Showing posts with label Ehirim Files Classic. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Ehirim Files Classic. Show all posts

Sunday, May 11, 2014

Terrorists, Murderous Elitists, Etc. and Ineptitude: The Saga Continues

 BY AMBROSE EHIRIM

Crowd gather at the scene of a bomb blast at a bus terminal in Nyayan, Abuja April 14, 2014. A morning rush hour bomb killed at least 71 people at a Nigerian bus station on the outskirts of the capital, raising concerns about the spread of an Islamist insurgency after the deadliest ever attack on Abuja. Image: Afolabi Shotunde/Reuters 

When my friend, Ardis Hamilton, had called me on the phone that "Boxing Day," December 26, 2009, in astonishment from what he had seen on TV, which had been widespread, and had gone viral online, that Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab, a Nigerian, had been apprehended and arrested in an attempt to blow up a Detroit, Michigan bound Northwest Airline jet on Christmas Day, and surprisingly to many, not for those of us who have lived the terror as imposed by the blood thirsty cannibals on its campaign to destroy properties and kill people who do not share in their belief of a radical Islam.

Hamilton never had a clue that Nigeria had been a terrorist state until that Christmas Day Abdulmutallab had declared to the world that the Islamic Jihadists in Northern Nigeria have been running guns and holding terrorists cells on accounts funded from the nation's treasury and other related Islamic extremists groups, having been in alliance with the al-Qaeda network.

The irony, however, was a tight-lipped United States when a blood lust northern nihilists caused all kinds of mayhem in Nigeria in the 1960s which had begun acts of terrorism. Not much difference in what Boko Haram is doing today to the '60s pogrom when the Islamic Jihadist nihilists had sought every Igbo in every nook and cranny where they had lived in the north--murdered them in the most brutal of circumstances with no remorse shown whatsoever.

During the 60s pogrom, the northern Islamic Jihadists invaded the classrooms and mercilessly slaughtered their victims, the Igbo. They had gone to the churches where the Igbo worshipped and burned them to the ground. They had gone to the marketplaces where the Igbo traded and plundered and demolished them. They had gone to their places of dwelling and pillaged them.

The Islamic nihilists had sought we they called the nyamiris, the infidels, to wipe us all out from the face of this planet. They went to the military barracks and other related establishments, sought Igbo officers and civilians out and, savagely axed them and hacked them to death. They picked them, the Igbo, on the streets in the midst of other ethnic nationalities, and brutally murdered them. They lined them up by the riverbanks and marched them to death. They were forced to drown on the death march. They consficated their properties and forced them to flee. The long trekking back home upon persecution and annihilation.

And the world watched.

In history repeating itself, and a nation that never had a sense of direction and purpose, Boko Haram turned on itself; killing its own, destroying its own and ravaging its own property.

In what had begun from a series of disturbances, actually, when the Islamic law had been questioned as part of the nation's constitutional provisions which had triggered the Sharia debacle of 2000, in which about 3000 Southern Christians perished in the north, none, including the state, had envisioned a religious conflict to have no end in sight.

When the Sharia debacle calmed down as the President Olusegun Obasanjo had pacified his Hausa Fulani cronies who had guided and catapulted him to the top when Murtala Mohammed succumbed to the guns of Buka Sumka Dimka, a Middle Belt junta who had launched a retaliation to reinstate Yakubu Gowon to power, it wouldn't be long before eruption of another outfit of radical Islamism, in the name of Boko Haram, within the framework of the Fourth Republic and a slogan of "no scared cows" that would be the cliché.

Obasanjo had negated the fact that Sharia posed a serious threat to the nation's security detail on the grounds of the "northern ruling elites," in what they had intentionally designed while destroying the nation's fabric in its entirety during the periods of misrule, which happened to have fallen into their hands as a result of the British colonial mandate, in its favor, until power eluded them for a return of what had been going on since 2009, becoming more deadly as each day passes by.

The Hausa-Fulani oligarchy had been quieted since Yar'Adua was sneaked in, though bedridden, to save face for a northerner keeping hold of the presidency, even though Obasanjo knew very well that Yar'Adua was not going to make it from indications of his ailment.

Politics gone bad. Yar'Adua's long hidden ailment had taken a toll on the nation's affairs of state, and Goodluck Jonathan, next on line to take the mantle of leadership, had been made the fall guy in an attempt to deny him the right to take the throne from a dying Yar'Adua  as the rightful endorsement for the presidency between the Muslim north and a Sothern minority Ijaw entered a heated debate with the northern Muslims arguing the allocation of the presidency to the north has not yet expired and must continue with whom they would choose to succeed the late Yar'Adua. That nasty political gimmick did not work, though stretched, and eventually, Jonathan was sworn in when Yar'Adua passed on.

