Showing posts with label Police Brutality. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Police Brutality. Show all posts

Thursday, August 08, 2024

From Michael Brown To Sonya Massey, A Decade Of Police Antiblack Violence Causes Grief, Worry And Coping For Black Parents

Demonstrators protest the shooting of 18-year-old Michael Brown in Ferguson, Mo., in August 2014. Joshua Lott/AFP/Getty Images

AUTHORS:

SEANNA LEATH
ASSISTANT PROFESSOR OF 
PSYCHOLOGICAL AND BRAIN SCIENCES
WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY IN ST. LOUIS

SHERETTA B. BUTLER-BARNES
PROFESSOR, DEAN'S DISTINGUISHED
PROFESSIONAL SCHOLAR, 
WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY IN ST. LOUIS

A decade ago, Michael Brown Jr., an unarmed Black 18-year-old, was shot and killed by a white police officer in Ferguson, Missouri, a suburb of St. Louis.

The fatal incident began when the officer, Darren Wilson, saw Brown and a friend walking down the middle of a street. Wilson claimed that Brown refused to obey his order to get off the street and a fight ensued. The shooting, Wilson alleged, was in self-defense – a claim that officers have used nationwide to justify antiblack racial violence.

Brown’s death on Aug. 9, 2014, occurred just eight days after his high school graduation and triggered nearly a year of protests across the country. Three months later, a grand jury in Ferguson refused to indict the police officer, a decision that set off more protests and demands for racial justice in policing.

Nearly 10 years later and less than 90 miles away from Ferguson, Sonya Massey, an unarmed, 36-year-old Black woman and mother of two children, called local police on July 6, 2024, to investigate mysterious sounds outside of her home near Springfield, Illinois.

Instead of helping, one of the white officers, Sean Grayson, shot and killed Massey. As her son Malachi told reporters, the officer showed little regard for her humanity during the slaying that was captured on body-camera footage. At the officer’s request, Massey had taken a pot of hot water from the stove. Minutes later, she was killed when Grayson fired three bullets, including one that hit right below her eye.

Unlike Brown’s case in Ferguson, Grayson was fired from the Sangamon County Sheriff’s Office and charged with first-degree murder. Similar to Darren Wilson, he claimed he acted in self-defense.

These two instances of police violence highlight the cyclical nature of police violence against Black Americans – and the growing mistrust among Black Americans for local police.

From 2009-2019, at least 179 people have been killed by police or while in jail within four counties of the St. Louis region near where Brown died.

These local statistics mirror nationwide patterns of police violence in the U.S. and reveal that Massey and Brown were not exceptions to the norm – but, rather, representative of the everyday racism that pervades American society.

As we have learned through our research of racist violence in Black communities, developing ways to cope is often a necessary reality of living in the United States.

What is racial grief?

With every new incident of racial violence committed by a police officer, Black people tend to experience a collective sense of racial grief.

That grief is defined by the U.S. National Institutes of Health as an “individuals’ cognitive, emotional, physical, and spiritual responses to loss due to racism and intersectional violence.”

In addition, many Black parents experience a type of anticipatory grief and stress due to the potential racial violence their children may encounter in their lifetime.

For instance, in a 2022 study, researchers found Black pregnant women experienced feelings of fear, stress and anxiety about police brutality toward their children – before their children were born. Even mothers who reported positive experiences with police officers anticipated negative treatment toward their children based on their race.

Racial grief can represent a coping response that allows Black parents to emotionally and cognitively process incidents of racial violence in community with others.

In our 2022 study, one mother told us:


“I can’t watch the videos anymore. It is a living nightmare, and I do not need those images, because they cannot be unseen. It takes a heavy toll on me. I cope with it in therapy. I cry. I give myself space to feel my feelings. I talk with my partner about it. It gives me a sense of pain and purpose at the same time.”

How do Black parents respond to racial violence

When parents think about how they can prepare their children for the racial discrimination they may encounter in their daily lives, many use what is known as racial socialization to improve they and their children’s adaptive coping responses in response to racial bias and discrimination.

