Showing posts with label Culture. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Culture. Show all posts

Tuesday, May 26, 2026

In Senegal, A 2,000‑Year‑Old Iron Workshop Sheds New Light On The Past

Slag shaped like the seeds of the rattan palm reflects a unique cultural choice. © David Glauser, Fourni par l'auteur


BY MELISSA MOREL, ANNE MAYOR AND LADJI DIANIFABA


How was iron produced 2,000 years ago in Senegal? A recent study at the Didé West 1 archaeological site, in the Falémé Valley in eastern Senegal, sheds light on an ancient iron production technique.

Passed down from generation to generation for nearly eight centuries, this technology appears to have been developed to meet local needs. African archaeology specialists Anne Mayor, Mélissa Morel and Ladji Dianifaba explain the significance of this discovery and what it reveals about the transmission of technical knowledge over the long term.

What did you find?

For over 2,000 years, metalworkers produced iron in what is now Senegal. By studying the remains they left behind, we have been able to reconstruct their technical choices, the natural resources they used, and, to some extent, aspects of their way of life. Beyond their scientific value, these studies also highlight the expertise of ancient blacksmiths, since iron production represented a major technical and social transformation, particularly for agriculture.

In eastern Senegal, in the Falémé Valley, within the Boundou Community Nature Reserve, many ancient iron production sites have been identified in recent years. Archaeological surveys and excavations carried out by an international research team involving scholars from the universities of Geneva and Fribourg in Switzerland, as well as the Institut Fondamental d’Afrique Noire at Cheikh Anta Diop University in Dakar, revealed at least five distinct technical iron traditions.

The new study focused on one of these iron production techniques (named FAL02) identified in the region, which is represented at around 100 sites.

The site of Didé West 1 (DDW1), the largest and best-preserved of these sites, stands out for two major reasons. First, it provides one of the earliest known dates for iron-smelting furnaces in Senegal. Second, it documents a long sequence of metallurgical activity spanning nearly 800 years, from 400 BCE to 400 CE. These radiocarbon dates were obtained from charcoal directly associated with the furnaces.

The exceptional preservation of this site allowed us to document this technique in detail, trace its transformations over time, and better understand the choices made by the metallurgists.

How were you able to prove it?

The main evidence of ancient iron metallurgy comes from slag, which is the waste produced when ore is transformed into metal. During the smelting process, this slag flows like molten lava within the furnace before solidifying into rocky masses. Once the operation was completed, the slag was discarded and gradually piled up into large heaps.

Our study of the Didé West 1 slag heap revealed 35 furnace bases, attesting to repeated activity over several dozen generations. Certain technical features define this tradition, including multi-perforated tuyères (clay pipes pierced with holes to allow air to circulate within the furnace), as well as the use of African palm nuts as packing material at the bottom of the furnace. This system appears to have facilitated the separation of metal from slag.

By combining these observations, we were able to reconstruct how this technique worked. The metalworkers used small circular furnaces equipped with a removable chimneys rather than permanent shafts. The iron ore likely consisted of laterites (a type of soil) collected from the immediate surroundings. Taken together, these elements reflect a high level of technical expertise.

Who were the people behind this technology?

Research on African societies during the first millennium BCE and the first millennium CE comes with several challenges. Written sources are scarce, and organic materials that could provide information about housing or diet are poorly preserved. Even iron artefacts are usually too degraded to survive.

On many sites, only pottery fragments remain. It is therefore still difficult to identify precisely the populations behind the FAL02 technique. This specific technical tradition was recognised through the shapes of the furnaces, tuyères, and slag found at the sites. Iron production techniques are not merely technical processes. They reflect traditions, choices and know-how specific to each cultural group.

Analysis of the slag volumes also helps estimate how much iron was produced. At Didé West 1, the data point to modest and irregular production, likely seasonal. These elements suggest that the activity was intended to meet local needs, rather than large-scale production for export.

Why this matters

The origins of iron metallurgy in west Africa are still debated. Two major hypotheses continue to be discussed. One argues that ironworking spread from the Hittite world in Anatolia (in present-day Turkey) via the Maghreb or the Nile Valley. The other suggests an independent invention in sub-Saharan Africa. To date, the available evidence does not allow a definitive conclusion.

However, several ancient iron production sites dating from the first millennium BCE have been identified in sub-Saharan Africa, including in Nigeria, Niger, Togo, and Burkina Faso, and now in Senegal. These discoveries tend to strenghten the case of local development.

Within this context, the dates obtained at Didé West 1, reaching at least the 4th century BCE, make it one of the earliest known ironworking techniques in Senegal. The site therefore contributes important new data to a still limited body of evidence and helps document the early development of metallurgy in the region.

What happens next?

This study marks an important milestone, but several questions remain unanswered. The next challenge is to better understand the other iron production techniques identified in the Falémé Valley. At least four other traditions have been recognised.

Some of these techniques were in use at the same time, revealing a complex metallurgical landscape where very different traditions coexisted. This diversity raises several questions: which groups of metallurgists were behind them? How can we explain their transformations? Why do certain techniques disappear? Were some techniques more efficient than others?

The study of the FAL02 technique over nearly 800 years demonstrates that these practices evolved, with phases of continuity and transformation. By cross-referencing this data with findings from the study of ceramics and settlements, it becomes possible to better understand the societies that produced this iron and how they changed over time.

These remains allow us to move beyond the purely technical question: they offer insight into settlement dynamics, the circulation of knowledge and expertise, and long-term societal transformations, even before the emergence of medieval kingdoms and the expansion of trans-Saharan trade.

We hope that future research will help to answer some of these questions.

READ ORIGINAL STORY HERE

Thursday, May 21, 2026

A Draft African Charter On ‘Family Values’ Is On The Cards: Why It’s Flawed And Dangerous

African Union Headquarters in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. A draft charter wants African governments to ‘protect’ the family by engaging in several regressive actions. Wikimedia Commons

BY CATRIONA MACLEOD, GODFREY KANGAUDE AND NICOLA JEAREY-GRAHAM

A series of conferences held in Entebbe, Uganda, between 2023 and 2025 have resulted in a draft African Charter on Family, Sovereignty and Values. The meetings were organised by the Inter-parliamentary Network on African Sovereignty and Values, which organises continental conferences for African legislators and faith-based advocates. Supported by international conservative groups like Family Watch International and heavily promoted by Ugandan president Yoweri Museveni, the aim of the drafters of the charter is to convince African governments to sign on to it.

The draft charter is situated within the current global movement to the right, which prioritises nationalism, tougher immigration policies and an erosion of social values like gender equity. Framed as an effort to “protect” the family, it urges governments to adopt a series of regressive measures.

These include:

opposing comprehensive sexuality education

rejecting the sexual and reproductive health and rights agenda, especially abortion (under any circumstance)

establishing African “sovereignty” over health, food, education and economic development

preserving African cultural values, traditions and the role of elders.

Several legal responses have been set out by African rights institutions, such as Afya Na Haki. These show the clash of many of the draft charter’s proposals with continental legal provisions.

We are researchers with extensive experience in sexual and reproductive health and rights. Here, we address the inaccuracies contained in the charter. We are particularly concerned about the implications if it is adopted.

Decades of scientific evidence produced on the African continent and elsewhere suggest that the measures, if adopted, will cause significant harm.

Reproductive health and rights

The draft charter declares, among other things, that African countries shouldn’t ratify any agreements that reference sexual and reproductive health and rights. It also calls for eliminating comprehensive sexuality education and any form of abortion service provision.

At a very basic level, disregarding sexual and reproductive health undermines obstetric and gynaecological care, childbirth and fertility treatments. It also affects the prevention and treatment of HIV and sexually transmitted infections. It harms access to contraceptive services and family planning, as well as reproductive cancer care. No African country would sensibly contemplate this.

Additionally, the draft falsely claims that the sexual and reproductive health rights “agenda” promotes abortion on demand. Yet, the UN’s definition of “reproductive health” encompasses comprehensive abortion care within countries’ legal frameworks.

The draft charter encourages states to define all related terms to clearly exclude any rights to abortion. No exceptions are specified. This would include cases where the pregnant person’s life is at risk, as well as pregnancies resulting from rape or incest.

