formations. Because of its seclusion, Abrico has been drawing nudists since the late 1950s, Ribeiro said.

The municipal law passed last month requires police to patrol the beach. But so, far none have showed up, according to Ribeiro. "Back when it was illegal to go naked here, the cops were here all the time, threatening people and shaking them down," he said. "Now that we need them here, they're nowhere in sight."

Claudio da Silva, a 53-year-old who was one of a handful of people defying the overcast weather to let it all hang out on Abrico this week, said that "unfortunately, Brazilians are not yet psychologically prepared for nudism."

"These attitudes don't change overnight," said Silva, sporting just sunglasses. "But I believe this law shows we're slowly, slowly making progress."

Brazil Votes For Next Leader After Bitter Campaign

Aecio Neves, presidential candidate of the Brazilian Social Democracy Party and his wife Leticia Weber, are surrounded by supporters and journalists as they leave a polling station after voting in the presidential runoff election, in Belo Horizonte, Brazil, Sunday, Oct. 26, 2014. Brazilian voters decide Sunday who will next lead the world's fifth-largest country, the left-leaning incumbent Dilma Rousseff or center-right rival Neves.

RIO DE JANEIRO, BRAZIL (AP) — President Dilma Rousseff is counting on Brazilians' gratefulness for a decade of progress to overcome concerns about a sluggish economy as the leftist leader seeks re-election on Sunday after a bitter, unpredictable campaign.

Rousseff held a slight lead in one major poll over her center-right opponent, Aecio Neves, but the two were deadlocked in another. The choice between Rousseff and Neves has split Brazilians into two camps — those who think only the president will continue to protect the poor and advance social inclusion versus those who are certain that only the contender's market-friendly economic policies can see Brazil return to solid growth.

The Workers' Party's 12 years in power have seen a profound transformation in Brazil, as it expanded social welfare programs to help lift millions of people from poverty and into the middle class. But four straight years of weak economic growth under Rousseff, with an economy that's now in a technical recession, has some worried those gains are under threat.

"Brazilians want it all. They are worried about the economy being sluggish and stagnant but they want to preserve social gains that have been made," said Michael Shifter, president of the Washington-based Inter-American Dialogue. "The question is which candidate is best equipped to deliver both of those."

Rousseff and Neves have fought bitterly to convince voters that they can deliver on both growth and social advances. This year's campaign is widely considered the most acrimonious since Brazil's return to democracy in 1985, a battle between the only two parties to have held the presidency since 1995.

Neves has hammered at Rousseff over a widening kickback scandal at state-run oil company Petrobras, with an informant telling investigators that the Workers' Party directly benefited from the scheme. Rousseff has rejected those allegations and told Brazilians that a vote for Neves would be support for returning Brazil to times of intense economic turbulence, hyperinflation and high unemployment, which the nation encountered when the Social Democrats last held power.

"We've worked so hard to better the lives of the people, and we won't let anything in this world, not even in this crisis nor all the pessimism, take away what they've conquered," Rousseff said before voting in southern Brazil.

After he voted in his hometown in Minas Gerais state, Neves exuded confidence and said he's ready to lead all Brazilians, rich or poor. "I'm in a much better position than her," he said of his opponent. "We'll show that we'll maintain the social programs, that we'll make good on all our promises. If I win the election, my first big mission will be to unify the country."

In Rio de Janeiro, 43-year-old lifeguard Marcelo Barbosa dos Santos voted in the Botafogo neighborhood and said he's been a Rousseff backer from the beginning. "Many things changed for the better during Dilma's administration," he said. "The poor have seen our lives improved and we want that to continue."

But Paula Canongia, a 34-year-old hotel owner, said she voted for Neves because of "the current state of our country." "He's not an ideal candidate, far from it ... but we desperately need change and hopefully he can provide that," she said.

Polls opened at 8 a.m. local (6 a.m. EDT; 10 a.m. GMT). Voting stations in far western Brazil close at 8 p.m. local time (6 p.m. EDT; 10 p.m. GMT), and with the nation's all-electronic voting system, a final result was expected within a few hours.

Officials from Brazil's top electoral court said voting went smoothly through late afternoon. However, there was a shooting at a polling location in the northeastern state of Rio Grande do Norte, when a man was shot and killed inside a school where ballots were cast. Police said it appeared to be gang-related.

