Showing posts with label Brazilians. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Brazilians. Show all posts

Saturday, June 23, 2018

Many Brazilians Look To Military Amid Anger At Politicians

Soldiers patrol the Chapeu Mangueira slum of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, Thursday, June 21, 2018. Many Brazilians look to the military amid anger at politicians, believing only the armed forces can root out corruption and put Latin America's largest nation back on track.



RIO DE JANEIRO (AP) — Furious at corrupt politicians and fearful of deteriorating security, many Brazilians are calling for a military intervention to clean house of crooked leaders and crack down on heavily armed drug gangs.

While chances of a military takeover in Latin America's largest nation are small, the calls have become such a part of the national discussion that several generals have felt compelled to deny any interest in such a move — though that hasn't kept them from sounding off on politics in a way that raises questions.

Such discussions would have been unthinkable even a few years ago in a country that emerged from a 21-year dictatorship in 1985, and most supporters tend to avoid the words "coup" or "dictatorship." But the largest corruption scandal in Latin American history and an economic downturn have underscored an emerging narrative that only the armed forces can save Brazil.

"Close down Congress, arrest everybody involved (in corruption) and shut the Supreme Court," said Toni Imbrosio Oliveira, a 61-year-old physical education teacher in Rio. "Why? Because there is collusion between all three branches of power."

Like other supporters, Oliveira said the military should only be in power long enough to write a new constitution, try corrupt politicians and hold general elections. Until recently, calls for a return of military rule only came from small groups on the fringes. Today that view has moved much closer to the mainstream. Polls, myriad social media groups and last month's national truckers' strike, in which "Military Intervention Now!" signs were ubiquitous, show growing support.

"I support a military intervention to create a dignified democracy in Brazil," said Donizeti Dias Pereira, director of Tranziran, a trucking company in Rio de Janeiro. "That is not what we have today."

Brazilians are understandably angry. Beginning in 2014, the so-called Carwash investigation has uncovered a colossal corruption scheme that raised eyebrows in a country long inured to graft in politics.

Several construction companies essentially formed a cartel that decided which firms would get inflated contracts from state oil company Petrobras, siphoning billions of dollars for kickbacks to company officials, politicians and other government officials. The investigation and related probes have led to the jailing of several of the country's elite, from former Odebrecht CEO Marcelo Odebrecht to ex-President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva.

But many politicians accused of wrongdoing, including President Michel Temer, remain in office. Watchdog groups estimate that 60 percent of members of Congress have either been charged or are being investigated for wrongdoing, and many will be running in October's general election.

Reginaldo Prandi, a sociology professor at the University of Sao Paulo and co-founder of the respected Datafolha polling institute, said a sluggish economic recovery after a deep recession is adding to the angst.

"The crisis creates dissatisfaction, hardships for many families and then there is this fantasy that a military dictatorship would be able to put the economy on track," said Prandi. Prandi, historians and political analysts say there is much ignorance about the dictatorship, in part because an amnesty law has kept alleged perpetrators from being tried.

Compared to other military governments in South America, such as in Argentina and Chile, Brazil's version was less repressive. Still, at least 434 people were killed or disappeared during the dictatorship, according to a truth commission report in 2014. Thousands more were tortured, and the press was heavily censured.

"People who want intervention have no idea what a military government is," said Ana Miranda, who said she was tortured in the late 1960s and jailed four years for participating in anti-government demonstrations.

Miranda, a retired pharmacist who lives in Rio de Janeiro, said she was kicked so many times that she got kidney infections. Repeated electric shocks to her vagina — a common practice to extract information — led to such severe urinary infections that doctors told her she would never have children.

"It's like your body is being removed from your mind," she said, tears in her eyes, as she recounted being tortured. Despite that past, the military is by far the most trusted institution in Brazil today, and polls show a decline in support for democracy and increasing support for the military to take a stronger hand.

In April, when the Supreme Court was deciding whether to allow da Silva, Brazil's president between 2003 and 2010, to remain free while he appealed a corruption conviction, Army Gen. Eduardo Villas Boas tweeted: "I assure the nation that the Brazilian Army, like all good citizens, shares the longing for the repudiation of impunity."

Many interpreted that as a warning of the top court to act against da Silva, which military leaders denied. Still, a Datafolha poll soon after found that 61 percent of Brazilians supported the military sounding off on the political situation compared to 33 percent against it. Six percent declined to respond.

Today there is also much confusion about the economy under military rule. "Ask anybody who lived through the military government," Antonio Kleiber do Nacimento, a 26-year-old marketing specialist in Sao Paulo who supports an intervention. "There were good jobs, functioning hospitals."

When Brazilian generals took over in 1964, inflation was at 90 percent and gross domestic product growth at 3 percent, according to central bank figures. By the late 1960s, inflation was brought under 30 percent and massive public works programs helped fuel several years of GDP growth around 10 percent.

In the early 1980s, however, Brazil suffered several years of recession, and when the military government ended in 1985, inflation was at 235 percent. Brazilian generals today, who were young soldiers during the dictatorship, have repeatedly said they have no intention of intervening.

Since February, the military has been in charge of security in the state of Rio de Janeiro. Temer ordered the intervention amid rising crime less than two years after Rio hosted the 2016 Summer Olympics.

"When people are fearful and scared, they look for easy, quick solutions," said Robert Muggah, research director for Rio-based think tank Igarape, which focuses on security. "Right now, the political system is in crisis and the economic system is in meltdown."

Civil rights groups argue that the intervention, which has put thousands of troops on the streets, does nothing to address the issues driving increasing violence, like unemployment, lack of services and deep income inequality.

The general in charge of the intervention, Walter Souza Braga Netto, has also shown an authoritarian streak, prohibiting journalists from filming or photographing him at public events. Supporters of an intervention could very well end up with a military-type government — in a democratic way. Congressman Jair Bolsonaro, a former Army captain who waxes nostalgically about the dictatorship, is second in the polls behind da Silva, who is jailed and likely will not be able to run.