This stance contradicts understandings of abortion within African countries. A 2025 survey conducted across 38 African countries found that nearly two-thirds (63%) of citizens say abortion is justified if the woman’s health or life is at risk. Nearly half (48%) justified abortion in the case of rape or incest.

The draft also flies in the face of recent changes in African law. Globally, Africa, compared with other regions, has had the largest number of countries liberalising abortion laws since 1994.

Implementing the draft charter would additionally lead to a significant increase in maternal mortality from unsafe abortions. It’s important to note that the proportion of unwanted and unsupportable pregnancies that end in abortion is consistently similar across countries with liberal or restrictive abortion laws. This means that restrictive laws don’t reduce abortion rates. They merely drive abortion underground, rendering it unsafe.

Already, sub-Saharan Africa accounts for 29% of the global unsafe abortions and 62% of abortion-related deaths. Further restrictions on comprehensive abortion care (including post-abortion care) would drive up maternal morbidity and mortality.

Comprehensive sexuality education

The draft charter argues for abstinence-focused sexuality education. It falsely claims that comprehensive education would sexualise African children, undermine their innocence and violate parental rights.

Comprehensive sexuality education is a curriculum-based, scientifically accurate process of teaching and learning about the cognitive, emotional, physical and social aspects of sexuality. It encourages abstinence but also provides teaching, in an age-appropriate manner, on contraception and ways to avoid sexual risks. These risks include infections and unplanned pregnancies.

Research conducted over three decades indicates that comprehensive sexuality education provides more positive outcomes than abstinence-based sexuality education. These outcomes include reducing early and unintended pregnancies and sexually transmitted diseases (including HIV). It also helps delay early initiation of sexual activity and reduces intimate partner violence.

In claiming that comprehensive sexuality education undermines children’s innocence, the draft charter conflates “innocence” with ignorance. Children have a natural curiosity regarding sexual issues once they reach puberty. They will seek out information where they can (including social media). One of the ways of protecting them from sex-related harms is to empower them with age-appropriate knowledge about sexual issues. And the skills to avoid sexual risks.

Comprehensive sexuality education also recognises that parents often struggle with talking to their children about sexual matters. It therefore offers an important source of trustworthy information for children and adolescents. Further, while the family is of pre-eminent importance in society, it can also be the site of child abuse, child neglect and intimate partner violence.

Definition of family

Finally, the draft charter defines the family as based on marriage between a man and a woman. This definition of family as nuclear and heterosexual is not an originally African one.

In precolonial Africa, the practice of polygyny/polyandry was prevalent. This presented a clear contrast to the nuclear, monogamous model. In reality, family structures are highly diverse in Africa. They include many multigenerational, single-parent, re-constituted and same-sex parent families.

The draft charter dresses up its provisions in the language of ubuntu. This is a relational, inclusive and dynamic ethical philosophy. In doing so, it distorts the essence of ubuntu by converting this philosophy into a rigid, exclusionary and state-focused ideology.

What next

The draft charter threatens to undermine the rule of law and the shared legal principles that underpin the international treaty system. It claims to defend African sovereignty.

But true sovereignty means honouring the treaties governments have freely adopted. These include the Maputo Protocol, which guarantees women extensive rights, including reproductive health choices and protection from violence. The African Children’s Charter similarly enshrines children’s rights to protection, development and well-being.

The draft charter is not defence of African values. It’s a legal coup against them. It should be dismissed outright by all African governments.

READ ORIGINAL STORY HERE

Tuesday, October 14, 2025

The Igbo Paradox: Why A Tribe That Builds Is Feared, Fought And Yet Flourishes



BY EZEWELE CYRIL ABIONANOJIE

In the heart of Nigeria’s story lies a paradox, a people despised yet indispensable, envied yet imitated, persecuted yet prosperous. The Igbo people of Southeastern Nigeria have, through sheer grit and communal wisdom, risen to dominate the nation’s business landscape. From markets in Lagos to factories in Aba, from motor parts in Nnewi to real estate in Abuja, the Igbo man’s fingerprints are all over Nigeria’s economic pulse. Yet, instead of admiration, what often meets them is resistance, not from the government alone, but from other major tribes who seem uneasy with their relentless success.

From the civil war that sought to erase their existence, to the systemic marginalization that followed, the Igbo have lived under a shadow of suspicion, as if their ambition were a crime and their prosperity a provocation. The Nigerian political structure has long been tilted against them – denied key positions, underrepresented in power, and occasionally scapegoated for national woes. Yet, despite the odds, they rise always.

In Nigeria and in some other African countries, many fear the self-reliant Igbo people who do not wait for permission to succeed. The Igbo man’s success story is not built on government contracts, nepotism, or state favoritism. It is built on the strength of the Igbo Apprenticeship System, which is a centuries-old model of economic mentorship rooted in trust, hard work, and brotherhood. In this system, a young boy, often from a humble background, serves under a master known as Oga for several years, learning the ropes of trade, discipline, and relationship management. When his time is up, the master settles him, not with a salary, but with capital, goods, and the connections needed to start his own business.

Unlike in many other tribes where an apprentice must pay his master to learn, and still pay again to earn his freedom, often spending heavily to host a party and pay for certificate before being released. This practice amounts to exploitation, void of the spirit of brotherhood in its entirety.

The Igbo Apprenticeship System is not just economics for it is communal capitalism. It is nation-building at a micro level. Through this system, one man’s success becomes a seed for another’s prosperity. The servant today becomes a boss tomorrow, and the cycle continues, expanding like ripples in water. This model has created millionaires without formal education, industrialists without political godfathers, and a network of entrepreneurs who owe nothing to government policies but solely to the Igbo spirit of enterprise.

It is this independence that unsettles the system. A man who does not depend on you cannot be controlled by you. The Igbo man’s economic power challenges Nigeria’s political order, which thrives on dependency and patronage. Hence, many who cannot match their industriousness seek to malign it. Markets are sometimes burnt, properties demolished, policies skewed, yet, like the proverbial phoenix, the Igbo rebuild from ashes with their undying spirit of the bone shall always rise again.

To understand the Igbo resilience, one must understand the psychology of a people who have lost everything and rebuilt from nothing. After the civil war, when the Nigerian government declared that every Igbo man would get only £20, regardless of their pre-war wealth, they did not riot, rather, they reinvented. They turned humiliation into hustle, and within a decade, they had re-established their dominance in commerce across the nation. That is not luck; that is the champions’ character worthy of emulating.

The tragedy however, is that instead of studying the Igbo model and replicating its brilliance, other tribes and even the state often choose resentment over reflection. Rather than build partnerships, they build prejudice. But resentment has never stopped progress for it only exposes insecurity.

What the rest of Nigeria must realize is that the success of the Igbo is not a threat; it is a template. The Igbo Apprenticeship System is one of the most powerful wealth distribution models in human history. It takes the poor, trains them, empowers them, and makes them employers of labour. It is an African success story born on African soil that other Africans should emulate in order to secure the conqueror’s marching order known as “the forward ever”. If Nigeria truly wants economic transformation, it must learn from the Igbo, not fight them.

The Igbo spirit is not about tribal dominance; it is about collective upliftment. It is about the dignity of labour, the value of mentorship, and the audacity to dream beyond one’s circumstances. The Igbo believe that no man should die serving another forever, and that every servant should one day become a master. That philosophy, simple yet profound, is what has kept them afloat amid storms of discrimination.

My humble request: #FREENNAMDIKANU

Ambassador Ezewele Cyril Abionanojie is the author of the book ‘The Enemy Called Corruption’ an award winner of Best Columnist of the year 2020, Giant in Security Support, Statesmanship Integrity & Productivity Award Among others. He is the President of Peace Ambassador Global.

Monday, April 07, 2025

Woman-To-Woman Marriage In West Africa: A Vanishing Tradition Of Power And Agency


BY BRIGHT ALOZIE
ASSISTANT PROFESSOR,
PORTLAND STATE UNIVERSITY

Marriage in west Africa has played a central role in shaping aspects of society, and has evolved over time. While traditional heterosexual unions dominate discussions, a lesser-known but significant practice – woman-to-woman marriage – has existed for centuries.

In my research, I examined this institution, which allows a woman to assume the role of a husband by marrying another woman. There’s evidence of woman-to-woman marriage in more than 40 societies across west Africa, including the Igbo of Nigeria, the Frafra of Ghana and the Dahomeans of present-day Benin.