A government that had no executive powers was what Nigerians witnessed during Yar'Adua's bedridden presidency as no one could tell where the shots were called from--his wife or the mischief makers whose intention it was to run the country down. As it would happen, it all backfired and the cock and bull story did not work out the way planned by an anti-Jonathan presidency.

While we're at it, the logic and uncertainties surrounding the rightful replacement for Yar'Adua, Boko Haram had been meeting and organizing to strike in pursuit of its doctrine that "Western education is sinful"  and should not be accepted based on the Koranic principles.

The fact remains that not even a single Nigerian, especially the Southern Christians, including Jonathan who was about to be granted a confessional trial of the presidency, knew where the Islamic nihilists and hoodlums, later to be known as Boko Haram, were coming from and what they have been up to. And even though, some within the government circles may have had a hint on what terrorists activities in less than no time, was about to unfold, they had no intelligence to have studied the guide and preempt every move which would have avoided all that is happening now.

But a Nigeria where nothing works and everything is taken for granted in which Boko Haram operatives had known, taking advantage of the weaknesses and the vulnerable nature of the country at the time it had become so disturbing leaving Jonathan with no options at all other than employing the military for mobilization, telling the nation that the brains behind Boko Haram were not far-fetched; that some members of his kitchen cabinet "are" the culprits and that it wouldn't be long before they'd be fished out.

While Jonathan ran his mouth, and Boko Haram knew he was really running his mouth, they striked, damning his empty words, sending their messages across that what they had put together wasn't child's play. And they meant it with that initial explosion.

In attempts to use the military as a better strategy to curb the violence instigated by Boko Haram, Jonathan gave ultimatum to every military commander with orders to uproot the insurgents. Strategy one, on assumption the militants were only playing pranks and not to be taken seriously, their victims and casualties began to pile up and with a clearly sent out message that they should be taken out of the Nigerian context they are not part and parcel of, and that the principles of Islam differs significantly with the Southern Christians they had called "infidels."

But Jonathan's mistakes, was, his inability to have had foreknowledge of a deadly Boko Haram to have preempted each and every move of the bloodlust nihilists, and also, his inability to hold the governors and the administrative personnel of the three northern states -- Yobe, Adamawa and Borno -- responsible, prosecuting them to the limit of the law in a situation that has taken a lot of lives.

In what no Nigerian had envisioned after so many years in the hands of tyrants and dictators who had destroyed all aspects of civil liberties, the 1999 transition brokered between the military juntas and a tiny fraction of a would be civilian political class for another opportunity toward democracy which brought along with it, the hope that a stable democratic fabric accompanied by respecting the rule of law, could be obtained in what the next of kin, heir to the Fourth Republic, Olusegun Obasanjo, had vowed to uphold --that "no sacred cows" of a slogan-- as we would be made to know.

The beginning of what had thrown Obasanjo accidentally to take charge of the affairs of state, and, one who had gone through the nation's administration in a variety of divisions--from civil war commander to commissioning a couple of government departments; and from one who had completely led the transition from a military regime to handing over power to a democratically elected civilian administration--it was presumed, though, with skepticism, that the country, after its ordeal from what was started when the Muhammadu Buhari-Tunde Idiagbon-led military juntas wrestled power from the Shehu Shagari administration which had just commenced its second term in the Second Republic, to be followed by a series of military organized coups until the last of the coupists, Sani Abacha, succumbed to death; that the country must have learned its lessons of  years of misrule and corruption seemed to have been baked in the genes of majority of its citizens,

The Obasanjo administration which was officially launched on May 29, 1999, was the last straw and a sigh of euphoria that Nigeria had eventually overcome its predicament. That the former junta, Obasanjo himself, had strategically dismantled the military brass from further attempts to disorganize the country by way of staging coups which had become their credo, "army arrangements," in order to continue to stay in power. And that learning his lessons from the Abacha gulag, that he had sacrificed and paid his dues to cleanse the country of past atrocities and previous rulers of mischief

Nothing like peace and harmony was a plan looked forward to or leaned on to sustain, in what was expected after Nigeria had been tagged a pariah and rogue state by the international community, from years of being oppressed by an 'elite' set of the military juntas beginning from the moment the Chukwuma "Kaduna" Nzeogwu-Emmanuel Ifeajuna-led military coup the Prime Minister Abubakar Tafawa Balewa and some of his cabinet members were murdered.