Associated Press writers Jenny Barchfield in Rio de Janeiro and Adriana Gomez in Sao Paulo contributed to this report.

Brazilian Opposition Candidate Endorses Neves

Marina Silva, presidential candidate of the Brazilian Socialist Party, PSB, who finished third in the first-round of Brazil's presidential election, drinks tea during a news conference in Sao Paulo, Brazil, Sunday, Oct. 12, 2014. Silva gave her endorsement Sunday to the leading opposition candidate Aecio Neves in the runoff with President Dilma Rousseff set for Oct. 26.

SAO PAULO, BRAZIL (ASSOCIATED PRESS) — Marina Silva, a popular environmentalist who finished third in the first-round of Brazil's presidential election, gave her endorsement Sunday to the opposition candidate challenging President Dilma Rousseff in the Oct. 26 runoff.

The endorsement from Silva comes as Rousseff appeared to be in a tight race with Aecio Neves, a business-minded former governor who has promised to open Brazil's economy and boost its growth. The two candidates are in a statistical tie according to surveys by the polling firms Datafolha and IBOPE. Some 51 percent of voters surveyed in the last week supported Neves, compared to 49 percent for Rousseff. Both polls had a margin of error of 2 percentage points.

In the weeks before the first-round vote on Oct. 5, Silva had for a time led Rousseff in voter surveys, and many were surprised to see her finish behind Neves. After the election, his campaign said an endorsement by Silva would be key to their attempt to upset Rousseff's bid for a second term.

Silva waited a week to announce her support of Neves. "I will vote for Aecio and support him," she said Sunday. "I trust in the sincerity of the proposals of the candidate and his party, and I give to the Brazilian society the task to see that they are fulfilled."

Polls conducted before the first-round vote suggested as many as 60 percent to 70 percent of Silva's supporters would choose to back Neves if he became the candidate to challenge Rousseff in the runoff.
Neves defied expectations by finishing second in the first round, winning 34 percent of the vote to Rousseff's 42 percent. Silva, who finished with 21 percent of votes, had been a strong contender after she was thrust into the Socialist Party's nomination following the death of its initial presidential candidate a plane crash in August. But her support waned after Rousseff launched an aggressive campaign to discredit her skills.

Neves, of the center-right Social Democracy Party, has said the fact that opposition candidates as a whole outpolled Rousseff in the first round indicates that Brazilians are eager for change after 12 years of rule by the president's Workers' Party.

He said he learned of Silva's endorsement during a phone call with the former environment minister late Saturday. "From now on, we are one body, one project in favor of Brazil and the Brazilians," he told reporters Sunday. "Today is a glorious day in our journey to the country's presidency."

Whether Silva's supporters will give Neves the backing he needs to topple Rousseff, however, is not certain. "I don't think that an endorsement of Marina or of her party guarantees that her voters will follow," said Francisco Fonseca, political analyst with Getulio Vargas Foundation. "In Brazil, unlike other countries, party loyalty is not as strong, it's not a personal, family or generational matter. Here they vote more for people than for parties."

Rousseff has strong support from Brazil's poor, many of whom have benefited from her party's social programs. She has warned that a movement away from her protectionist trade policies would set back the advances made over the last 12 years. Nevertheless, her showing in the first round was the weakest for a Workers' Party candidate in 16 years.

Neves' Social Democracy Party, Brazil's most powerful opposition group, held the presidency between 1994 and 2002, when President Fernando Henrique Cardoso was credited with stabilizing inflation. Neves also has the advantage of family legacy: His grandfather Tancredo Neves, was a cherished politician who was chosen to become Brazil's first post-dictatorship president in 1985 but fell ill and died before taking office.

After Dramatic Campaign, Brazilians Set To Vote

Brazilian presidential candidates, from left: Levy Fidelix, of the Brazilian Labour Renewal Party, Brazil's President Dilma Rousseff, candidate for re-election of the Workers Party PT, Marina Silva, of the Brazilian Socialist Party PSB, Eduardo Jorge, of the Green Party, Luciana Genro, of the Socialism and Liberty Party, Aecio Neves, of the Brazilian Social Democracy Party PSDB, and Pastor Everaldo, of the Social Christian Party, pose for a photo before a televised presidential debate in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, Thursday, Oct. 2, 2014. Brazil will hold general elections on Oct. 5.

RIO DE JANEIRO (AP) — If anything, Dilma Rousseff is a survivor.