How it works is that a woman – often wealthy or of high status – pays a bride price and takes on a wife who is expected to bear children. A male relative or chosen partner, known as the genitor, fathers the children. The children will legally belong to the female husband and are considered part of her lineage. This reinforces kinship structures, or family ties within traditional communities and clans, vital to west African societies.

Unlike romantic same-sex unions, these are social contracts. They aim to preserve lineage, secure inheritance, and enhance a woman’s economic and political agency.

Female husbands gain significant control over property by assuming the role of head of household. This enables them to own and manage assets independently, a right typically reserved for men.

Securing heirs through their wives ensures the continuation of their lineage and the inheritance of their property and status. It solidifies their long-term agency and influence within the community.

The union also grants them more legal standing – they can enter into contracts, resolve disputes, and represent their family in legal matters, further empowering them in a patriarchal society.

This all translates into considerable influence. Female husbands can hold positions of authority, and command respect. They challenge traditional gender roles.

Colonial distortions and modern misconceptions have obscured the meaning and function of this historically prevalent practice. Despite its important role, it has declined over time. With growing stigma, the old customs have become less common.

My research seeks to underscore the historical value of woman-to-woman marriage. It offers a lens for understanding the complexities of African gender systems, female agency and social structures.

Tradition rooted in kinship and social stability

Using a combination of oral interviews, archival research and literature reviews, I found that there are various scenarios in which woman-to-woman marriage is practised in west Africa.

In Okrika, in Nigeria’s Rivers State, for example, I was told how a married woman who has no male child in her family is allowed to marry a woman so that a male child can be born into the family. If her marriage does not produce a male child and she has money, the culture allows her to marry more than one wife as long as she can take care of them and the union can produce a male child to carry the name of her family.

In my interview with Chief Nkemjirika Njoku, of the Mbaise Igbo in Nigeria, he described another scenario. He explained that if a man died without male heirs, his daughters could pay a bride price for a woman to bear children in his name. This ensured his lineage did not disappear.

Similarly, among the Frafra people of Ghana one study shows how:

a wealthy woman may marry one or more women for her husband by providing the bride wealth. These women bear children in her name in the event of her being childless or to offer extra labour.

These accounts illustrate how marriage and kinship complement each other and how this practice provided women with economic influence and social mobility, often rivalling men’s.

Colonial disruptions and modern challenges

Despite the tradition’s important role, during the 19th century European colonial officials and Christian missionaries misunderstood and condemned the practice.

Viewing it through a Victorian moral framework – rigid and conservative values of 19th-century Britain which emphasised strict gender roles, sexual restraint and moral purity – they mistakenly equated it with homosexuality and sought to outlaw it. For instance, in 1882 British colonial authorities in Ghana criminalised same-sex relations. These laws included woman-to-woman marriages, despite their deeply rooted cultural significance.

The practice persisted in various forms, however, but did become less prevalent.

In some cases, the unions were subtly restructured to avoid colonial scrutiny. Participants framed them more as business partnerships or familial arrangements rather than marriages. For instance, many prominent traders would use the unions to expand their wealth and business networks. Among the Hausa-Fulani textile traders of the Sokoto Caliphate, for example, a wealthy widow could marry a woman to manage her trade. This ensured that children born within the union inherited her wealth.

Subverting or reinforcing patriarchy?

Today, woman-to-woman marriage remains misunderstood. Some argue it reinforces patriarchal structures, while others conflate it with lesbian relationships.

The growing influence of Christianity and Islam has led to its stigmatisation. Meanwhile modern legal systems fail to recognise the unions, leaving female husbands and their children vulnerable in inheritance disputes.

Advancements in reproductive technology provide alternative means for childbearing, reducing the need for these marriages.

In my opinion, though, this tradition remains a valuable and powerful system. It highlights the ingenuity of African societies in creating alternative structures of power, kinship and economic security – especially for women.

Based on my research I concluded that woman-to-woman marriage is an example of flexible African gender constructs. Gender is not strictly tied to biological sex but to social roles and responsibilities. African societies have creatively adapted marriage and kinship to meet economic and social needs.

More than a marriage practice, woman-marriage has been an assertion of female agency, an economic strategy, and a means of preserving lineage.

READ ORIGINAL STORY HERE

Tuesday, October 29, 2024

What Is African Ancestral Studies?


BY TOYIN FALOLA

My decision to write this piece could not have come more opportune. First, I gave four well-received lectures in Ghana on African Ancestral Studies and the variety of knowledge connected with them. Its intellectual demonstration was applied to land, politics, and festivals. The set of these papers will be upgraded into a book.

Then comes the second motive: the practical demonstration of ancestral knowledge in a significant film. The Nollywood (now on Netflix) movie, “Lisabi: The Uprising,” was released only a few weeks ago following scintillating publicity that left the audience thirsting for more from the streaming giant. Since its debut, the movie has received mixed reviews, with ratings as high as ten out of ten and as low as three. I will not comment on my opinion here as that is merely a distraction from the point.

In Lisabi and all the other Nollywood historical movies that have held the Nigerian entertainment world captive lies evidence of a renaissance in the retelling of Nigerian stories — one that is ultimately necessary for rolling back the dominance of Western or Western-inspired tales in our popular culture. It is essentially the same principles of thought that have inspired me to find necessary a reassertion of the place of ancient pieces of knowledge in our contemporary society.

I say “reassert” because the African sociopolitical landscape is dotted with efforts of historical figures to center Indigenous perspectives on how African societies saw and dealt with the world. In this league are the likes of Julius Nyerere, Ngugi wa Thiong’o, Kwame Nkrumah, the profoundly flawed Mobutu Sese Seko, Leopold Sedar Senghor, among many others who, either through the instruments of literature, politics or academia, sought to project relatively unique visions of a new Africa. But in the past decades, the perpetual reach for new horizons has been obtained across the black continent, this time with little ideological sentiment. An example abounds in the recent coups in the West African countries of Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso, framed as responses to Western colonialism but empty in terms of fulfilling promises so far. Another is the ongoing shift in geopolitical winds as Russia batters itself upon Ukraine and China seeks to extend its diplomatic wings. Woven into these complexes are not simply the interests of the traditional great powers but those of countries such as Turkey and the United Arab Emirates. Their gambits are such that they introduce fresh degrees of complications to already existing problems, transforming the external interference from a somewhat more manageable bipolar orientation to multifaceted challenges. Undoubtedly, the Sudan crisis presents the quintessential case study, comprising any and every stakeholder wishing to get a piece of the imploding pie. In Mali, Ukraine has seemingly set its sights on antagonizing its enemies from afar using proxies, even if such tactics were to risk unsettling an already delicate security situation in the Sahel. In my home country, Nigeria, the dramas from which we draw themes for reflecting on our society have conflagrated into one of the most tenuous economic challenges in the country. It does not help matters that we boast the single largest concentration of people within a defined territory in Africa, and neither is it any comfort that the leadership appears in a poorly coordinated scramble for policy responses. The question, therefore, becomes, what benefits does an inward-looking, indigenous perspective offer to solving modern challenges?

Addressing this question presents its unique complications. Resorting to the application of Ancestral Studies births debates around identity and philosophical choices. Because it is possible to successfully argue that the personhood of the average African is equal parts ethnically defined and equal parts multicultural, due greatly to the impacts of colonial legacies, a tug of war might arise as to which of these selves should legitimately be relied on for conceptualizations. This crisis mirrors the difficulties of reconciling people across racial and religious divides.

Another problem I foresee is the connection of this antique knowledge to the quandaries of the present day. Within this are matters of personnel, such as who decides the application of that knowledge, the capacity in which they do so, and when they should do so. I qualify this as a challenge because the thinking that African ancestral knowledge holds lessons for today risks failing if these lines of thought are preserved with only a sprinkling of academics. Transformational change is as much a project for the individual as it is for their status. Thus, were the privileges of this intellectualism exclusive to the unfortunately obscure territories that learning institutions in Africa can sometimes be, success would be little other than the publication of a few papers and textbooks. Within this are personnel matters such as who decides the application of that knowledge, the capacity in which they do so, and when they should do so. I qualify this as a challenge because the thinking that African ancestral knowledge holds lessons for today risks failing if these lines of thought are preserved with only a sprinkling of academics.