In what would lead to a full blown assault on the Igbo nation in the wake of the January 15, 1966 coup in which the nation is yet to recover, and a 30-month civil war the vanquishers were given the privilege of support by its British and Russian allies empowered by the logistics and arsenals to invade and capitulate Biafra; and assuming it had been understood that what the colonial administrators had intentionally grouped together as a one united nation sharing common grounds so as to coexist peacefully, what sense does it make now destroying ones own under one roof? What had been the major factor in the series of disturbances in the country the international community finds overwhelmingly disturbing even though little or nothing has been done in its curb? An internal strife never to have an end?

The Obasanjo regime in the Fourth Repuvblic encountered the most brutal of officials than any in the nation's history; and, ironically, most, if not all, remains unsolved with the culprits no where to be found or identified.

In what had ignited as the Sharia debacle of 2000 in which a wave of wantom killings of the Igbo in the north, followed a cycle of political-related murderous spree. It had begun on December 21, 2001 when a prominent legislator from Osun State, Odunayo Oklagbaju, representing the Ife LGA was hacked to death with a machete by hoodlums hired by his political opponents.

On December 29, 2001, hired assassins walked into then Attorney General and Minister of Justice, Bola Ige's home, in his bedroom at his Ibadan residence and shot him pointblank to his heart. He never made it. He was declared dead.

On September 2, 2002, Barnabas Igwe was gunned down and ran over with his own vehicle by the assassins while his wife, Amaka, who had pleaded with the attackers to spare her and her unborn child was hacked to death. Igwe, the Chairman of the Nigeria Bar Association, Onitsha Branch, and who had been very vocal in his criticism of a corrupt and inept government was still breathing when his brother, Vincent, arrived at the murder scene, said: "what killed me is government," before his last breath. Igwe and his wife were murdered during the political suicidal mission of Governor Chinwoke Mbadinuju and the Emeka Ofor criminal mafia regarding a political relationship business gone bad.

On September 24, 2002, Isyaku Mohammed, then Chairman of the United Nigeria Peoples Party, the UNPP, was gunned down in Kano before he could establish the platform of his political party.

In Imo State, on February 7, 2003, chieftain of the All Nigeria Peoples Party, the ANPP, Ogbonnaya Uche, was gunned down at his house; sometime in the same February of 2003, Theodore Egwuatu who was then Secretary to Imo State Governor was brutally murdered; April 19, 2003, Onyewuchi Iwuchukwu of the ANPP was fatally shot in Ikeduru; April 28, 2003, Imo State House Member Toni Dimegwu, was murdered, while in Anambra State, on March 23, 2003, Anthony Nwodo was murdered in Abakaliki.

Elsewhere, March 3, 2004, Andrew Agom, a former Managing Director of the Nigerian Airways and chieftain of the Peoples Democratic Party, the PDP, in Borno State, was fatally shot alongside a police seargeant John Agam.

On the assassins inexplicable list, among them, were: Chief Philip Olorunnippa, slained March 7, 2994, Sunny Atte, February 5, 2005; Alabi Olajokun, May 15, 2005; Patrick Origbu, June 3, 2005; Lateef Olaniyan, July 27, 2005; and the list goes on and on with trace of their murderers far fetched, abandoned and not mentioned further.

Enter the terrorists as earlier mentioned, the Islamic Jihad blood thirsty nihilists, in what remains a puzzle to what had befell the nation with an end in sight not yet known despite Jonathan's fruitless measures and doctrines in fishing out the brains behind what Jonathan earlier claimed had been part of his administration in which a terrorized Nigeria continues apace.

Boko Haram, as known today in present day Nigeria, is nothing new. It has evolved over time and gone through stages of metamorphosis dating back to 1953, in Kano, during the final stages of the constitutional conferences on whether the radical Islamists should be allowed to secede from the rest of the country upon eruption of riots that broke out in Sabon Gari which was predomninatly occupied by the Igbo, and had led to the granting of regional powers from around which the Islamic insurgency took its form, henceforth, following mass killings and kidnappings which had been nothing new, either.

During the 1966 pogrom, Igbos in the north were sought and slaughtered. The Maitasine riots of the 1980s during the Shehu Shagari inept, corrupt administration thousands met their deaths in the name of a satanic Koranic principle. The 2000 Abuja riots which had another resemblance of past events typical of radical Islam. The Miss World Pageant Riots 2002 in Kaduna, allegedly over 250 were senselessly slain over what fundamental moslems had claimed was insult to the Prophet Mohammed. The Yelwa massacre 2008 in Jos. The Bauchi Prison Break. The Abuja United Nations bombing. The July 2013 school shooting of the Gubja College Massacre, and the list of these atrocities by Boko Haram goes on and on, until the April 14, 2014 Chibok Abduction of over 300 schoolgirls that sparked international disgust and caught a global attention.