Bolsonaro has promised to root out corruption, crack down on criminals, including by giving police a "carte blanche" to use their weapons while on duty, and fill his Cabinet with military leaders. "The fact that a candidate like Jair Bolsonaro, who openly defends the dictatorship and torture, has 20 percent support in the polls shows that the defenders of democracy have failed," said Claudio Fonteles, a former member of the truth commission.

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Wednesday, August 31, 2016

Brazil's President Rousseff Ousted From Office By Senate

ASSOCIATED PRESS


Brazil's President Michel Temer gives the thumbs up before taking the presidential oath at the National Congress, in Brasilia, Brazil, Wednesday, Aug. 31, 2016. Temer was sworn in as Brazil's new leader following the ouster of President Dilma Rousseff.



BRASILIA, BRAZIL (AP) — Brazil's Senate on Wednesday voted to remove President Dilma Rousseff from office, the culmination of a yearlong fight that paralyzed Latin America's largest nation and exposed deep rifts among its people on everything from race relations to social spending.

While Rousseff's ouster was widely expected, the decision was a key chapter in a colossal political struggle that is far from over. Her vice president-turned-nemesis, Michel Temer, was immediately sworn in as president with Rousseff's allies vowing to fight her removal.

Rousseff was Brazil's first female president, with a storied career that includes a stint as a Marxist guerrilla jailed and tortured in the 1970s during the country's dictatorship. She was accused of breaking fiscal laws in her management of the federal budget.

"The Senate has found that the president of the federal republic of Brazil, Dilma Vana Rousseff, committed crimes in breaking fiscal laws," said Chief Justice Ricardo Lewandowski, who presided over the trial.

Opposition lawmakers, who made clear early on the only solution was getting her out of office, argued that the maneuvers masked yawning deficits from high spending and ultimately exacerbated the recession in a nation that had long enjoyed darling status among emerging economies.

Nonsense, Rousseff countered time and again, proclaiming her innocence up to the end. Previous presidents used similar accounting techniques, she noted, saying the push to remove her was a bloodless coup d'etat by elites fuming over the populist polices of her Workers' Party the last 13 years.

The opposition needed 54 of the 81 senators to vote in favor for her to be removed. They got many more, winning in a landslide of sorts, 61-20. "Today is the day that 61 men, many of them charged and corrupt, threw 54 million Brazilian votes in the garbage," Rousseff tweeted minutes after the decision.

Rousseff won re-election in 2014, garnering more than 54 million votes. In a second Senate vote about 30 minutes later, Rousseff won a minor victory as a measure to ban her from public office for eight years failed. The 42-36 vote fell short of the 54 votes needed for passage.

In the background of the entire fight was a wide-ranging investigation into billions of dollars in kickbacks at state oil company Petrobras. The two-year probe has led to the jailing of dozens of top businessmen and politicians from across the political spectrum, and threatens many of the same lawmakers who voted to remove Rousseff.

Rousseff argued that many opponents just wanted her out of the way so they could save their own skins by tampering with the investigation, which Rousseff had refused to do. Many lawmakers and Brazilians nationwide, meanwhile, blamed Rousseff for the graft even though she has never been personally implicated. They argued that she had to know, as many of the alleged bribes happened while her party was in power.

Rousseff's removal creates many questions that are not easily answered. Temer will serve out the remainder of her term through 2018. He was expected to address the nation in the evening. But Brazilians have already gotten a taste of Temer's leadership, and they are clearly unimpressed.

In May, Temer took over as interim president after the Senate impeached and suspended Rousseff. The 75-year-old career politician named a Cabinet of all-white men, a decision roundly criticized in a nation that is more than 50 percent nonwhite. Three of his ministers were forced to resign within weeks of taking their jobs because of corruption allegations, which also follow Temer and threaten his hold on power.

When Temer announced the opening of the Olympics on Aug. 5, he was so vociferously booed that he remained out of sight for the remainder of the games. Rousseff's allies have vowed to appeal to the country's highest court. While previous petitions to the court have failed to stop the impeachment process, at the very least legal wrangling will keep the issue front and center.

Late Wednesday night, a group of unhappy Rousseff supporters smashed windows of bank branches, other businesses and a police SUV in the city of Sao Paulo. Anti-riot police tried to quell the demonstration with stun grenades and tear gas.

The decision to remove Rousseff also leaves many question marks over the economy, expected to decline for a second straight year. Temer has promised to pull the country of 200 million people from its recession by tackling reforms that have long been taboo, such as slimming public pensions.

But he has not been able to accomplish much the last three months as interim president, and it remains to be seen whether Congress will be willing to work with him. Several polls have shown that Brazilians prefer new elections to solve the crisis.

For that to happen, however, Temer would have to be removed from office or resign, something he clearly has no intention of doing. Speaking to the nation in televised address Wednesday evening, Temer hit back at Rousseff.

"Putschist is you," he said, referring to Rousseff's accusation that he had led the charge to oust her. "It's you who is breaking the constitution." Temer said he had tasked his Cabinet with pushing forward budget and pension reforms as well as proposals to create jobs.

"From today on, the expectations are much higher for the government. I hope that in these two years and four months, we do what we have declared — put Brazil back on track," he said. Speaking to supporters at the presidential residence, Rousseff promised to mount a strong opposition, but didn't elaborate.

"This coup is against social movements and unions and against those who fight for their rights," she said. "Rights for the young people to make history, rights for the black, indigenous, LGBT and women."

Associated Press writer Mauricio Savarese reported from Brasilia and AP writer Peter Prengaman reported from Rio de Janeiro.

Peter Prengaman on Twitter: https://www.twitter.com/peterprengaman

Mauricio Savarese on Twitter: https://www.twitter.com/MSavarese

Friday, December 05, 2014

No Strings Attached: Brazil Nudists Get Rio Beach

THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
DECEMBER 5, 2014


Erica Menezes de Oliveira prepares a drink as her husband Carlos Eduardo grabs some ice on Abrico beach, recently designated as nudist after a 20-year-battle, in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, Thursday, Dec. 4, 2014. The city renown worldwide for its wild Carnival celebrations featuring near-naked samba dancers has finally gotten its first official nudist beach.