Transformational change is as much a project for the individual as it is for their status. Thus, were the privileges of this intellectualism to be exclusive to the unfortunately obscure territories that many learning institutions in Africa tend to be, success would be little beyond the publication of a few papers and textbooks. Considering these likely hiccups, we must resolve the meaning of African Ancestral Studies as an academic field. To do this, it is invariably necessary to clarify the meaning of ancestry, a term that even specialized scholars have confused and overlapped with similar terms and contexts in literature. In its simplest, ancestry refers to strictly scientific genetic qualities linking individuals to progenitors.

It contrasts with the terms race and ethnicity in that while both are socially developed, they derive validity from medically outlined boundaries. Despite including science in understanding ancestry, it remains a contested term in different quarters. This is because of the interchangeability of the term with race and ethnicity and attachment to conceptualizing it as a descriptor for sociocultural origins. This suggests a pedestrian level of convenience in deploying the three terms despite their separate connotations. I may, therefore, decide to accompany a self-description of myself as African by saying that my ancestry is African in the same breath, thus layering these elements of the identity lexicon. It is more straightforward to think of my race as my physical attributes, my ethnicity as my cultural values, and my ancestry as the genetic inputs of my forebears. Yet, to avoid the bias for conflating ancestry with self-concept or personal identity, I opt for the safer, self-evident term, genetic ancestry. This delimits the conversation purely to the biological origins of the individual as opposed to their existence in a geographic location and consequent absorption of the mores and values of people in the same environment.

With this clarification in mind, I contrive African Ancestral Studies as an extensive learning portfolio comprising but not limited to genealogical studies, culture, history, art, language, and religion, to mention a few. In this sense, it implies scrutiny of the evolutions of Africans through time and their impacts on the present day. It aims to plug gaps in scholarly reflections on Africa and solidify existing knowledge by advancing cadres trained in structured ecosystems. Effectively, when we think of the niche, we must, as a matter of necessity, reflect on it as intertwined with knowledge from the past, created by African ancestors or related to their lived experiences. I emphasize genealogy as a crucial pillar of the study because it symbolizes its encompassing nature. Ancestral studies stretch across continents to acknowledge the heavy migratory history of Africans and their consequently dispersed settlement across the globe. It equally rejects the proclivity of commentators to discuss Africa as though its people are a single, cohesive unit. It is a canvas of multiple and complex narratives. Consequently, the objective is to present a bulk study that localizes competence in discovering and interpreting history.

This takes us back to the question raised earlier: to what end? African ancestral studies pose numerous benefits on collective and isolated levels. A significant prospect of the latter is the encouragement of reconnections to the African continent by people far-flung from it by the exigencies of history, time, and space. The intense circumstances that drove movements of Africans across the Atlantic more than two centuries ago translate to genealogical distances between inhabitants of the diaspora and the home continent. Today, in the 21st century, tenuous economic headwinds, conflicts, and political freedoms propel an outflow of indigenous Africans who frequently procreate biracial natives in their new homes. Fissures in identity develop in both cases. There are journeys of adaptation and settlement that must inherently be undergone by the person, which not everyone will execute successfully. We need to look no further than the civil rights movements of the latter half of the 20th century, highlighting battles between the hosts and the newcomers whose push-pull historical relationships mandate the design of bearable political arrangements. Across all divides, the crisis of adaptation was a formidable factor, and they have also been on an African continent that endured colonial intrusions. Because communities are not always hardwired to be open and receptive to divergent entrants, the instinct to protect the purity of all considered native and traditional is quite primal.

Since globalization’s sweeping blades must permanently vanish the tendencies, the outcome is an age of cultural or racial admixtures or total domination, with specific essences as time wears. Thus, though this conversation is mainly African, the susceptibility of identity to transformations in external circumstances is as natural as the human planet. For example, my indigenous Yoruba tongue has been impacted by adopting English in my home country, just as other local languages reflect some form of anglicization in their vocabularies and deliveries. The same extends to attitudes to attributes such as food, values, and behavioral patterns, subjected to subtle or conscious transitions even among those who have only been away from their local environment for a few months. Consequently, Africans alienated by these factors confront the puzzle of what parts of their identities are theirs. This search for answers births the field known as ancestral tourism, an exercise during which people attempt to understand their geneses. Undoubtedly, the standardization of ancestral knowledge will go a long way in enhancing the quality of knowledge sought and dispatched.

The corpus of the discovery activity itself also offers restoration. By this, I refer to all ramifications of restorative projects resulting from a keen awareness of culture and history. In Mali, Google has provided material assistance to a team of locals working to carefully preserve centuries-old texts from the days of Timbuktu’s reign as a center of scholarship. Immortalizing these important texts through digitization has helped ensure that tens of thousands of documentations of a glorious African past are not lost to the insensate tumble of violence. Within the same country, efforts have been committed in the past by international organizations to the restoration of aged infrastructure dating back to the past but are now threatened by conflict. Similarly, some Nairobians have invested in ensuring that the contents of the colonial library stay undamaged and accessible.

These are a few of many efforts devoted by the genuinely passionate to studying and preserving African history. An independent, professionally inspired effort is more necessary given the standard aloofness of governments in rescuing their national heritages. This tendency projects ignorance of the need to submit alternate narratives to a literary environment muddied by the biases of chauvinist colonial and contemporary scholars. In this sense, the restoration process is also about ownership – who tells the Indigenous stories. There have been debates about the legitimacy of Western authors in writing or documenting tales of the African continent. These debates cut across pop culture, literature, and fashion. Most recently, the internet has been discontented with Idris Elba’s intention to star Okonkwo in the movie adaptation of Achebe’s Things Fall Apart. Following the culmination of the EndSars protests, Nigerians also protested Trish Lorenz’s titling of the book Soro Soke: The Young Disruptors of an African Megacity with Yoruba words that had stemmed from grievances of the country’s youth against a heavy-handed police unit. Lorenz had won a hundred-thousand-dollar prize for her work but had mainly complicated issues. She suggested during an interview that she had developed the phrase “soro soke.” Expectedly, her statement generated backlash, prompting publishers Cambridge University Press and Nine Dots Award to release a joint clarification. With Elba, the debates are two-way, one side denouncing his legitimacy to star in such a critical role to which he is non-native and the other arguing about the prohibitive costs for Nigerian filmmakers to obtain production rights to the book in the first place.

In both instances, the reactions are underlined by a reluctance to see the exportation and appropriation of local narratives. Interestingly, Nigerian authors in the diaspora have not been spared from criticism, as some readers contest the originality of their perspectives. Even festive occasions in the West involving adoptions of Nigerian attires are welcomed with volleys of criticism by ever-sensitive netizens. In response to these, I find the author, Lola Shoneyin’s, response to the Lorenz saga very apt: “If you’re so mad that a white person is trying to reap off your pain, BUY, READ, TALK, WRITE about our title. Own your narrative, and make it a national bestseller, so much so that it overpowers that of this foreigner. We can’t continue to cry over things that are taken from us. We could channel those tears into building and sustaining ours. The West can copy all they want, but let’s center our own stories. How hard can it be?” This, precisely, is the objective of African Ancestral Studies.

The sociopolitical angle of benefits from interrogating ancestral knowledge cannot be ignored. Today, Africa suffers from unique political and social challenges. It is on a downward spiral of battles against insecurity, poverty, corruption, climate change, and multiple others. Time has proven that applying solutions imported from the West is insufficient to achieve resolution. Rather than relying on tested and inadequate strategies, it might be worth tugging on the positive values preached by diverse ethnic environments. Exemplifying this are principles such as Ubuntu and Ujamaa, ultimately designed to foster a sense of community and leadership. The direct opposite is what obtains currently as ethnic tensions are weaponized to split people further apart. Connected to this is the necessity of historical lessons in sensitizing young people to past events.

Barring awareness of significant trends and values, society is innately vulnerable to a dearth of political consciousness and contextual intelligence. The demarcation of ideological growth is woven into this, mainly as information is absent on vital epochs. Take the whitewashing of Nigerian leaders, for example. For many, the anti-colonial struggle featured many heroes, sanitary in all respects and without flaws. Yet, a closer examination of informative texts shows a troop of leaders whose faulty decisions and biases were responsible for calamities in present-day Nigeria. Existing without the core perspectives that an Afrocentric study offers us is synonymous with pulling the wool over our faces.