The Chibok Abduction had caught global attention after one week it had occurred and after some of the girls who had escaped had told their tales of their ordeal in the hands of the blood-lust Boko Haram terrorists who had kidnapped them and what they had been up to---mass rape and things like that.

But think about it, there had been way more atrocities in capacity than the Chibok Abduction. For instance, the Choba Mass Rape no one had seriously talked about, and men of the Nigerian Army who had committed these crimes never brought to justice in what the Obasanjo administration covered up as if nothing happened; had the same impact and in the case of Choba, the military, the national defense forces, were the culprits in which no one dare ask because they had been ordered by Obasanjo to go and demolish places, torture and rape women.

As it had happened,  the nation's problems, grand and small, traces back to the British empire and how it had put in place what was in its interest in collaboration with the missionaries who also arrived to decimate culture and bring about a new order, favored to their liking.

Let's assume, with the mess over time and during the constitutional conferences carved to be conducive in its workmanship for a sound Nigerian national state, that the colonial regimes at the eleventh hour realized and came to terms with what was just as Obafemi Awolowo had argued initially that logically it made no sense to have joined varied tribal nations together, and, that  a national state of different tribes shouldn't have existed in the first-place, that what was amounted to the kind of central government they had sought was for their own interest and by no way, the interest of the subjects in question, and should let tribes attain its nationhood which shouldn't hinder bilateral agreements and international engagements by related accounts, on consensus, which was exactly what  Awolowo had arrived to conclusion using the colonists who had arrived the shores of the African continent to divide and conquer as an analogy in comparison to the Welsh, the Irish, the Scot  who differ in language and culture, thus cannot be categorized as one nation. Awo's emphasis  was a  typical vision of how the British projected program would never work in Nigeria.

The British empire and its designated colonial conquest made up its mind how it had wanted Nigeria into perspective after the amalgamation of the north and the south in 1914, in which Jonathan and his PDP-led administration found very cozy to commemorate a hundred years of its anniversary in observation of the Walter Egerton, Frederick Lugard marriage.

Few months ago, at the course of the centenary event, Jonathan had applauded the worthy and the not worthy with national honors, some posthumous even at the height of ignoring the facts and logic about the nation's history in which the awards were made.

Jonathan had not considered or imagined Boko Haram, the terrorist group whose roots traces back from the Kano riots in 1953, had kept up to its principle to make Nigeria ungovernable not even minding the oil riches they had tapped all along in their favor in a deeply entrenched social ills following the pogrom and a vanquished Biafra that had clearly seen the Islamists as people human beings meant nothing to while on their murderous spree.

And what had been going on from a Boko Haram's fierce attacks can clearly be drawn from a Fourth Republic that had eluded the north and its so-called ruling elites on the mandate of the colinial regimes from leadership since Umaru Musa Yr'Adua passed and the remnants of power bestowed by merit to Jonathan. Ever since, the attacks had been more organized with their targets accurately sustained.

Considering the fact that Boko Haram in its agitation to impose the Sharia laws throughout the federation which is not applicable under any circumstances, what, in fact, is holding these terrorists from declaring its own Islamic state so they can be left alone to go their separate ways rather than the sabotage to Jonathan's government?

What have they gained from the insurgency whereby they, all of a sudden, took to its own as targets for destruction? What have they accomplished in the killings so far? And when would they begin to realize that their strategy to destabilize the country is not working? And why have the northern leaders kept a tight lip without taking measures to talk the nihilists, hoodlums and its bloodlust creed into ceasing and desisting from the acts that had caused pains, lost of lives and properties?

For instance, the Yobe State incidence of last February, the nihilists had stormed into a college dorm at night rounding up the students, cutting their throats and, elsewhere in the same facility, bombed the dorms while the students were asleep. What explains such barbaric acts? That in their religious doctrine Western education is misleading and evil? That the students who had gone to bed after school work have done something wrong to have been murdered in the most brutal way? That the prospects of the students as they learn to better their lives would destroy the foundations of Islam and depict Prophet Mohammed's teachings as wrong? That what Islam stood for nobody dare challenge or condemn from its terrorists standpoint? That Islam is it and nothing else?