Abrico beach, about 25 miles (40 kilometers) west of central Rio, was officially made a nudist beach last month. While Brazilian beachwear may be as close as one can get to being nude while ostensibly clothed, for Brazilians those tiny spandex triangles covering private parts make all the difference.
Nudism outside of Carnival parades is widely frowned upon in Brazil. On the more than 7,400 kilometers (4,600 miles) of coastline, there are just eight official nudist beaches, now including Rio's Abrico.

That's compared to over 200 nude recreation areas in the U.S. under the care of the American Association for Nude Recreation, and even more common nudism in Europe. "It's still very taboo. Most people here continue to mix up nudism and free love," said Ribeiro, as he strolled the sand in his birthday suit, accessorized with a cap to shield his head from the sun. "In Rio, you have Carnival celebrations with nude or nearly nude people parading in the samba schools. But Rio residents only accept that during Carnival."

Surrounded by tropical vegetation, Abrico is isolated from neighboring beaches by outsized rock formations. Because of its seclusion, Abrico has been drawing nudists since the late 1950s, Ribeiro said.

The municipal law passed last month requires police to patrol the beach. But so, far none have showed up, according to Ribeiro. "Back when it was illegal to go naked here, the cops were here all the time, threatening people and shaking them down," he said. "Now that we need them here, they're nowhere in sight."

Claudio da Silva, a 53-year-old who was one of a handful of people defying the overcast weather to let it all hang out on Abrico this week, said that "unfortunately, Brazilians are not yet psychologically prepared for nudism."

"These attitudes don't change overnight," said Silva, sporting just sunglasses. "But I believe this law shows we're slowly, slowly making progress."

Sunday, October 26, 2014

Brazil Votes For Next Leader After Bitter Campaign

Aecio Neves, presidential candidate of the Brazilian Social Democracy Party and his wife Leticia Weber, are surrounded by supporters and journalists as they leave a polling station after voting in the presidential runoff election, in Belo Horizonte, Brazil, Sunday, Oct. 26, 2014. Brazilian voters decide Sunday who will next lead the world's fifth-largest country, the left-leaning incumbent Dilma Rousseff or center-right rival Neves.


RIO DE JANEIRO, BRAZIL (AP) — President Dilma Rousseff is counting on Brazilians' gratefulness for a decade of progress to overcome concerns about a sluggish economy as the leftist leader seeks re-election on Sunday after a bitter, unpredictable campaign.

Rousseff held a slight lead in one major poll over her center-right opponent, Aecio Neves, but the two were deadlocked in another. The choice between Rousseff and Neves has split Brazilians into two camps — those who think only the president will continue to protect the poor and advance social inclusion versus those who are certain that only the contender's market-friendly economic policies can see Brazil return to solid growth.

The Workers' Party's 12 years in power have seen a profound transformation in Brazil, as it expanded social welfare programs to help lift millions of people from poverty and into the middle class. But four straight years of weak economic growth under Rousseff, with an economy that's now in a technical recession, has some worried those gains are under threat.

"Brazilians want it all. They are worried about the economy being sluggish and stagnant but they want to preserve social gains that have been made," said Michael Shifter, president of the Washington-based Inter-American Dialogue. "The question is which candidate is best equipped to deliver both of those."

Rousseff and Neves have fought bitterly to convince voters that they can deliver on both growth and social advances. This year's campaign is widely considered the most acrimonious since Brazil's return to democracy in 1985, a battle between the only two parties to have held the presidency since 1995.

Neves has hammered at Rousseff over a widening kickback scandal at state-run oil company Petrobras, with an informant telling investigators that the Workers' Party directly benefited from the scheme. Rousseff has rejected those allegations and told Brazilians that a vote for Neves would be support for returning Brazil to times of intense economic turbulence, hyperinflation and high unemployment, which the nation encountered when the Social Democrats last held power.

"We've worked so hard to better the lives of the people, and we won't let anything in this world, not even in this crisis nor all the pessimism, take away what they've conquered," Rousseff said before voting in southern Brazil.

After he voted in his hometown in Minas Gerais state, Neves exuded confidence and said he's ready to lead all Brazilians, rich or poor. "I'm in a much better position than her," he said of his opponent. "We'll show that we'll maintain the social programs, that we'll make good on all our promises. If I win the election, my first big mission will be to unify the country."

In Rio de Janeiro, 43-year-old lifeguard Marcelo Barbosa dos Santos voted in the Botafogo neighborhood and said he's been a Rousseff backer from the beginning. "Many things changed for the better during Dilma's administration," he said. "The poor have seen our lives improved and we want that to continue."

But Paula Canongia, a 34-year-old hotel owner, said she voted for Neves because of "the current state of our country." "He's not an ideal candidate, far from it ... but we desperately need change and hopefully he can provide that," she said.

Polls opened at 8 a.m. local (6 a.m. EDT; 10 a.m. GMT). Voting stations in far western Brazil close at 8 p.m. local time (6 p.m. EDT; 10 p.m. GMT), and with the nation's all-electronic voting system, a final result was expected within a few hours.

Officials from Brazil's top electoral court said voting went smoothly through late afternoon. However, there was a shooting at a polling location in the northeastern state of Rio Grande do Norte, when a man was shot and killed inside a school where ballots were cast. Police said it appeared to be gang-related.

Associated Press writers Jenny Barchfield in Rio de Janeiro and Adriana Gomez in Sao Paulo contributed to this report.

Sunday, October 12, 2014

Brazilian Opposition Candidate Endorses Neves

Marina Silva, presidential candidate of the Brazilian Socialist Party, PSB, who finished third in the first-round of Brazil's presidential election, drinks tea during a news conference in Sao Paulo, Brazil, Sunday, Oct. 12, 2014. Silva gave her endorsement Sunday to the leading opposition candidate Aecio Neves in the runoff with President Dilma Rousseff set for Oct. 26.


SAO PAULO, BRAZIL (ASSOCIATED PRESS) — Marina Silva, a popular environmentalist who finished third in the first-round of Brazil's presidential election, gave her endorsement Sunday to the opposition candidate challenging President Dilma Rousseff in the Oct. 26 runoff.