Unavoidably, we will need to contend with some of the challenges of this field. In an atmosphere where the drive for cultural restriction is isolated to a few enlightened circles, there is utmost certainty that the challenges of democratizing interest and access are uphill. To make matters worse, there are sentiments among the regular people expected to be scholars in the field pointing to a preference for spheres such as medicine, law, architecture, engineering, etcetera. These views are naturally influenced by long-running societal biases, which themselves are also spurred by economic incentives. Fortunately, the positive outcome is that only the most likely people to embark on quests for innovative projects within the estimation of this niche will enroll in it. That reduces the risk of underutilized knowledge inputs. Aside from these, I must also acknowledge the environment within which insights from this learning department can be applied is infantile. Without a doubt, the challenges are myriad but not unresolvable. The results reward the struggle, after all.

READ ORIGINAL STORY HERE

Sunday, November 26, 2023

Need Therapy? In West Africa, Hairdressers Can Help.


An initiative to train hairdressers in mental health counseling is providing relief to hundreds of clients in a region with the world’s least access to therapy.

BY ELIAN PETIER

Joseline de Lima was wandering the dusty alleys of her working-class neighborhood in the capital of Togo one day last year, when a disturbing thought crossed her mind: Who would take care of her two boys if her depression worsened and she were no longer around to look after them?

Ms. de Lima, a single mother who was grieving the recent death of her brother and had lost her job at a bakery, knew she needed help. But therapy was out of the question. “Too formal and expensive,” she recalled thinking.

Help came instead from an unexpected counselor: Ms. de Lima’s hairdresser, who had noticed her erratic walks in the neighborhood and provided a safe space to share her struggles amid the curly wigs hanging from colorful shelves and the bright neon lights of her small salon in Lomé, Togo’s capital.

The hairdresser, Tele da Silveira, is one of about 150 women who have received mental health training in West and Central African cities from a nonprofit trying to fill a critical gap: provide mental health care in one of the world’s poorest regions, where counseling remains barely accessible, let alone accepted.

Ms. da Silveira began with gentle questions and encouraging words as she braided or blow-dried Ms. de Lima’s salt-and-pepper hair. More careful listening followed, then the suggestions for new braiding styles and walks to a nearby lagoon, which Ms. de Lima described as “lifesaving therapy.”

“People need attention in this world,” said Ms. da Silveira. “They need to talk.”

Togo and many other African countries face an urgent need for more, and better mental health therapy: The World Health Organization classifies its Africa region as the one with the highest suicide rate in the world and some of the lowest public expenditures on mental health. The region has an average of 1.6 mental health workers per 100,000 people, while the global median is 13, according to the W.H.O.

Mental health crises are exacerbated by violent conflicts in countries like Sudan, Somalia, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Ethiopia and in the Sahel region; by rising drug use in many large cities; and by widespread youth unemployment, displacement from the extreme effects of climate change and soaring inflation.

In Togo, a tiny coastal nation on the Gulf of Guinea, there is little awareness of mental health therapy, whether in the seaside capital or its villages in the hilly north. The country has only five psychiatrists for more than eight million people. Families seeking to treat a relative suffering from severe mental health issues often resort to traditional remedies or forced isolation, including shackling some with schizophrenia in the precincts of religious institutions or clinics.

“Many of those coming to see us do so as a last resort, after they’ve been stripped of their money by traditional healers and scammers,” said Daméga Wouenkourama, one of Togo’s five psychiatrists. “Mental health remains a foreign concept to most people, including our leaders and our fellow doctors.”

To contend with what the World Health Organization has described as a “mental health gap” in developing countries, local nonprofits and international organizations operating in Africa are training nurses, general practitioners, even grandmothers, in spotting mental health troubles, from early signs of depression to post-traumatic stress disorder.

In West and Central Africa, hairdressers have been the latest to join that fight. Hair salons have long been used by nonprofits and community groups as places to raise awareness around issues like reproductive health among clients and apprentices. Visits there are inexpensive — sometimes as little as $2 — and a favored gathering place among women.

Mental health professionals are now providing hairdressers three days of training in which they learn how to ask open-ended questions, spot nonverbal signs of distress like headaches or disheveled clothes and, critically, how not to gossip or give detrimental advice.

In interviews, half a dozen hairdressers said that as clients get their hair unbraided or add hair extensions, many shared their financial struggles or emotional pain around the loss of a loved one. More often, though, clients refer to having “household problems” — a euphemism for domestic violence.

“Clients come and cry in front of us — we hear everything,” said Adama Adaku, a buoyant hairdresser with a wide smile and braids made of red wool, who took part in the mental health training.

The training is organized by the Bluemind Foundation, the brainchild of Marie-Alix de Putter, a French-Cameroonian entrepreneur who underwent years of psychiatric treatment after her husband, a teacher and humanitarian worker, was killed in 2012 while they lived in Cameroon. Her hairdresser was by her side in the hours that followed his death, Ms. de Putter said in an interview in Lomé last month.

When she designed the program in 2018, Ms. de Putter looked at where African women spent their time. “Society expects them to be beautiful, and hair often comes first,” Ms. de Putter said. “We go where women are.”

Some 150 hairdressers have so far received the honorary title of “mental health ambassador” by Ms. de Putter’s organization after undergoing the training in Lomé and in Ivory Coast and Cameroon. Ghana, Rwanda and Senegal are next.

Because they are not professional counselors, hairdressers often refer struggling clients to trained therapists. But most of the hairdressers said that their clients found therapy too expensive — a session can cost at least $15 in a country where more than a quarter of the population lives on less than $2.15 a day and where access to health insurance is unequal.

Several African countries have in the past decade pledged to better tackle mental health disorders. Last year, Uganda’s Health Ministry reported that nearly one in three Ugandans suffered from mental health problems. Countries like Sierra Leone and Ghana have vowed to replace shackles with professional treatments. Mental health care often comes last, or is entirely neglected, as it is in many countries in the global south.

“People are becoming aware of mental health issues,” said Dr. Sonia Kanékatoua, Togo’s only female psychiatrist. “But social stigma remains.”

On a recent morning, she and three of Togo’s other psychiatrists traveled to a rural area two hours north of the capital to set up an open-door clinic that takes place twice a year. they listen to patients in consultation rooms or under the towering mango trees in the dusty courtyard. For hours, the psychiatrists received people suffering from depression, stress and addictions, among other issues.

Back in Lomé, Ms. de Lima now comes a few times a month to Ms. da Silveira’s salon, a block away from her home. Ms. de Lima, 54, has heeded her hairdresser’s advice to listen to religious music — both are Christians — and has resumed soothing walks to the nearby lagoon that she previously hadn’t had the energy to reach. She said she was hoping to sell a plot of land and use some of the proceeds for therapy, on the recommendation of her hairdresser.

“She saw something in me that I couldn’t get out,” Ms. de Lima said, wearing a flowery outfit as Ms. da Silveira combed her hair.

Providing counseling has taken a toll on the mental health of some of the hairdressers, even though they themselves get therapy once a month courtesy of the Bluemind Foundation.

“I can listen and do some talking, but comes a point where I can’t help anymore,” said Ms. da Silveira one morning as she sat outside her salon. She said that she herself had suffered from depression.

Puppies were playing at her feet with a tuft of fake hair. A client was waiting inside. With a soft smile, Ms. da Silveira asked, “Why does it feel like everyone suffers from mental health issues?”

Elian Peltier is The Times’ West Africa correspondent, based in Dakar, Senegal.

READ ORIGINAL STORY HERE

Sunday, August 13, 2023

Hip-Hop At 50: 7 Essential Listens To Celebrate Rap’s Widespread Influence

THE SUGARHILL GANG

BY HOWARD MANLY, JAMAAL ABDUL-ALIM, MATT WILLIAMS, MOLLY JACKSON AND NICK LEHR

On the evening of Aug. 11, 1973, DJ Kool Herc attended a block party in the South Bronx. Armed with two record players and a mixer, he created an extended percussive break while others rhymed over the beats. Hip-hop was born.

Well, that’s the origin story, although pinpointing the birth of a genre is never going to be an exact science. What is undeniable, though, is that in the 50 years since that event, hip-hop has evolved, grown and influenced nearly every aspect of modern U.S. culture – from dance, theater and literature to visual arts and fashion.