In what had exploded, the disturbances in the north entirely and later on, the northeast where terrorist cells began to emerge and, while the federal authorities kept a close eye on the activities of what would be the Boko Haram terrorist organization as its manifesto unfolded, what had happened to a federal leadership from stopping the terrorist group in expanding its wings and building its base to a point help is now sought from the international community--the US, France, Britain and others--to combat Boko Haram and an eventual capture of their kingpin, Abubakar Shekau, who never had stopped threatening destruction of the infidels?

And why would the rest of the country be worried about what the Islamic Jihad nihilists and its Boko Harm umbrella is doing to itself in its new kind of attack? Why don't the rest of the country leave them alone until they are saturated with the killings and what they have been doing to each other? Should the rest of the country be perturbed when its elders who dine, wine and play with the hoodlums on regular basis and, at prayer meetings, yet wouldn't call them to order, to behave?  Why are the elders who supposedly are in touch and know who these folks are very well not talking and providing leads? What's going on, here? What's wrong?

That being the case, what are the federal authorities doing about it? Why hasn't Jonathan taken a bolder step, dissolve the legislative and executive arm of these regions and, enforce a full blown crackdown on the insurgents wherever they may be located in the said territory?

The carrot and stick formula, according to Jonathan, in what would seek resolve to a people resorted to destroying itself in its entirety, has been an epic failure. As commander-in-chief of the armed forces coupled with his advisers in relative terms, he had been slow to act and had not been too sure of what his team of counsels had established to end the nightmare of Boko Haram; in addition to some members of his cabinet who had bankrolled the terrorist group all along, as he surely indicated, over and over again.

In one of my earlier pieces, I had applauded Jonathan's action regarding his "Doctrine of Extraordinary Measures" he had presented to his service chiefs to enforce orders necessary to dislodge the nihilists and Islamist Jihad terrorists from its operation and effectively incapacitate them. That measure though, with some tangible outcome, was short-lived while he listened to his critics and the human rights watch organizations to observe and take note of  violations by men of his military.

Jonathan had been fond of running his mouth in what he had been so sure his designated military commands would overcome within an anticipated time-frame and specifically guaranteeing the date Boko Haram would cease to exist as they would be vanquished. He ate his own words popping up with newer strategies that had the terrorists regrouping and a maintained attack that continued apace.

Despite the tough talk and pledge to the citizenry that Boko Haram would be history from no outside help he had bragged beginning the terrorists attacks, exhausting all his options and left with no choices, the international community spearheaded by the US, France and England, had stepped in with intelligence, in attempt to subdue Boko Haram and eventual capture of Shekau to end the horror in what the entire nation had almost given up, losing all options.

While the developed and enlightened world are enjoying the privileges and opportunities modern technology had brought to the fore--thoroughness in its system, abundant food for the plenty, uninterrupted power supply, subsidies for the less privileged and as the list goes on and on--the Nigerian world and its brand of ruling elites are comfortable with the havoc Boko Haram and its blood thirsty subsidiaries are wreaking on the people.

And the suggestion by experts that parents of the Chibok Abduction Schoolgirls submit to DNA testing for link to the missing children welcomes another interesting development on traces to locating the kidnappers and their victims.

We shall see as the saga continues!

Friday, November 30, 2012

2015: Leadership And Sins Of Nd'Igbo


Nnamdi Azikiwe arriving at the Idlewild Airport, New York, from London July 05, 1959 to attend the United Nations Special Session on Africa. Image: Bettmann Collection

BY AMBROSE EHIRIM

In 1999, after the Jim Nwobodo bunch sold out the Igbo presidency lot, handing Alex Ekwueme a stunning defeat at the Jos primaries which gave Olusegun Obasanjo the upper hand for his party’s nomination as the flagbearer to the presidential elections, I said “the Igbo presidency is a mirage.” I made it patently clear again during the drive to Obasanjo’s reelection in 2003 that an Igbo mandate was still a mirage. Then, and again, when Obasanjo handpicked a bedridden Umaru Yar’Adua and a clueless Goodluck Jonathan PDP ticket, I said the Igbo mandate would continue to be a mirage. As it happened, a lucky Jonathan, who by accident succeeded Yar’Adua, who had succumbed to a long-hidden ailment, was tested when he ran on his own ticket in April 2011. Upon Jonathan’s swearing in to commence his first term as an elected president, the otimkpus, alarmists, raised their alert to a troubling level indicating the time was pretty much around again for a situated Igbo president.