The endorsement from Silva comes as Rousseff appeared to be in a tight race with Aecio Neves, a business-minded former governor who has promised to open Brazil's economy and boost its growth. The two candidates are in a statistical tie according to surveys by the polling firms Datafolha and IBOPE. Some 51 percent of voters surveyed in the last week supported Neves, compared to 49 percent for Rousseff. Both polls had a margin of error of 2 percentage points.

In the weeks before the first-round vote on Oct. 5, Silva had for a time led Rousseff in voter surveys, and many were surprised to see her finish behind Neves. After the election, his campaign said an endorsement by Silva would be key to their attempt to upset Rousseff's bid for a second term.

Silva waited a week to announce her support of Neves. "I will vote for Aecio and support him," she said Sunday. "I trust in the sincerity of the proposals of the candidate and his party, and I give to the Brazilian society the task to see that they are fulfilled."

Polls conducted before the first-round vote suggested as many as 60 percent to 70 percent of Silva's supporters would choose to back Neves if he became the candidate to challenge Rousseff in the runoff.
Neves defied expectations by finishing second in the first round, winning 34 percent of the vote to Rousseff's 42 percent. Silva, who finished with 21 percent of votes, had been a strong contender after she was thrust into the Socialist Party's nomination following the death of its initial presidential candidate a plane crash in August. But her support waned after Rousseff launched an aggressive campaign to discredit her skills.

Neves, of the center-right Social Democracy Party, has said the fact that opposition candidates as a whole outpolled Rousseff in the first round indicates that Brazilians are eager for change after 12 years of rule by the president's Workers' Party.

He said he learned of Silva's endorsement during a phone call with the former environment minister late Saturday. "From now on, we are one body, one project in favor of Brazil and the Brazilians," he told reporters Sunday. "Today is a glorious day in our journey to the country's presidency."

Whether Silva's supporters will give Neves the backing he needs to topple Rousseff, however, is not certain. "I don't think that an endorsement of Marina or of her party guarantees that her voters will follow," said Francisco Fonseca, political analyst with Getulio Vargas Foundation. "In Brazil, unlike other countries, party loyalty is not as strong, it's not a personal, family or generational matter. Here they vote more for people than for parties."

Rousseff has strong support from Brazil's poor, many of whom have benefited from her party's social programs. She has warned that a movement away from her protectionist trade policies would set back the advances made over the last 12 years. Nevertheless, her showing in the first round was the weakest for a Workers' Party candidate in 16 years.

Neves' Social Democracy Party, Brazil's most powerful opposition group, held the presidency between 1994 and 2002, when President Fernando Henrique Cardoso was credited with stabilizing inflation. Neves also has the advantage of family legacy: His grandfather Tancredo Neves, was a cherished politician who was chosen to become Brazil's first post-dictatorship president in 1985 but fell ill and died before taking office.

Saturday, October 04, 2014

After Dramatic Campaign, Brazilians Set To Vote

Brazilian presidential candidates, from left: Levy Fidelix, of the Brazilian Labour Renewal Party, Brazil's President Dilma Rousseff, candidate for re-election of the Workers Party PT, Marina Silva, of the Brazilian Socialist Party PSB, Eduardo Jorge, of the Green Party, Luciana Genro, of the Socialism and Liberty Party, Aecio Neves, of the Brazilian Social Democracy Party PSDB, and Pastor Everaldo, of the Social Christian Party, pose for a photo before a televised presidential debate in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, Thursday, Oct. 2, 2014. Brazil will hold general elections on Oct. 5.


RIO DE JANEIRO (AP) — If anything, Dilma Rousseff is a survivor.

The former political prisoner-turned-president approaches the end of her first term having lived through cancer, endured raucous, anti-government protests in 2013, brushed past critics to pull off a successful World Cup, and held onto wide support even as Brazil's economy sputtered into recession.

Sunday's presidential election determines the outcome of, perhaps, her most surprising challenge yet: the unexpected rise of Marina Silva, a popular Amazon-born environmentalist who was thrust into the presidential race when a plane crash killed her party's top candidate.

The twists and turns leading up to Latin America's largest election have been the sort of drama even writers of the nation's popular soap operas would have hesitated to invent. How it will end is up to Brazil's electorate of nearly 143 million people.

"It's been the most unpredictable election since the reinstatement of democracy in 1985," said Paulo Sotero, director of the Brazil Institute at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington.

Just weeks ago, Rousseff's chances of survival looked dim, with polls suggesting she and Silva would advance to a runoff vote that Silva was likely to win. But Rousseff fought back aggressively by raising doubts about Silva's qualifications, and support for the high-flying challenger slipped.

Polls released Saturday by Brazil's two leading firms, Datafolha and Ibope, showed Rousseff leading Neves and Silva by about 20 percentage points in Sunday's election, although she appeared to fall short of winning the outright majority she would need to avoid a runoff on Oct. 26.

The Social Democracy Party candidate Neves is an economist and former governor of Minas Gerais, Brazil's second-most populous state, who has strong name recognition. His grandfather, Tancredo Neves, was a widely beloved figure who was chosen to become Brazil's first post-dictatorship president but fell ill and died before taking office.

Datafolha's survey published Saturday showed Neves and Silva in a technical tie considering the poll's margin of error as they headed into Sunday's vote, 26 percent to 24 percent. An Ibope poll on Saturday had 27 percent for Neves and 24 percent for Silva, also with a 2 percentage point margin of error.

Both polls suggest Rousseff likely would beat either challenger in a runoff. Voters will cast ballots via electronic machines Sunday and results are expected to be known within hours of poll closing at 5 p.m. local time (6 p.m. EDT, 2200 GMT in the country's far west). Voting is mandatory for Brazilians aged 18 to 70, and optional for those as young as 16 or over 70. Organizers dispatched some 530,000 voting devices to reach even far corners of the country, the fifth-largest in the world. Officials in jungle villages deep in the Amazon had machines sent in by boat.

Rousseff Workers' Party has held the presidency since the 2002 election of her predecessor and mentor, Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva. On Saturday, Rousseff campaigned hard in Neves' home state, where she's held a surprising advantage in polls, while Marina Silva focused her efforts on reversing her falling support in Sao Paulo. Neves shadowed Rousseff, making stops in Minas Gerais in search of every crucial vote that could propel him into a runoff.