But at the heart will always be the music. Leading up to the landmark anniversary, The Conversation reached out to hip-hop academics – it is a scholarly pursuit, too – to help provide context on how the genre has transformed modern culture, not just in the U.S. but around the world. Below is a selection of the resulting articles, introduced by a key track featured in their writing.

1. ‘Rapper’s Delight’ – The Sugarhill Gang

No history of hip-hop would be complete without this 1979 track by The Sugarhill Gang. But along with being an old-school classic, it also kick-started hip-hop’s global expansion.

As Eric Charry, a music professor at Wesleyan University, explained, within months of its being released, versions of “Rapper’s Delight” were being recorded in Brazil, Jamaica, Germany and the Netherlands. Within a year or so, the song’s DNA had spread to Japan and Nigeria.

“It marked the beginning of the globalization of rap music and the broader hip-hop culture in which it is embedded, which includes deejaying, break-dancing and graffiti-tagging,” Charry wrote. But this global spread created what Charry described as a paradox: “The Black American urban culture that birthed rap and hip-hop makes up its very fabric. But so does the core idea of representing one’s own experience and place.”

This led to questions of authenticity that global rappers have contended with ever since, with some digging into their own local culture to square the circle.

2. ‘Planet Rock’ – Afrika Bambaataa & The Soulsonic Force

Despite building on samples and influences from the past, hip-hop as a genre has always pointed forward – as this 1981 track from Afrika Bambaataa & Soulsonic Force exemplifies. “Planet rock” also forms part of a tradition in which rappers lean on Afrofuturism – a mix of science fiction, politics and liberating fantasy – to “inform their lyrics and their look,” as Roy Whitaker, a scholar of Africana philosophy of religions at San Diego State University, explained.

“Hip-hop artists influenced by Afrofuturism have long been aware that American society made many Black, Indigenous and other people of color feel different – less than human, or even like aliens – and expressed this through their art. And like socially conscious hip-hop, Afrofuturism has always had a political element,” Whitaker wrote, noting the influence that Afrofuturism pioneers such as musicians Sun Ra and George Clinton and science fiction novelist Octavia Butler had on rap artists from Public Enemy and OutKast to Kendrick Lamar.

“All in all, Afrofuturism counsels marginalized peoples to reassess past wounds and present injustices, while reassuring them that there are possible futures where they can feel they belong,” Whitaker concluded.

3. ‘Stan’ – Eminem, featuring Elton John

OK, this is a live performance from the 2001 Grammy Awards show and not a recorded track – though Eminem did release a version of “Stan” featuring British singer Dido a year earlier. But it was a pivotal moment in rap history: Eminem dueting with pop royalty Elton John underscored how hip-hop by the beginning of the 21st century had been accepted by the mainstream music industry.

Moreover, it came at a time when Eminem was deemed deeply controversial because of his use of anti-gay slurs in his tracks. Yet here he was being embraced – both figuratively and physically – by one of the world’s most famous openly gay men. The moment forms part of the hip-hop’s evolution on LGTBQ issues that University of Richmond sociologist Matthew Oware detailed in his article.

He noted that rappers are now having discussions over LGBTQ+ issues and apologizing for hateful speech in their earlier lyrics.

As rap music hits its 50th anniversary, “it is increasingly embracing challenges to – and debates about – homophobia,” Oware wrote. “That is, hip-hop has evolved to the point where anti-gay rhetoric invites condemnation from members of the culture. It is still present in some rap lyrics – as indeed is true of all genres, from pop to country – but hip-hop is changing because of more progressive cultural views and greater LGBTQ+ representation.”

4. ‘You Came Up’ – Big Pun

While hip-hop’s origins lie in Black American communities, Latino culture is also deeply woven into its story: from pioneers like Kid Frost and Big Pun to Bad Bunny, one of the most-streamed artists making music today.

The genre was “my first love,” wrote Alejandro Nava, a religious studies professor at the University of Arizona. “Hip-hop had its finger on the pulse of Black and brown lives on the frayed edges of the Americas, lives like my father’s and his father’s before him.”

Big Pun, for example – raised in the South Bronx by his Puerto Rican family – alerted the world that “Latins goin’ platinum was destined to come.” Big Pun’s rhymes “spilled off his tongue in torrents of alliteration and assonance, rarely pausing to take a breath or gulp, as if he didn’t require as much oxygen as other humans,” Nava recalled.

From coast to coast, young Latinos “embraced hip-hop as an ingenious instrument of self-expression,” asserting their place in American culture – and often calling for social change.

5. ‘That’s what the Black woman is like’ – Arianna Puello

Back in the day, as they still do now, rappers talked about their experiences on the margins of American society. Those social messages connected with Black and immigrant youths throughout Europe who themselves were searching for identity in countries where discrimination remains entrenched.

As a scholar of European studies and identity politics, Armin Langer wrote that modern-day European rappers, particularly Arianna Puello, Black M and Eko Fresh, are challenging outdated European views of citizenship and reshaping public debate on racial and ethnic identity.

Throughout her career, for example, Puello has used her music to confront the racism that she has faced as a Black female migrant in Spain.

In this 2003 track, “Así es la negra,” or “That’s what the Black woman is like,” tells the “ignorant racist,” “You’re going to have to put up with me, If I am born again I want to be what I am now, of the same race, same sex and condition.”

“As migration from African, Caribbean and Middle Eastern countries to Europe continues to increase and European societies discuss questions of identity belonging, it’s my belief that hip-hop will continue to make significant contributions to ongoing public policy debates,” Langer wrote.

6. ‘Move the Crowd’ – Eric B. and Rakim

Of all the elements of hip-hop – which include deejaying, rapping, graffiti-writing and break-dancing – one that seems to get the least attention is the one referred to as hip-hop’s fifth element: “knowledge of self.”

Su'ad Abdul Khabeer, Associate Professor of American Culture at the University of Michigan, expounded on the significance of the phrase. She argued that it became “hip-hop’s consciousness, emphasizing an awareness of injustice and the imperative to address it through both personal and social transformation.”

One of the first rappers to use the phrase in lyrics was Rakim, who mentioned it in his 1987 song “Move the Crowd.” The song is a track on the “Paid in Full” album, which Rolling Stone once listed as No. 61 on its “500 Greatest Albums of All Time.”

7. ‘LOUD’ – Wawa’s World

In 2005, U.S. rapper Warren “Wawa” Snipe coined the term “dip hop” to describe a burgeoning form of rap music in the Deaf community.

West Virginia University ethnomusicologist Katelyn Best has been following dip hop artists for over a decade. In that time, she’s witnessed dip hop artists achieve mainstream success – including Wawa, whose 2020 song “LOUD” became a top 20 dance track on iTunes.

Dip hop is unique, Best wrote, because “rappers lay down rhymes in sign languages and craft music informed by their experiences within the Deaf community.”

At the same time, the subgenre embodies hip-hop’s broader legacy: speaking – or signing – about experiences of marginalization, while shaking up preexisting notions of what can be considered music.

There is no one way to perform dip hop. Some artists speak and sign simultaneously so their music can be understood by hearing audiences, too. Others collaborate with interpreters, or prerecord vocal tracks that play in the background while they rap in sign language.

“Dip hop, like many styles of music, comes to life through live performance,” Best wrote. “Artists move across the stage with their hands flying through the air as audiences pulse to the rhythm of the blasting bass beat.”

“In the spirit of hip-hop,” Best added, “dip hop rebels both musically and socially against cultural norms, breaking the mold and expanding possibilities for musical artistry.”

READ ORIGINAL ESSAY HERE

Monday, June 26, 2023

How To Make The Most Of Your Visit To The International African American Museum

International African American Museum. Image via Travel+Leisure

BY ANNMCGILL

CHARLESTON, S.C. (WCSC)
- The long awaited International African American Museum opens Tuesday, and people are excited to see it.

With so much information and exhibits to consume at the IAAM, a staff member offers a suggestion on how to navigate the experience.

Martina Morale is Director of Curatorial and Special Exhibits of the International African American Museum.

“So here we stand in front of our grand staircase that is kind of our gathering spot, before you enter the museum, before you enter the garden. It’s a place you can have a seat, there’s also a place for programming and other events,” Morale said.

The gathering spot is the massive open space in front of the museum. A covered area, where your family and friends can meet before beginning the tour.