The theme is once again, up, for an evasive presidency in what was begun by pragmatic, enigmatic, committed and patriotic Igbo leaders - Nnamdi Azikiwe, Francis Akanu Ibiam, M.I. Okpara, Louis Mbanefo, Nwafor Orizu, Mazi Mbonu Ojike, Kingsley O. Mbadiwe, and many others - during the days of the Igbo Union and debates on the constitutional conferences for an independent Nigerian national state. That situation would degenerate to something terrible by its nature, and a people once organized, thorough in its system and on the forefront of every aspect regarding the challenges confronting the colonists, and notably with its republican ideals, the Igbo enwe eze mantra, and the basis for its solid grounding of collectivism that leads to utopia, would dramatically fall from the standards and entirely apart.

What had happened to Nd’Igbo, as most recalls, had been beyond comprehension considering how it all began before colonial conquest.

Agha bu njo (war is bad omen), was one of the first phrases I had mastered when I arrived my native land in order to be more tuned with the culture of my fathers, and precisely, better the way it was wrapped up while I found myself assimilated, getting used to my kins' way of life and cultural heritage, coupled with a war that had ended not a distant time ago, with tales of tragedy overwhelmingly told. The Igbo nation had been plundered, demolished and conquered. Biafra as a nation would cease to exist in what had been a 30-month marathon of warfare among nations.

I have wandered as I arrived if indeed what I had seen with my eyes was real or a scene I usually saw at the movies in one of the Western films, Bonanza and the Indians - a people in shambles and totally destroyed. Children without clothes. Young adults playing on the sand-fields with torn clothes and half naked. Folks walking on barefoot and the basic things of life - pipe borne water and electricity - nowhere to be found. It was a hunting and gathering society, reinstated. I had also wondered what had brought us to such a place. It was nothing else. The home of my ancestors. Home of my forebears. The home of my father. My home. Our home. I have not seen or known anything like it my entire life until then.

I have not known much, anything about the Igbo landscape save for my father was born in the woods of Ohia-Ukwu, and spoke the language to me while I grew up in my father’s sojourned country. As it had happened, I grew up in a new era which differed significantly from that of my father and his generation, the scramble for Africa and European imperialism, when true leadership was tested, fighting to overcome the predicaments of colonialism - the sons of liberty - and every of my father’s generation contributing one way or the other.

Igbo leadership had begun in all spheres - scholars, businessmen, intellectuals, thoughtful laymen, academicians, and the architects of a profound Igbo nation - all around the globe where they were and at every gathering tailored for Igbo ideals, delivered and I witnessed some of it, when my father and his kinfolks met, my father running the errands and travelling to his homeland as delegate on a series of the Diaspora meetings on a variety of mandates and issues that may arise. My father and his kinfolks were all attracted to Ziks ideals and the Zikism Movement which had become the trend on the face of the African continent.

But ironically, a whole lot did change as time passed by.

Azikiwe was the man of every occasion. He had engineered a lot of stuff on Igbo nationalism and a patriotic, fabricated Nigerian national state the moment he brought along with him American ideals to the shores of Africa during the process of fighting the evils of colonial power.

Zik, as he had always been called by his admirers, was a product of the Hope Waddel Training Institute in Calabar. Lots of Nigerian elites passed through the school founded by the Presbyterian Church of England. Zik left Hope Waddell and proceeded to the Wesleyan Secondary School in Lagos. At Wesleyan, he studied and admired the works of Marcus Garvey. Realizing education was the panacea and especially in a region invaded by the imperialists, he left for the United States to advance his learning in which time the hurdles became extremely difficult to a point being suicidal and rescued when luck came on his side gaining admission at Lincoln University, Pennsylvania, after stunts at Sorts College and Howard University.

Returning back to Nigeria from the United States in 1934, Zik tapped into the media without ado, and published “Liberia In World Politics,” criticizing the imperial powers for “alleged machinations against Liberia.” Zik would move to Accra in the later part of 1934 and start the “West African Pilot” focusing speaking against colonialism. Excellently and thought-provokingly, the Pilot became the medium through which the evils of the colonial power was sent across to the colonists which came with threats to shut down the publication.

In 1937, Zik left Accra and returned back to Nigeria and co-founded the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons with the Lagosian Herbert Macaulay from around which the organization would evolve to Nigeria’s first political party, with Zik as secretary general and Macaulay its president. Zik became president when Macaulay died in 1946.