Rousseff promised to continue strong state involvement in the economy, even though critics complain it creates a poor business environment and the main stock market tumbled every time a new poll showed Rousseff on the rise.

The Workers' Party has the support of many in the lower classes due to social programs that helped move 40 million people into the middle class since 2003 and take several million others out of extreme poverty. While the economy has been stagnant under Rousseff, unemployment remains at historic lows.

Nevertheless, it was discontent among the newly minted middle class that fueled demonstrations last year when millions of Brazilians took to the streets, paralyzing the nation for two weeks, to demand better health care, schools, transportation and security.

"Brazil is a country that has isolated itself because of its protectionist trade policy. It has lost ground in the economic area but at the same time created this middle class, a modest middle class, but one that is very numerous," Sotero said. "They've seen the Promised Land and now they want to get there, and they'll continue to pressure whoever leads the government."

Silva, for her part, has surrounded herself with a more centrist economic team that wants to give independence to the Central Bank and look for opportunities beyond the region's frail trade bloc, Mercosur. She wants Brazil to seek bilateral trade deals with Europe and the U.S., streamline government spending and push political reforms in an effort to lessen corruption. Critics say Silva, who represents the Socialist Party, wants to both invoke austerity and expand popular social programs without saying how they would be bankrolled.

Many admire the convent-educated Silva, who overcame childhood illness and poverty to rise in politics. She served 16 years in the Senate and more than five years as environment minister, crafting the policies that curtailed deforestation of the Amazon.

"It's going to be a tough choice," said Vania Oliveira, a 29-year-old newsstand vendor in Rio who said she's leaning toward voting for Silva but had yet to fully commit. "Dilma and the Workers' Party have been in power for so long, and they have helped so many people. But it's tempting to vote for Marina because we now need to deepen the advances," she said. "We need better health care, education and security. We've gained a lot — but we want more."

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Wednesday, May 07, 2014

Ronaldinho, Kaka, Robinho Off Brazil World Cup Roster

Brazil's soccer coach Luiz Felipe Scolari. left, embraces Brazilian Soccer Confederation President Jose Maria Marin during a news conference to anouce his list of players for the 2014 Soccer World Cup in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, Wednesday, May 7, 2014. The team will mix talented young stars such as Neymar and Oscar with more experienced players such as Dani Alves, David Luiz, Thiago Silva and Hulk.

SAO PAULO (AP) — Ronaldinho, Kaka and Robinho were left off Brazil's World Cup roster by coach Luiz Felipe Scolari, who selected just five players who went to the 2010 tournament with the Selecao.

Goalkeeper Julio Cesar; defenders Thiago Silva, Dani Alves and Maicon; and midfielder Ramires were the only returnees from the tournament four years ago on the 23-man roster announced Wednesday. Fred, a forward on the 2006 World Cup roster, was selected after missing the 2010 tournament.

"I don't think this lack of World Cup experience will play a big part," Scolari said. "Our players have been gaining experience in their leagues in Europe, and I don't think they will be affected by this too much, although in certain World Cup situations, having that experience would be important. But I fully trust these players."

There were no major surprise picks in Brazil's group, which includes 16 players who were on the roster for last year's Confederations Cup, a warmup tournament in which the Selecao beat Spain 3-0 in the final. The team includes young stars such as Neymar and Oscar.

"My childhood dream came true," Neymar said on Instagram. "Today was one of the most anticipated days of my life. It's time to represent the entire country. I'm completely moved, anxious and nervous. I want it to arrive soon."

Also among the bypassed were Lucas Leiva, Lucas Moura and Felipe Luis. "We know that not everybody will agree with all the names. It's normal," Scolari said. "But now that we have the 23 players, we would like to ask that our fans support all of them, so together we can focus on our goal of winning the World Cup."

The roster includes six players from teams in England, four from Brazil, three each from Italy and Spain, two apiece from France and Germany, and one each from Major League Soccer, Russia and Ukraine.

The announcement at a traditional concert house in Rio de Janeiro was telecast live and attended by more than 700 reporters. Seeking a record sixth World Cup title, Brazil has won 13 of its last 14 games. Its starting lineup is likely to have Julio Cesar in goal; Dani Alves at right back; Thiago Silva and David Luiz in central defense; Marcelo at left back; Paulinho and Luiz Gustavo in defensive midfield; and Oscar in attacking midfield; and Neymar, Hulk and Fred up front.

Brazil plays Croatia in the World Cup opener on June 12, then faces Mexico five days later and Croatia on June 23. The roster: Goalkeepers: Jefferson (Botafogo), Julio Cesar (Toronto, MLS), Victor (Atletico Mineiro)

Defenders: Dani Alves (Barcelona, Spain), Dante (Bayern Munich, Germany), David Luiz (Chelsea, England), Henrique (Napoli, Italy), Maicon (Roma, Italy), Marcelo (Real Madrid, Spain), Maxwell (Paris Saint-Germain, France), Thiago Silva (Paris Saint-Germain, France)

Midfielders: Fernandinho (Manchester City, England), Hernanes (Inter Milan, Italy), Luiz Gustavo (Wolfsburg, Germany), Oscar (Chelsea, England), Paulinho (Tottenham, England), Ramires (Chelsea, England), Willian (Chelsea, England)
Forwards: Bernard (Shakhtar Donetsk, Ukraine), Fred (Fluminense), Hulk (Zenit St. Petersburg, Russia), Jo (Atletico Mineiro), Neymar (Barcelona, Spain)

Tales Azzoni on Twitter: http://twitter.com/tazzoni

Friday, April 06, 2012

World Cup: Brazil's Victory

Jubilant team members hug Pele (10), who scored the winning goal for Brazilians in their World Cup victory over the Swedish soccer team. Date: June 29, 1958. Location: Stockholm, Sweden

World Cup: Sweden 1958

Brazilian soccer star Pele (right), waves his arms triumphantly after scoring his country's fifth goal in the World Cup Final against Sweden. The final score was 5-2 in Brazil's favor. Date: June 29, 1958. Location: Stockholm, Sweden