The former political prisoner-turned-president approaches the end of her first term having lived through cancer, endured raucous, anti-government protests in 2013, brushed past critics to pull off a successful World Cup, and held onto wide support even as Brazil's economy sputtered into recession.

Sunday's presidential election determines the outcome of, perhaps, her most surprising challenge yet: the unexpected rise of Marina Silva, a popular Amazon-born environmentalist who was thrust into the presidential race when a plane crash killed her party's top candidate.

The twists and turns leading up to Latin America's largest election have been the sort of drama even writers of the nation's popular soap operas would have hesitated to invent. How it will end is up to Brazil's electorate of nearly 143 million people.

"It's been the most unpredictable election since the reinstatement of democracy in 1985," said Paulo Sotero, director of the Brazil Institute at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington.

Just weeks ago, Rousseff's chances of survival looked dim, with polls suggesting she and Silva would advance to a runoff vote that Silva was likely to win. But Rousseff fought back aggressively by raising doubts about Silva's qualifications, and support for the high-flying challenger slipped.

Polls released Saturday by Brazil's two leading firms, Datafolha and Ibope, showed Rousseff leading Neves and Silva by about 20 percentage points in Sunday's election, although she appeared to fall short of winning the outright majority she would need to avoid a runoff on Oct. 26.

The Social Democracy Party candidate Neves is an economist and former governor of Minas Gerais, Brazil's second-most populous state, who has strong name recognition. His grandfather, Tancredo Neves, was a widely beloved figure who was chosen to become Brazil's first post-dictatorship president but fell ill and died before taking office.

Datafolha's survey published Saturday showed Neves and Silva in a technical tie considering the poll's margin of error as they headed into Sunday's vote, 26 percent to 24 percent. An Ibope poll on Saturday had 27 percent for Neves and 24 percent for Silva, also with a 2 percentage point margin of error.

Both polls suggest Rousseff likely would beat either challenger in a runoff. Voters will cast ballots via electronic machines Sunday and results are expected to be known within hours of poll closing at 5 p.m. local time (6 p.m. EDT, 2200 GMT in the country's far west). Voting is mandatory for Brazilians aged 18 to 70, and optional for those as young as 16 or over 70. Organizers dispatched some 530,000 voting devices to reach even far corners of the country, the fifth-largest in the world. Officials in jungle villages deep in the Amazon had machines sent in by boat.

Rousseff Workers' Party has held the presidency since the 2002 election of her predecessor and mentor, Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva. On Saturday, Rousseff campaigned hard in Neves' home state, where she's held a surprising advantage in polls, while Marina Silva focused her efforts on reversing her falling support in Sao Paulo. Neves shadowed Rousseff, making stops in Minas Gerais in search of every crucial vote that could propel him into a runoff.

Rousseff promised to continue strong state involvement in the economy, even though critics complain it creates a poor business environment and the main stock market tumbled every time a new poll showed Rousseff on the rise.

The Workers' Party has the support of many in the lower classes due to social programs that helped move 40 million people into the middle class since 2003 and take several million others out of extreme poverty. While the economy has been stagnant under Rousseff, unemployment remains at historic lows.

Nevertheless, it was discontent among the newly minted middle class that fueled demonstrations last year when millions of Brazilians took to the streets, paralyzing the nation for two weeks, to demand better health care, schools, transportation and security.

"Brazil is a country that has isolated itself because of its protectionist trade policy. It has lost ground in the economic area but at the same time created this middle class, a modest middle class, but one that is very numerous," Sotero said. "They've seen the Promised Land and now they want to get there, and they'll continue to pressure whoever leads the government."

Silva, for her part, has surrounded herself with a more centrist economic team that wants to give independence to the Central Bank and look for opportunities beyond the region's frail trade bloc, Mercosur. She wants Brazil to seek bilateral trade deals with Europe and the U.S., streamline government spending and push political reforms in an effort to lessen corruption. Critics say Silva, who represents the Socialist Party, wants to both invoke austerity and expand popular social programs without saying how they would be bankrolled.

Many admire the convent-educated Silva, who overcame childhood illness and poverty to rise in politics. She served 16 years in the Senate and more than five years as environment minister, crafting the policies that curtailed deforestation of the Amazon.