With ongoing negotiations and the constitutional conferences toward independence from the colonial machinery  and in keeping up steadfastly using a medium to denounce oppression and colonial conquest, Zik established series of news-gathering outlets in many forms of publications - Eastern Nigeria Guardian, Daily Comet, Eastern Nigerian Sentinel, The Nigerian Spokesman, the Southern Nigerian Defender, among others, in which medium he raised Nigeria’s political consciousness. With Ziks chain of newspaper reels and the impact it created in sending the messages across to a colonial power for independence, a group of radicals formed the Zikist Movement in honor of the challenges he had posed to the colonists while the constitutional conferences and debates heated up from the batch of the major ethnic groups and the ethnic minorities which was commonly subscribed to indirect rule and ethnic politics, despite the relatively national concerns in the cry out for independence which Zik stood for, unconditionally, defending “national” interests as commitment and tasks that must be accomplished, though had to pay heed to Igbo politics where the leadership had begun which helped understand the Zikist Movement that had been formed by a group of radicals when they saw what Zik have done upon returning from the United States.

Zik saw the Igbo as God-sent leader on the African shores and he patently declared, as it became obvious, the powerful nature of Nd’Igbo to lead upon his election as President, Igbo State Union which was unquestionably unchallenged in 1948:

“The God of Africa has especially created the Igbo nation to lead the children of Africa from the bondage of the ages.”

Ziks declaration of an Igbo stronghold in African political affairs would bring about fears among other politicians, especially Obafemi Awolowo who would also declare that Zik’s whole idea for the constitutional conferences leading to independence was to make the Igbo “master race,” sending flickering messages and growing fear of competition from the Igbo, particularly among the Yoruba tribe its designated leader had been worried.

So what happened?

Before the declaration of independence and during the course of transition from colonial rule, Zik was elected President of the Senate on January 11, 1960. At independence, October 1, 1960, Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, a commoner and backer of the Talakawas, the relatively poor folks, from the Bauchi woods, lead a coalition government of the Northern Peoples Congress (NPC) on alleged majority counts and the National Council of Nigerian Citizens, leaving the Yoruba nation without a voice in the federal government. Awolowo would leave regional politics and become opposition leader in the federal legislature, under the banner of Action Group, which had become an offshoot of the Yoruba cultural group, Egbe Omo Oduduwa. Awo’s AG would be effectively isolated in the federal character, drawing up tensions within the Yoruba dominated regional Western Assembly and a cloud of political differences that would split AG into factions deliberately conceived by the Premier of the north, Ahmadu Bello, backing Samuel Akintola in creating a new political party through defections coupled with a federal government interventions, as Akintola took the Western House of Assembly, causing an unimaginable divide in the West, erupting to chaos and civil disobedience, attracting the barrels of the military juntas guns in what abruptly ended the nation’s First Republic. The prospects of an executive privileged Igbo president becomes a mirage, henceforth.

During the 13-years stunt of the military juntas (1966-1979), the Igbo had no agenda or political bearing in a terrible post-Civil war administration under Ukpabi Asika’s formal five years of “onye ube rurule, ya rachaa” mantra, the opportunity knock around time, utilized for personal gains, nepotistic by its measure when thousands of thousands of war survivals pan-handled to keep body and soul one, on Asika’s accounts of a military regime that had bribery and corruption baked in its genes. Igbos had lost its well grounded leadership founded by the late 1940s Igbo Union leaders resulting from the coal mining riots several were wounded and 18 coal miners killed in Enugu by colonial police forces.

It was not until the drug-addled Murtala Mohammed who had been elevated to a national hero when he removed Yakubu Gowon’s corrupt regime that a sigh of euphoria came upon the leftover Igbo region he had divided by way of state creation which would add more insult to dishonor. And, of course, there was Nd’Imo and Nd’Anambra accompanied by all sorts of diatribe becoming a new order among kins who had dwelled together as descendants of the same ancestors before colonial invasion which would eventually become a tactic in creating great division. Igbo land would never be the same again!

Enter the lifting of ban on political activities by the Mohammed-Obasanjo military juntas. Awolowo, would, upon that announcement of a promised second republic, form the Unity Party of Nigeria, allegedly an offshoot of the 1960s troubled AG which recruited its old following on the same principles. Zik would lay back, not sure of his position and what to do until invited to join the Nigerian Peoples Party businessman Waziri Ibrahim had created. In what the Obasanjo military juntas had pre-planned, a gang of political hoodlums emerged with the creation of National Party of Nigeria, installing a figure head and a first republic minister, Shehu Shagari, as its flag bearer. In what would be the post-Civil-War general election of a new generation, the military juntas under the supervision of Obasanjo-led transition team, doctored said election and declared the Shagari of the NPN winner after a court favored decision that was based on Richard Akinjide’s calculus theory.