Morale recommends starting your tour at the huge granite wall just off to right of the gathering spot that contains an inscription of a Maya Angelou quote. The brick outline marks the spot where the storehouse at Gadsden’s Wharf used to sit. The building could hold hundreds of African men, women and children, ready to be sold into slavery.

“In fact, one harsh winter, they were holding the captives to drive the price up in the market and unfortunately over 700 captives perished in the harsh conditions, very cold and of course the conditions were generally pretty terrible for African captives,” Morale said.

Human-like sculptures on the ground inside the wall face east toward the water, representing the desire for the ocean to take them back home to the coast of West Africa.

You’ll continue to the back of the property to the tide pool. Markers around the pool show the nations where Africans were captured and the destinations that introduced them to slavery, representing some of the most active ports during the slave trade.

“Which again tells the story of the African captives. It really makes you think about that journey across the Atlantic and how terrible it was for them,” Morale said.

After the tide pool, you can either take the elevator or the stairs to the main lobby. Keep straight to walk through the Transatlantic Experience.

“And this is an eight-screen immersive experience that shows both moving and still images. We start really in the middle passage. Start with that Transatlantic Slave Trade, just imagery, water and then we continue through scenes of the Diaspora,” Morale said.

All presentations in the museum run on a loop, so feel free to stop back through during your visit.

The Transatlantic Slave Trade exhibit leads to the South Carolina Connections Gallery.

“This gallery is about African American people important to the history of South Carolina and of course the nation and the world,” Morale said.

You’ll see the faces of men and women, from all walks of life, who broke barriers and made significant impacts not just to the black race, but the human race.

The area features a digital table with touch screen technology, something children will enjoy exploring because of the interactive capability.

Next, you’re encouraged to take a left, to the West and West Central African room, where the story of Africans brought to America begins. The African roots and Routes gallery is filled with artifacts and pieces and two films.

Two of the most powerful places in the museum are small, dark spaces simply filled with names.

As you enter the Passages Space entitled Generations of Captivity, the walls bear the original African names and ages of people who boarded slave ships: Cunnah 8, Seesah 6, Tinwarrole 9 and Hosoana 28.

Then on the other side of the museum, the second wall shows how the names of the African captives were changed to reflect contemporary names of that time: Dianna, Patty, Moses, Beck and Carolina.

The museum depicts the harsh beginnings of Africans in America but balances the trauma with triumph.

You will see exquisite artwork and artifacts, including this hand beaded Mardi Gras Indian Suit.

You’ll want to sit inside the replica of a praise house complete with the sounds that helped to lift the spirits of the Gullah Geechee is engaging.

The other half of the museum, back toward the front, begins with the American Journeys Gallery. It is laid out like a textbook, starting with the early Carolinas in the 1400s and continuing through contemporary times.

You may recognize some of the local faces narrating stories about voting rights, gentrification and the struggle of black women in America.

Significant historical facts are sprinkled throughout the building. A replica of a drum, known as a djembe, sits in a glass display.

Enslaved Africans were banned from playing drums like these that originated in their homeland, because of how the instruments were used during a fight for freedom near Charleston in 1739.

“And so, after the Stono Rebellion, it was illegal for enslaved Africans to gather and play music because often times drums and sounds were what called folk to know that it was time to rebel,” Morale said.

Again, balancing injustice with joy, the African American story in Charleston wouldn’t be complete without samples of the extraordinary work of Master Blacksmith Philip Simmons, who was trained by a former slave, and the intricate beauty of sweet grass baskets. The art of basket making is a tradition that dates back centuries to West Africa.

From captivity and enslavement, resistance and rebellion, emancipation to reconstruction, and degradation to celebration, you’ll see the faces, witness the stories, and gain a deeper understanding of Africans in America and beyond. The journey starts heavy, but when you leave the International African American Museum, you will leave be uplifted.

To purchase tickets or learn more about the International African American Museum, click here.

Wednesday, June 21, 2023

Textile queen Maman Creppy has died: the last of West Africa's legendary wax cloth traders has left her mark

Courtesy Yvette Sivomey

BY NINA SYLVANUS 
ASSOCIATE PROFESSOR OF ANTHROPOLOGY 
NORTHWESTERN UNIVERSITY

Dédé Rose Gamélé Creppy, who has died aged 89, was one of west Africa’s most influential wax cloth traders. She was the youngest, and the last living, “Nana Benz” – the legendary first generation of women cloth traders from Togo.

Wax cloth was a European adaptation of a classic Indonesian batik hand printing technique which created designs using hot wax. Areas of design were blocked out by applying hot wax over them to resist dye. The cloth was introduced to west Africa by Dutch and English textile manufacturers in the late 19th century. Women traders – who became experts at predicting what the market wanted – started feeding design and colour suggestions back to the manufacturers. They were integral to the cloth’s success. The Nana Benzes were particularly skilled at this.

Wax cloth became popular because its colours stood out, it could be easily tailored into stylish outfits for both men and women, the colours are fast – they wouldn’t fade when washed. Its patterns also had messages and broadcast images, from power and politics to beauty and wealth. They could speak to joyful or complex relations between men and women.

The Nana Benzes, a group of about 15 Togolese women, started trading in the wax print. The word “Nana” is a diminutive form of “mother” or “grandmother” and “Benz” is for the Mercedes-Benz cars some of them liked to drive – and which they were able to buy due to their big success.

As an anthropologist, I encountered Maman Creppy – as she was affectionately known – several times during research for my book Patterns in Circulation: Cloth, Gender, and Materiality in West Africa.

Rose Creppy’s story is an incredible one. She was one of Togo’s original Nana Benzes, who created a powerful empire founded on a monopoly over patterns – manufacturers distributed specific patterns only to specific women. A successful Nana could be the unique wholesaler for over 60 patterns, sold to traders from all over the continent.

These design ownership rights, combined with her entrepreneurial savvy and a deep knowledge of regional tastes and style, made Maman Creppy, like other Nana Benzes, a legend throughout west Africa.

Their craft however is sadly in decline. Since the early 2000s production of the cloth has shifted to Chinese factories. Today, no wax comes near the process.

From beads to cloth

Born in the southern town of Aneho on 22 December 1934, Maman Creppy was determined to become a successful entrepreneur. She started her career trading beads imported from Ghana. But, as she recalled in one of our many conversations, “this was hard manual work”. So, once she had acquired a small trading stock, she switched to cloth.

Maman Creppy initially traded in European-produced fancy-prints. These were less onerous to produce and hence cheaper. Africa’s fancy-print textile industry started in the early 1960s and many newly independent countries were using the textile industry to bolster their economies.

As Maman Creppy accumulated more capital, she switched to English wax-prints from Arnold Brunnschweiler & Company (ABC) and later to Dutch wax cloth from Vlisco.

Maman Creppy became a Nana Benz – one of the super-wholesalers of wax cloth. They originally collected the wax cloth from Ghana’s capital, Accra, in the 1940s but, by the late 1950s, shifted the centre of trade to the Lomé market in Togo’s capital. They transformed the Lomé market into a site of economic power and national prestige.

Nana Benzes boom

The heyday of the Nana Benzes was from the 1960s to the early 1980s. Traders flocked to the Lomé market, not only from Abidjan, Accra, Kumasi, Cotonou, Porto-Novo, Onitsha and Lagos, but also from Kinshasa and Libreville.

They benefited from a unique trading position. Trade rules in some post-independence African countries made it hard to trade in the cloth. For instance in Ghana, Kwame Nkrumah’s nationalist-protectionist policies placed high tariffs on imports. This made wax-print imports unprofitable. In Togo, low tariffs made the cloth cheaper. Nana Benzes therefore became a key part of the wax print trade and enabled the Dutch to penetrate other African markets.

The Nana Benzes also had a monopoly over patterns – many of them unique. For instance, they intercepted Yoruba trading networks that operated along the coastal corridor between Lagos and Accra, selling so-called Yoruba and Igbo patterns in specific colourways in Lomé. It was their effective monopoly over pattern rights that garnered the Nana Benzes unparalleled wealth.

The Nana Benzes soon established distribution rights for these classic designs from colonial firms, such as Unilever’s United Africa Company (UAC). In the process, they strengthened ties with European firms. This allowed them to exercise control over an emergent urban cultural economy of taste.

The Nana Benzes had cleverly inserted themselves into the restrictive retailing systems of European trading companies with whom they negotiated exclusive pattern rights to cloth distribution.