Racial socialization refers to the process by which parents instill race-related messages and values in their children. It is considered by psychologists to be one of the most critical developmental processes for Black youth and includes both implicit and explicit practices.

For instance, some parents monitor the content of their children’s social media and limit their exposure to racial violence. Other parents balance messages on racial discrimination with affirmations that their children are loved, worthy and valued.

Common racial socialization messages include statements such as: “You should be proud to be Black.” A message on racial bias might involve: “You may be evaluated by higher standards than your white peers.”

Overall, these messages are intended to elicit racial and cultural pride, while also encouraging Black youth to be cautious and aware of the ongoing realities of racial violence.

In a forthcoming study we have on how Black parents in Missouri talk to their adolescents about race, one mother shared:

“Like with the Sonya Massey thing, my daughter saw the video and she was like – ‘but she didn’t do anything wrong.’ That’s usually what happens. Like I told her, she called the police for help and they end up killing her. It happens sometimes because they act like they’re scared of Blacks for some reason. I feel like we are not progressing in America with this racism thing.”

While Black parents and their children continue to resist racial discrimination through their everyday practices of care, love and joy, there remains a critical need to invest in the health and well-being of Black communities through structural policy changes in education, health care and local government.

READ ORIGINAL STORY HERE

Wednesday, August 07, 2024

For Black Americans, Higher Police Pay Doesn’t Always Mean Fewer Violent Confrontations As It Does For Other Racial Groups

The parents of Michael Brown – Lesley McSpadden, second from left, and Michael Brown Sr., center – march in a protest for their son on Aug. 30, 2014, in Ferguson, Mo. Aaron P. Bernstein/Getty Images

BY THADDEUS L. JOHNSON AND NATASHA N. JOHNSON

Police unions have come under fire following recent police killings of Black Americans. For the most part, the unions work to improve pay and job conditions for police. But some critics say these police union contracts cost cities too much and make it hard to hold officers accountable.

Our new study with fellow Georgia State University researchers adds a troubling finding to this debate: As officers’ pay went up in cities with police unions, more Black Americans died from police actions.

This phenomenon didn’t happen for white Americans.

We examined 282 U.S. city police departments from 2000 to 2013. Of these agencies, about 74% permitted collective bargaining.

We found that when officers get paid more, people die at lower rates during police encounters in general. But in cities with police unions, this was true only for white people. As officer salaries increased, the death rate for Black people from police actions also rose slightly.

A question of accountability

Higher salaries can attract more professional officers who avoid reckless behaviors, such as jumping in front of fleeing cars and then using force out of fear of being struck. Instead, they’re likely to use safer strategies, not necessarily out of compassion but to keep their jobs.

Strong job protections from collective bargaining, however, can make some officers less worried about consequences. This might explain why better pay didn’t benefit Black people encountering unionized police forces.

Union agreements often include rules that delay questioning officers after incidents or let disciplinary records be hidden or erased. Even after being terminated, problem officers are often rehired through arbitration.

Such protections undermine accountability and may embolden some officers to use force more readily, especially against Black citizens.

High-profile cases such as George Floyd in Minneapolis and Laquan McDonald and Sonya Massey in Illinois highlight the consequences of officers with troubling records staying on the job.

The officers who killed them had records of misconduct but faced little discipline.

A cycle of violence

Our findings suggest there is also a long history of distrust between law enforcement and Black communities.

Police unions often publicly oppose changes to make policing more open and accountable. This pushback only deepens the mistrust and fear on both sides, raising the risk of aggression and violent confrontations.

Our data also shows that when police pay goes up in unionized settings, so do attacks on officers. This points to a dangerous cycle of violence and community resistance.

As criminologists, including one former cop, we recognize the important role of police unions and the challenges officers face. But our findings suggest that some union protections may be going too far and endangering both Black lives and officers.

Restoring trust

While most police-caused fatalities are considered legal, and less than 0.002% of police-citizen encounters end in death, Black Americans are more likely than other groups to be the victims.