Tuesday, March 15, 2011

Memorable Images and Time

ARTHUR ASHE (USA) & JIMMY CONNORS WIMBLEDON FINAL 1975. A Michael Cole Collectio


A smiling NFL Commissioner Peter Rozelle stands with the President of the Pittsburgh Steelers Art Rooney who holds the Superbowl trophy and one of the game balls presented to him by his team after their 16-6 victory over the Minnesota Vikings. Dte: January 12, 1975


Boxer Emile Griffith Being Carried by Coaches after Victory
Original caption: A smiling Emile Griffith gets a victory lift by his handlers after gaining a 15-round decision over middleweight champion Dick Tiger at Madison Square Garden April 25th. Griffith became the third welterweight in history to win the middleweight title. At left, pointing toward camera, is ring announcer Johnny Addie. Location: Manhattan, New York, New York. Date: April 25, 1966



1958 FIFA World Cup: 17 Year Old Pele is Celebrating and Crying
Brazilian players and goalkeeper Gilmar (2nd from R) are hugging and cheering and pick up 17 year old crying Pele (top). Pele scored two goals during the 1958 FIFA World Cup final at Stockholm's Rasunda stadium in front of 53.000 spectators on June 29th. Brazil beats Sweden 5:2, and this is the first time Brazil wins a world cup title. Pele scored six goals during the whole tournament.

Friday, October 30, 2009

FIFA U-17 World Cup Update, Friday, October 30, 2009

U-17 World Cup: Scandal, Scandal everywhere

The FIFA U-17 World Cup tagged Nigeria 2009 has been plagued by scandals from inception when a bogus budget of N35 billion was presented to a shocked Federal Government which initially subsequently announced its withdrawal altogether. After pressure was mounted by eminent Nigerians and some sports administrators who told the government of the consequences of its action, President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua balked but said the outrageous budget must be slashed. N9 billion was then approved. <<< READ FULL STORY

Nigeria Under-17 2-1Argentina Under-17: Hosts Win To Top World Cup Group A

Hosts and defending champions Nigeria finished the first round of the FIFA Under-17 World Cup as leaders of Group A. They secured the position by defeating Argentina 2-1 at the Tafawa Balewa Stadium in Bauchi on Friday. The Golden Eaglets fought back from an early Argentine strike to record a win that ensures that they stay put in Abuja for their round of 16 match on Thursday. <<< READ FULL STORY

Decision day for Brazilian starlets as group goes to the wire

The Selecao, who are the favourites to win the championship shot themselves on the foot on Tuesday when they allowed Mexico to run out with a 1-0 scoreline. The result threw the group open, with Brazil and Mexico tied on three points, a situation that placed the South Americans in a must win situation at the National Stadium in Abuja. <<< READ FULL STORY

Seleção feel the heat

Brazil's passage to the knockout phase of the FIFA U-17 World Cup Nigeria 2009 will be on the line on Friday when they take on Switzerland in their final Group B game in Abuja. The Helvetians, who already stamped their ticket to the last 16 with two wins from two, will be keen to maintain their winning run and take the scalp of the three-time world champions. <<< READ FULL STORY

FIFA referees stuck on bad roads in Abuja

(Xinhua) -- FIFA's refereeing officials at the ongoing Under-17 World Cup tournament were on Thursday in Abuja stuck for two hours at a bad spot on the road leading to their training venue. The bus conveying the officials from a training session at the FIFA Goal project could not move because of the bad road, the News Agency of Nigeria reported. The road which is currently under construction became difficult for vehicles to pass because of a downpour. <<< READ FULL STORY

Fifa U-17 - We Still Cheat, Amiesimaka

Scandals, scandals and more scandals appear to be the hallmark of the on-going FIFA U-17 World Cup taking place in eight centers in Nigeria. First, it was the issue of lack of funds, a feat that saw some sub seat chairmen threaten to quit their positions before they were cajoled by the LOC chieftains. The chairmen were not issued with funds to work few days to the commencement of the tournament. <<< READ FULL STORY

Nigeria 2009 - Reduce Pressure on Eaglets, Howard Tells Nigerians

Coach Franklin Howard has said that the Eaglets would give their best in the on-going FIFA U-17 World Cup if Nigerians could put less pressure on the team. He noted that because football fans and Nigerians in general feel highly aggrieved over the poor outings by the senior national teams in recent international competitions, there seem to have been a corresponding transfer of such dissatisfaction to the U-17 in the current competition, leading to loss of confidence. Howard, a former junior team captain and defender for the defunct ACB FC of Lagos, has therefore urged Nigerians to put less pressure on the team in this competition so they could do better. <<< READ FULL STORY

Young Ticos targetman primed

Currently lying bottom of Group D and having endured a 4-1 football lesson from Turkey, things may look dire for Costa Rica on paper but in reality the Central Americans maintain high hopes of reaching the knockout stage. Costa Rica face Burkina Faso where the winner will progress to the Round of 16, provided New Zealand fail to overcome runaway leaders Turkey. Even if the Young All Whites triumph in adversity against Turkey, a third-place qualification berth still beckons. <<< READ FULL STORY

Tuesday, December 18, 2007

Ehirim Files Classic: "The Cultural Order"

CULTURE: Ohafis/Bende War Dance. Image: Steemit         



By Ambrose Ehirim

No question, Los Angeles has emerged as a cultural model for cities all around the globe. Take a ride on Crenshaw Boulevard to Leimert Park and you will find out it has become synonymous with the African American cultural community. Hancock Park and La Brea Avenue is an identity of the Synagogues and Jewish cultural and arts centers. East Los Angeles identifies with the Chicano cultural and labor union communities. On Venice Boulevard toward Venice Beach, the samba-playing Brazilians entertain in their usual colorful and flamboyant manner. Where can I identify my own cultural order?

On April 10, 2003, I checked my messages arriving home from the stressful and bumper-to-bumper bottleneck Los Angeles streets and freeways traffic with calls from loved ones, my brother, my niece, my church pastor, my daughter's teacher, Dr. Edmund Ugorji, telemarketers, my childhood buddy Eugene Onyeji, my classmate at college Ardis Hamilton who was at All Progressive Grand Alliance (APGA) launching as my guest, my good friend and renowned journalist Austen Oghuma, community leaders meeting, Los Angeles African American Political Forum and many others too numerous to mention.