"It's going to be a tough choice," said Vania Oliveira, a 29-year-old newsstand vendor in Rio who said she's leaning toward voting for Silva but had yet to fully commit. "Dilma and the Workers' Party have been in power for so long, and they have helped so many people. But it's tempting to vote for Marina because we now need to deepen the advances," she said. "We need better health care, education and security. We've gained a lot — but we want more."

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Silva Surges Ahead In Brazil's Presidential Vote

Marina Silva, presidential candidate for the Brazilian Socialist Party, campaigns in the Rocinha slum of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, Saturday, Aug. 30, 2014. Silva is leading polls in her race against current President Dilma Rousseff and tapping into the widespread frustrations of many Brazilians with a sputtering economy and poor public services, angst that fueled last year's massive anti-government protests. Brazil will hold its presidential election on Oct. 5.

RIO DE JANEIRO (AP) — Brazil's once humdrum presidential race now resembles one of the country's famed soap operas, with a newcomer thrust into the spotlight by a plane crash and the longtime favorite reeling from a one-two punch of bad news.

With just over a month to go before the Oct. 5 vote, President Dilma Rousseff awoke to newspaper headlines Saturday announcing that Brazil's long-sputtering economy had officially entered recession for the first time in more than five years.

Worse for her, perhaps, were the other banner headlines splashed on front pages: A poll showing Rousseff trailing her new rival Marina Silva by 10 percentage points if the election goes, as expected, to a second round.

"Yesterday must have been President Dilma's most difficult day in a long time — she only had awful news," wrote Merval Pereira, a political columnist for the O Globo newspaper. Silva was a peripheral figure in the election until Aug. 13, when a campaign plane crash killed Socialist Party candidate Eduardo Campos, who was running third, far behind Rousseff.

Silva, who had been his vice presidential candidate, waited a week before officially filling Campos' spot on the ticket, and her star has rocketed upward since, fed by widespread voter discontent over what many consider an inefficient and corrupt political system.

Her life story is cinematic itself. Maria Osmarina Marina Silva Vaz de Lima, 56, grew up as one of eight children of an impoverished rubber tapper on a plantation deep in Brazil's Amazon region. Her mother died when Silva was just 15.

After a childhood during which she was infected with malaria five times, at age 16 Silva was hit with hepatitis and her father sent her to the Acre state capital of Rio Branco for better health care. She decided to enter a convent to fulfill her dream of becoming a nun — and to finally learn to read and write.

There, Silva had a political awakening when she came into contact with priests adhering to liberation theology, a Latin American-inspired movement that promoted rights for the poor. She helped found the local branch of a union representing impoverished Amazon agricultural workers and advocated side-by-side with famed rain forest defender Chico Mendes.

Silva, who became a devout evangelical Christian, joined the now-ruling Workers Party in the mid-1980s and was elected as a Rio Branco city councilwoman in 1989. Two years later, she moved into the state legislature before becoming a federal senator in 1995. Newly elected President Luis Inacio Lula da Silva — no relation — made her his environment minister when he took power on Jan. 1, 2003.

Silva left the post five years later after disagreements with other ministers on how to develop the Amazon region. She was particularly at loggerheads with Rousseff, who was then the nation's energy minister and who pushed an aggressive agenda of building hydroelectric dams and other projects in the Amazon to spur economic development.

After joining the Green Party, Silva ran in the 2010 presidential election and won a surprising 20 percent of the vote despite having little campaign ad airtime. The Datafolha poll released late Friday showed Rousseff and Silva now even heading into the first round, each capturing 34 percent of voter intentions.

But when asked about a second-round runoff, Silva was favored by 50 percent to the incumbent's 40 percent. The poll was based on 2,874 interviews carried out across Brazil on Thursday and Friday. The margin of error was 2 percentage points.

The survey showed that Rousseff remains most popular among Brazil's poorest, who have benefited from Workers Party policies that have lifted millions out of poverty in the past decade. But many Brazilians are frustrated by the state's heavy hand in the slumping economy, and for the first time in years, consumer confidence has been steadily dropping.

The country technically entering recession only compounds the anxiety. "This puts Dilma on the defensive and gives Marina ammunition, it gives Marina more of a chance to explain to voters how she'll turn the economy around," said David Fleischer, a political scientist at the University of Brasilia.

But he said it's not necessarily a fatal blow to Rousseff's campaign. "Voters really only understand it if unemployment rises and inflation eats into their buying power." Unemployment remains low in Brazil and inflation, while rising, is within the range of government targets.

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