Amid changing political regimes, the women consolidated their power and economic interests by creating their own professional organisation in 1965, L’Association Professionelle des Revendeuses de Tissu, a body that negotiated trading policies directly with the state. They agreed on a low-tariff regime that made their Dutch and English cloth imports relatively cheap in comparison to others in the region. In return, they lent their branding power to the state, providing it with a felicitously modern entrepreneurial façade.

The downfall

The end of the Cold War and the democracy movement that liberalised political and economic spaces had serious consequences for the cloth trade. And for Rose Creppy.

A devaluation of the CFA franc (by 50%) in 1994 turned an everyday consumer good, wax cloth, into a near luxury almost overnight. Until then, wax cloth was available to most. When the price doubled, wax cloth became a luxury good. Many turned to cheaper alternatives, including counterfeits from China.

The liberalisation of the economy in post-Cold War Togo further derailed the Nana Benzes’ trade. The main distributor of wax cloth – Unilever’s United Africa Company – pulled out of the market and the Dutch manufacturer, Vlisco, took over its west African distribution points. This dismantled the system of exclusive retail rights that made the women’s trade profitable.

To add to the demise of the Nana Benzes, Chinese counterfeits entered the market in the early 2000s.
Maman Creppy’s legacy

Until her passing, Maman Creppy remained intimately connected to the market through her daughter, Yvette Sivomey, whom she initiated into the cloth trade in the early 2000s.

Like many of her older peers, Maman Creppy was married but lived independently with her children, whom she would later send to study in France; she owned a property in Lyon. In addition to her entrepreneurial activities, she held a ministerial position at the Lolan royal palace of her native Aneho.

Today a highly successful cloth entrepreneur herself, Sivomey works closely with Vlisco to rediscover and revive old patterns in new colour combinations.

The legacy of Dédé Rose Gamélé Creppy is preserved in her daughter’s work. It is alive and well, woven into the classic wax cloth patterns she co-designed and traded as one of the remarkable Nana Benzes, the women merchants of Togo.

Wednesday, March 29, 2023

Ancient DNA Is Restoring The Origin Story Of The Swahili People Of The East African Coast



BY CHAPURUKHA KUSIMBA AND DAVID REICH

The legacy of the medieval Swahili civilization is a source of extraordinary pride in East Africa, as reflected in its language being the official tongue of Kenya, Tanzania and even inland countries like Uganda and Rwanda, far from the Indian Ocean shore where the culture developed nearly two millennia ago.

Its ornate stone and coral towns hugged 2,000 miles (3,200 kilometers) of the coast, and its merchants played a linchpin role in the lucrative trade between Africa and lands across the ocean: Arabia, Persia, India, Southeast Asia and China.

By the turn of the second millennium, Swahili people embraced Islam, and some of their grand mosques still stand at the UNESCO World Heritage sites of Lamu in Kenya and Kilwa in Tanzania.

Self-governance ended following Portuguese colonization in the 1500s, with control later shifting to the Omanis (1730-1964), Germans in Tanganyika (1884-1918) and British in Kenya and Uganda (1884-1963). Following independence, coastal peoples were absorbed into the modern nation-states of Somalia, Kenya, Tanzania, Mozambique and Madagascar.

So who were the Swahili people, and where did their ancestors originally come from?

Ironically, the story of Swahili origins has been molded almost entirely by non-Swahili people, a challenge shared with many other marginalized and colonized peoples who are the modern descendants of cultures of the past with extraordinary achievements.

Working with a team of 42 colleagues, including 17 African scholars and multiple members of the Swahili community, we’ve now published the first ancient DNA sequences from peoples of the Swahili civilization. Our results do not provide simple validation for the narratives previously advanced in archaeological, historical or political circles. Instead, they contradict and complicate all of them.

Colonization affected how the story was told

Western archaeologists in the mid-20th century emphasized the connections of the medieval Swahili to Persia and Arabia, sometimes suggesting that their impressive achievements could not have been attained by Africans.

Post-colonial scholars, including one of us (Kusimba), pushed back against that view. Earlier researchers had inflated the importance of non-African influences by focusing on imported objects at Swahili sites. They minimized the vast majority of locally made materials and what they revealed about African industry and innovation.

But viewing Swahili heritage as primarily African or non-African is too simplistic; In fact, both perspectives are byproducts of colonialist biases.

The truth is that colonization of the East African coast did not end with the departure of the British in the middle of the 20th century. Many colonial institutions were inherited and perpetuated by Africans. As modern nation-states formed, with governments controlled by inland peoples, Swahili people continued to be undermined politically and economically, in some cases as much as they had been under foreign rule.

Decades of archaeological research in consultation with local people aimed to address the marginalization of communities of Swahili descent. Our team consulted oral traditions and used ethnoarchaeology and systematic surveys, along with targeted excavations of residential, industrial and cemetery locations. Working with local scholars and elders, we unearthed materials such as pottery, metal and beads; food, house and industrial remains; and imported objects such as porcelain, glass, glass beads and more. Together they revealed the complexity of Swahili everyday life and the peoples’ cosmopolitan Indian Ocean heritage.

Ancient DNA analysis was always one of the most exciting prospects. It offered the hope of using scientific methods to obtain answers to the question of how medieval people are related to earlier groups and to people today, providing a counterweight to narratives imposed from outside. Until a few years ago, this kind of analysis was a dream. But because of a technological revolution in 2010, the number of ancient humans with published genome-scale data has risen from nothing to more than 10,000 today.

Surprises in the ancient DNA

We worked with local communities to determine the best practices for treating human remains in line with traditional Muslim religious sensitivities. Cemetery excavations, sampling and reburial of human remains were carried out in one season, rather than dragging on indefinitely

Our team generated data from more than 80 people, mostly elite individuals buried in the rich centers of the stone towns. We will need to wait for future work to understand whether their genetic inheritance differed from people without their high status.

Contradicting what we had expected, the ancestry of the people we analyzed was not largely African or Asian. Instead, these backgrounds were intertwined, each contributing about half of the DNA of the people we analyzed.

We found that Asian ancestry in the medieval individuals came largely from Persia (modern-day Iran), and that Asians and African ancestors began mixing at least 1,000 years ago. This picture is almost a perfect match to the Kilwa Chronicle, the oldest narrative told by the Swahili people themselves, and one almost all earlier scholars had dismissed as a kind of fairy tale.

Another surprise was that, mixed in with the Persians, Indians were a significant proportion of the earliest migrants. Patterns in the DNA also suggest that, after the transition to Omani control in the 18th century, Asian immigrants became increasingly Arabian. Later, there was intermarriage with people whose DNA was similar to others in Africa. As a result, some modern people who identify as Swahili have inherited relatively little DNA from medieval peoples like those we analyzed, while others have more.

One of the most revealing patterns our genetic analysis identified was that the overwhelming majority of male-line ancestors came from Asia, while female-line ancestors came from Africa. This finding must reflect a history of Persian males traveling to the coast and having children with local women.

One of us (Reich) initially hypothesized that these patterns might reflect Asian men forcibly marrying African women because similar genetic signatures in other populations are known to reflect such violent histories. But this theory does not account for what is known about the culture, and there is a more likely explanation.

Traditional Swahili society is similar to many other East African Bantu cultures in being substantially matriarchal – it places much economic and social power in the hands of women. In traditional Swahili societies even today, ownership of stone houses often passes down the female line. And there is a long recorded history of female rulers, beginning with Mwana Mkisi, ruler of Mombasa, as recorded by the Portuguese as early as the 1500s, down to Sabani binti Ngumi, ruler of Mikindani in Tanzania as late as 1886.

Our best guess is that Persian men allied with and married into elite families and adopted local customs to enable them to be more successful traders. The fact that their children passed down the language of their mothers, and that encounters with traditionally patriarchal Persians and Arabians and conversion to Islam did not change the coast’s African matriarchal traditions, confirms that this was not a simple history of African women being exploited. African women retained critical aspects of their culture and passed it down for many generations.

How do these results gleaned from ancient DNA restore heritage for the Swahili? Objective knowledge about the past has great potential to help marginalized peoples. By making it possible to challenge and overturn narratives imposed from the outside for political or economic ends, scientific research provides a meaningful and underappreciated tool for righting colonial wrongs.

READ ORIGINAL STORY HERE

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