Each death deeply hurts Black communities, perpetuating cycles of grief, anger and distrust in law enforcement. Numerous studies show these deaths stoke a pervasive fear among Black people that they or their loved ones could be the next victim of police violence.

Restoring trust requires, we believe, rethinking union contracts.

While intended to protect officers’ labor rights, union agreements sometimes result in unchecked authority in policing. In our view, governments should pay officers competitive wages and treat them fairly, but also hold them responsible for their actions.

This means making union negotiations public, keeping records of serious misconduct and investigating problems quickly and justly. Police departments should also focus on training officers to do better, not just punishing them after the fact. This training should teach officers how to deescalate, be aware of their own biases and respect different cultures.

Despite differences across jurisdictions, police pay has been rising in most places. In addition, the number of police jobs is increasing. The U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics predicts a 3% increase in the number of police jobs from 2022 to 2032, from 808,700 to 832,500.

With over half of the nation’s officers in unions and most states allowing collective bargaining, this projection underscores the urgency of improving accountability among union-backed police forces.

Change is coming

As the police workforce grows, and with many officers joining unions, it’s crucial to ensure they’re serving communities properly. The nation cannot just give officers more money and power without making sure they’re wielding it responsibly.

There is some good news. The National Fraternal Order of Police, the nation’s largest police union with 356,000 members, has said it’s ready to talk about reform.

In his 2020 statement before the U.S. Senate Committee on the Judiciary, National Fraternal Order of Police President Patrick Yoes said his group “stands ready to work with anyone, speak with anyone and cooperate with anyone who genuinely wants to work collectively, in a fact-based way, to improve policing in our country.”

States are taking actions too. Legislators in Colorado and Oregon passed laws making it easier to punish abusive officers. Further, new union contracts in cities such as Boston raised police salaries while eliminating officers’ ability to contest disciplinary actions for serious offenses.

Achieving meaningful change while protecting officers’ labor rights requires tough compromises and strong leadership. Reforming police union contracts won’t fix everything. But it’s a crucial step toward cultivating police forces that are more accountable, less deadly and fair to everyone.

It won’t be easy, but we believe it’s necessary to keep communities and police safe.

READ ORIGINAL STORY HERE

Wednesday, July 03, 2019

Distrust Of Nigerian Police Grows Among Women Over Rape Allegations

Image via Legit/NAIJ




ABUJA, NIGERIA (TRT WORLD
) -- Several women have alleged that they were raped by members of the police who used plastic bags often used to sell water in little packages in Nigeria as condoms.

When the news broke that officers of the Nigerian police arrested women and allegedly raped them while they were detained, Chioma Aguwegbo was disappointed but not surprised.

One evening in 2017, at one of the many illegal checkpoints established by officers of the Nigerian police in Abuja, Agbuegbo and her friend were stopped. Agwuegbo’s friend, who was driving at the time, was wearing a short skirt with her thighs exposed and was forced to get out to open the trunk of her car.

“Because she was exposed, I immediately came down to open the trunk of the car because I had longer shorts, but the police told me to get back into the car,” Agwuegbo tells TRT World. Thankfully that was one of the milder interactions had with the Nigerian Police.

While Nigerians took to social media and the streets to protest the arbitrary arrests and deaths of Nigerian citizens by the police in the#EndSARS campaign, the targeted arrests of women in Nigeria's capital city Abuja had been largely unreported.

“To a large extent, the treatment of women as property in Nigeria extends to institutions and their interactions with women,” Agwuegbo explains to TRT World.

Over 65 women were arrested by the police and a task force in a raid of night clubs in Abuja on April 27. In a press conference held by the women in Abuja, they alleged that they had been arrested, asked to give bribes for their freedom and when a few of them could not, they were raped and beaten.

Several women alleged that they were raped by members of the police who used plastic bags often used to sell water in little packages in Nigeria as condoms.

In the end, 27 women were charged with prostitution without access to their lawyers or families and coerced into pleading guilty.

The women who pleaded guilty were sentenced to a month in prison or told to pay the fine of $8.3 [3,000 Naira].