I played back the calls. I returned and missed some of them. Among them, the call from Dr. Ugorji of which I left a message. He returned back my call and spoke of my incommunicado, and among other things, delightedly invited me to his house for dinner, the next day. I honored his invitation and told him I would pop up at 7:30 PM, the scheduled day. After my conversations with Dr. Ugorji, I called Oghuma whose fascinating political debate takes us into the night. Debates on why Biafranigeria shouldn't break up, and debates on why I insist Biafranigeria has no business being a "one united nation." And, too, debates on why Olusegun Obasanjo should keep keeping on in leading the nation at its critical era.

However, it was the eve of Mbieri Community Association of Southern California fundraising event and launching of its first almanac that I kept up my word to pay homage to Dr. Ugorji for dinner. On my way, I stopped by Four Seasons Market run by Dozie Ozoemena to check the week's fliers-fundraising events, wake-keeping, launching, naming ceremonies, baby showers, cultural dances, graduations, weddings and the latest in local politics before my final destination of the said evening. At Four Seasons, the fliers and political junkies hung around. It was usual and typical of my expectations as the Zik ekwuo aru ahia mgbede gatherers were at work doing their thing, saying what they don't know and what they do know sometimes, the kind of "tabloid press" you see at the newsstands, and the kind of trash talks you encounter at barbershops..

It was really nothing new to see the loquacious ahia mgbede gatherers, evening market gossipers in their same old ways talking big and rubbing shoulders of what's new in town. Talks like "Nna, inugwo?" Asi na Jerry gburu ozu, oloputara brand new zero-mileage Hummer H2" (Man, have you heard it? It is said Jerry launched a brand new zero-mileage Hummer H2) was the cultural order. One even asked me "what are you driving now, Hummer?" I was not moved knowing the way ndi be anyi, our people operates which is worrisome for the fact that our values and popular culture is being wiped out ever since the "Push Factor" began, the political, economic and socio-cultural conditions that made us flee our native lands in search for a better life.

Nevertheless, in order not to spoil my evening and looking forward to a sound political and intellectual discourse with Dr. Ugorji, I took off to keep up with my appointment as initially planned. Dr. Ugorji, a linguist, and medical director of Los Angeles Department of Health Services is another political junkie. He welcomed me and offered me and seat. He asked "what kind of drink" I would like. "Water or soda will be fine, precisely lemon drink if soda," I said to him. Generous, humorous and frank, he admitted I was a rare gem based on my thought-provoking articles and confidence regarding the way I speak. It was a long debate as we talked into the night while his kids went to bed. It was the eve of the ridiculous and embarassing National Assembly elections of Olusegun Obasanjo's dubious administration. And, all in all, it was the usual Friday evening when the otimkpus, the alarmists gather to make some noise in a series of pepper soup joints around Los Angeles.

Somehow, that evening, I allowed Dr. Ugorji to do all the talking while I sipped my soda listening attentively. He spoke at length his disgust with Achike Udenwa's inept and corrupt administration in Imo State and the many wonders found in the Igbos of the Diaspora and their chieftaincy titles. He talked about the schools we left behind and its deteriorating conditions, and why nobody is doing anything about it since the missionaries and ndiocha, the white people left us alone to figure things out. He talked about secession bid for autonomy by every hamlet in Igboland and how it created a big divide in the Igbo nation. He talked about the scramblers and opportunists erecting mansions and "palaces" on dusty alleys with no street numberings. He complained, too, about the pogrom and civil war comparing the Igbos with the Jews which really caught my attention in all that he was saying.

"Igbos have nothing at all in common with the Jews," I would say. "Nothing at all, no comparison and not even close." First, despite quarrelling among themselves, greed, envy and hatred do not exist in the Jewish nation. Their pop-culture dating back from the Biblical days is still intact and viable. They know Adolph Hitler was evil and "never again" would the most blood soaked event in humankind be allowed to take place. A five year old Jewish kid, growing up learns in the Synagogue, day care centers and faiths in the Torah that "to forget is to proclaim Hitler innocent." Ask a Jewish kid who the father of the modern Jewish state is and he or she will be quick to tell you.

In contrast, the Igbos have quickly forgotten the evisceration of a pregnant woman, the widespread bloodletting, the "Asaba male death march and drowning," Benjamin Adekunle's proclamation of shooting at every moving creature in Igboland and other horrible cases of that nature, finding solace having an affair with a people who never acknowledged what they did was evil and must not be entertained. Just like the Diaspora Jewish kid who has learned about the Holocaust and the state of Israel, its migration and persecution over the years, a Diaspora Igbo kid and second generation immigrant to be exact, ask who the Igbos are or who is Francis Akanu Ibiam and you likely would hear "never heard of him." Or speak Igbo to these lost generations and you will hear "I don't get it, man!"

But ask this kid or a number of Igbo Diaspora kids who Lebron James is. One hundred percent of these kids will be quick to tell you without guessing that he is the number one ranked High School basketball sensation from Akron, Ohio. He will be recognized by all. To a point and so disturbing some Igbo intellectuals do not want their kids to speak Igbo in public. What's all these for?

Ugorji was pissed and admitted exhaustion of all options in Igbo renaissance. "Does it mean we are finished?" I would ask.

"Enyi amaghim," --my friend, I don't know, Ugorji would distressingly respond.

Of course, we are finished and being weary of pointing out that we have no "adversaries" and enemies but ourselves, we who have caused every divide within our kith and kin tailored to the desire of our enemies should be blamed for the present state of the Igbos. I left Ugorji's house with the never-ending excruciating pains I have beared all my life looking at the sorry state of the Igbo nation.

My evening was in order and I looked forward to the very big occasion about to take place the next day. Earlier, Ugorji and I discussed about the big event, Mbieri gala night. He offered me a high table for the upcoming event, and knowing the story of the dog named "Jack" I declined and promised to show up as usual, to observe and report.