This Abuja incident is a prime example of gender-based violence and sexual harassment against women in Nigeria. The Women At Risk International Foundation reports that over 10,000 girls are raped or sexually assaulted every day in Nigeria and as of 2016, Nigeria had only 18 recorded rape convictions.

Among the abusers are policemen who use their power as a means for extortion — taking monetary or sexual bribery from women, especially those vulnerable positions. Through extensive interview-based research that Human Rights Watch carried out in 2011, it found that many policemen use the threat of rape and other forms of sexual assault to extort money from women, particularly at checkpoints, in public spaces or those in police custody.

In 2012, Nigerian actress Dorothy Njemanze was arrested with three other women by officers of the same task force and accused of being a prostitute. Despite her arrest, she was never charged. But in a high-profile case, Njemanze took the Nigerian government to court and in October of 2017, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) court ruled in her favour, ordering the Nigerian government to pay Njemanze and two other women $50,000 (18 million Naira).

“But as a woman in Nigeria, even around law enforcement, there is a serious fear of being sexually molested,” Agwuegbo says.

After the arrests of the women, protests were quickly organised via Twitter and people organised in various cities including Lagos, Abuja, Accra in Ghana and in the United Kingdom.

“As huge as the gaps in policing in Nigeria are, there is a bigger problem of sexual harassment in Nigeria and at the moment, it does not seem like a priority for the Nigerian government,” Ayodeji Osowobi explains. Osowobi is the founder of Stand to End Rape, a non-profit established in 2014 to bring forward conversations about sexual rights in Nigeria.

“We are invested in the creation of a framework to guarantee safety at home and in the workplace for women in Nigeria,” Osowobi tells TRT World. Her non-profit was one of the major players in the protests organised to get justice for the arrested women.

During the planning stage of the protests, the organising groups reached out to inform the police of their protest and to get a security detail, but the response given to them was that the police would not guarantee their safety during the protests.

Already, there is a general distrust of security agencies in the country with ‘peaceful protests’ often turning bloody. In 2018, officers of the Nigerian army shot dozens of peaceful Shia protesters in Northern Nigeria.

While protesting at the front of the police command in Lagos state, Ebele Molua was threatened by a policeman who wanted to “press her breasts”.

“I understood the situation the women were in immediately it was said to me because we were at the police station, the one place we are supposed to be safe, but I was still very scared,” Moula explains.

At the end of the protest, she filed an official complaint to the police, but until today does not know how the case ended. “I got a couple of calls from officers of the police and eventually the man apologising, but I was not told any action had been taken against him,” Moula says.

The protests and their subsequent coverage, however, did not do anything to bring about any change or discussions with regard to policy. Instead, non-profits and people on social media are taking a different approach towards the next generation of Nigerians. Ololade Ginikale, Founder of the Hands Off Initiative, goes around schools in Nigeria teaching consent to teenagers and young adults.

With a network of volunteers across Nigeria and even extending to South Africa and a few West African cities, Ginikale is looking to change the status quo on how Africans see and interact with sex. “I believe [that] if children and young people are made to understand what consent is, there will be a whole generation where cases of sexual assault, harassment and rape will be non-existent,” Ginikale explains.

However, as a largely conservative country it is unlikely that conversations about sex and harassment in Nigeria will be brought up on a national scale. Several older Nigerians including religious leaders believe that it is the proliferation of Western ideas that have led to incidences of rape and harassment in the country.

Nigerian comedian and actor Ime Bishop Umoh released videos on his social media accounts asserting that the women allegedly raped by the police were not raped but stolen from. He argued that they could not have been raped because they are “selling themselves”.

But, the times are changing. Nigeria is currently in the middle of its #MeToo campaign with the church firmly rooted in a scandal. On Sunday June 30, peaceful protests happened simultaneously in Abuja and Lagos at the church whose leader is accused of being a rapist.

While this seems like slow progress, it is still progress. Non-profits and women on Nigerian social media are at the forefront of protests and discussions about women's rights and freedoms. Agbuegbo is excited. “This generation of Nigerian women are ready to scream for their rights and it’s obvious that this is the way we will change the world”.

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