On Saturday April 12, 2003, many invitations and fliers sat on my study desk, and many occasions of the cultural order were taking place the same day. There was Onicha Igbo Cultural Association fundraising event, Okwahuman Association of Southern California Special Easter Dance, Eko Club California, Nkwerre Association of Southern California, Amaigbo Cultural Association, Mbieri Community Association of Southern California Fundraising and Launching of its first almanac, South High Car Wash Crusade to raise fund for the football team and many other socio-cultural events. I checked my calendar and had marked Mbieri Community gala as my first point of call in all the cultural order.

Traditional outfit wearing doormen, beautiful looking children rehearsing at the back corner for the occasion's special dance, uniformed Mbieri women cheering on the aisle, the hippies roaming around and cocking eyes at one another, the flowing gowners showing their stuff, Veronica serving her delicious dishes and uniformed Mbieri men tending bar, it looked like one of those Brazilian carnivals and Big Easy's Madigras, populated by men and women who had been invited to the "fundraising event and launching of 1st Mbieri almanac."

I popped up late in the evening and was greeted by one of the occasion's organizers Nze Odunze Igbonagwam who had sold to me one of the event's tickets. Before my arrival, I had called Oghuma to meet me at the ballroom of Hollywood Park Casino in Inglewood, California and collect a ticket I reserved for him sold to me by Dr. Ugorji. Oghuma, however, could not make it to the show due to other special engagements elsewhere in the Los Angeles area.

The evening was all showman and local celeb Solomon Egbuhuo's doing. For the last several years, the one and only MC in Igbo cultural events around the Los Angeles area has organized and mceed occasions to help various communities raise funds for worthy causes despite the widespread scandals of keeping funny books. Egbuhuo, a businessman and promoter of local music ensembles loves showbizness and the attention it gives him.

Noted deejays Ike and Jasper spinned while the folklore musical group Umunna of Los Angeles did their own thing--the Mike Ejeagha akuko na egwu, folklore kind of stuff. It was electric. It was much, much better than the spraying money in your face and high fives of the notorious Coque Brothers.

Meanwhile, I had taken up a seat in the ballroom and had gone to the menu section to help myself with what the caterer Veronica had prepared for the event. I served myself a concoction from Veronica's menu table--rice, fried plantain, anu ewu (goat meat), moi-moi, fried fish, vegetables, kpof-kpof (call it donut if you like), okporoko, (stockfish) and you name it, I had it all. I sat at a corner with a couple of hometown buddies to do justice to my concoction, my own combination. Dealing with my dish and watching what was going on, Los Angeles area renowned MC Egbuho introduced UmuIgbo USA, uniformed and tantalizingly hot to perform for the evening.

As the second generation immigrants were ushered in to perform what has been rehearsed and choreographed for months, UmuIgbo USA arrived on stage in a standing ovation after the president's opening remarks which preceded Nigeria and America national anthem, making me ponder and questioning about Igbo "national" anthem. Perhaps that was beside the point since all that mattered was Mbieri fundraising and launching of its first almanac. The sensational group walked into the ballroom across the cobbled square, through the hallway, and onto the stage. Turning to the crowd, they bowed and sang. All eyes turned on them cheering and saying a new generation has arrived the shores of America. They were marvelous, up and adequate to the occasion.

Then followed formal opening of the floor by the high table coupled with "processional" entry of Nd'Mbieri in the kind of egwu ure, recalling my memories to the days of egwu umu ada and joyous festivities when culture was still intact. After the procession and dance, Umunna of Los Angeles performed live with breaks between songs. Every attendant shimmied to the beat of the band's original folklore, "making people happy and keeping the crowd dancing." Umunna's music gave me a feel for egwu agba ochie, the real vibe in the heydays of egwu onwa, moonlight plays, folklore and highlife music, and not the ridiculous money campaign, spraying money in your face performed by the ilk of Coque Brothers and the changed Stephen Osita Osadebe.

Then again, the president's speech and "launching, launching, launching," the time for charity and kind gestures, donations and vice versa. While donations and pledges were being made, a whole lot of shaking and hugging was going on, men and women snapped pictures while happy little children ran all over the place. It was a good feel of community. It was the feel of culture made whole and not "even the sum of parts" as Nobel Laureate Wole Soyinka once put it.

I can't describe how much my spirit was lifted. It looked like my boyhood days when we played the hide and seek game during conventions like this, and our parents will be sneaking out to the porch and everywhere looking for us. I left the ballroom totally satisfied that "culture is not parts, it is a whole and an entity."

"Them changes," and as it happened, I suspended my rock classic freaky behavior listening to Peter Frampton, Boston, Rolling Stones, Uriah Heep, The Allman Brothers Band, Thin Lizzy, Eagles, Aerosmith, AC/DC, The Doors, Beatles, David Bowie, Van Halen, David Lee Roth, U2, Rick Springfield, Journey, Rare Earth, Grand Funk, Pat Benatar, Triumph, Bad Company, ZZ Top, Blue Oyster Cult, Foreigner, Rod Stewart, Genesis, Deep Purple, Black Sabbath, Middle of the Road, Men at Work, Bob Miga's Strangers, John Cougar Mellencamp, Bruce Springsteen, Don Henley, Kim Carnes, Bob Seger and dedicated the month of April and May to the music of Paulson Kalu, Celestine Ukwu, Ali Chukwuma, Prince Nico Mbarga, Ikenga Superstars, Eddie Okonta, Ofo, Ozoemena nwa Nsugbe, Harcourt White, Peacocks, Rex Lawson, the old Osadebe, and Bright Chimezie for "culture is not parts, it is a whole."

On my way home, egwu agba ochie, old school became my new cultural order as I flipped Nkengas in London CD with the masterpiece "Asampete Special" entertaining me all the way. "Culture is not parts, not even the sum of parts, it is an entity." I remembered that!

This article was exclusively published at BNW Magazine in April 2003

Archaeology Has Evolved: Four Eras Of Understanding Africa’s Past

Benin bronzes collected by the British when they raided and destroyed Benin City in 1897. Wikimedia Commons, CC BY BY TIM FORSSMAN SENIOR LE...