Nigeria’s trouble continued apace and the Igbo presidency of a post-Civil-war era, still a mirage. Zik was consoled in his party’s dialogue with the alleged winning party, joining Shagari’s-led NPN “for the interest of the nation,” packaging some members of his party appointed ministers -- Ishaya Audu, Paul Unongo, etc. -- in what would be a political love-hate relationship, splitting sooner than later. Zik’s second attempt to reinvent himself as a generated leader of the republic would come up short after the same gang of corrupt political hoodlums hijacked the elections, reelecting Shagari while the military barons and juntas watched with interest, striking in few months.

For fifteen years, the guns of the military juntas would run the affairs of state, except the gimmick of a stillborn third republic the Ibrahim Babangida military juntas and criminal mafia had mischievously handpicked the presidential candidates -- Moshood Abiola and Bashir Tofa -- on a two party formula and very close in their relationships, writing both political party’s platforms.

Just like a typical Nigeria that is full of uncertainties, the Ibrahim Babangida-led criminal mafia would declare the presidential election they initiated null and void, on the grounds of irregular voting conducts. In that election, Igbo had no stake at all, but would dabble into fighting the pro-democracy campaign under a Yoruba influenced National Democratic Coalition (NADECO) which had been powered by its elite as they ran their propaganda machinery while abroad and happened to have escaped the wrath of the despot Sani Abacha.

In 1998, when Abacha died following the lifting of ban on political activities by a succeeding Abdulsalami Abubakar’s-led military juntas and a military fabricated constitutional prescription to test a fourth republic possibilities, Igbo wasn’t sure of a presidential mandate and who the candidate would be, though the Alex Ekwueme-led coalition had earlier generated a blueprint for a would be political party as prospects for return to civilian rule.

The peoples Democratic party would pop up with Ekwueme as the likely front runner. While Obasanjo, close to death and recovering from Abacha’s gulag wasn’t exactly sure for the presidential campaign, had to be compelled to sit in for a Yoruba presidency to make up for Abiola who had suddenly died after years of slamming by the Abacha regime death squad. In a sudden about face, Ekwueme was shown the exit, giving Obasanjo the green light to bear the party’s flag and eventually president-elect which kickstarts a fourth republic and ultimately run the nation aground with an ingrained military mentality. While Obasanjo ran the nation as if he was on combat to fight against his enemies, the Sharia debacle surfaced whereby many Igbo were slaughtered in the north, and sounding positively bloodthirsty, repeating the sins of the pogrom which he supervised and was a commander, inexplicably invaded Odi in a military like operation under the command of his kin, Agbabiaka; and also massacred unarmed civilians at Choba while the deadly gangs of the O’odua Peoples Congress under the Ganiyu Adams chapter invaded homes, robbed civilians in broad daylight, savagely axed their innocent victims and committed all kinds of atrocities within the Lagos metropolis, and yet, would not be prosecuted, getting away with a negated due process of the law. What was Obasanjo’s response? Nada.

What had happened was, Obasanjo, as it had turned out, hating the Igbos with instances of inflammatory remarks on the Igbo stock, running the Igbo-related states like a colony, instigated every problem that surfaced within, and turned the Igbo region into states of empire and anarchy. Professional hit-men  political thuggery, kidnapping, murder, rape, unprovoked attacks on villages, separating families and enclaves by way of taking sides with dashes and promised government contracts and as the list goes on, Igbo governors Achike Udenwa (Imo) and Orji Kalu (Abia) took the opportunity given them and raped the treasury of their respective states, empty, where the scale of suffering reflects the fact that their regimes were disturbingly a corrupt and oppressive ruling clique, as Obasanjo liked and wanted it. And, these were the executives of their states supposedly to have followed the steps of the foundations of the Igbo Union, setting up infrstructural projects -- building more schools, providing lots of opportunities by way of creating jobs, encouraging investments, empowering the youths and stuff of that nature. They did it the other way round. They endorsed the institutionalization of corruption with impunity from their desks of the immunity clause modelled after the Babangida criminal mafia and Obasanjo’s operational state of empire and anarchy.

During the experiments to test a no limit/3rd term on Obasanjo’s quest to continue his ‘legacy’ of uninterrupted, inept, corrupt regime, in which he bribed his coattails and other jacked-up followers with millions of dollars in public funds for another chance to extend and cover up his dirt; that quest, out of greed and desire for absolute power was denied access, and thanks to then Senate President, Ken Nnamani, who stood his grounds on the doctrines of the fourth republic, never-minding a fabricated constitution doctored by the military juntas.

As the clamor for 2015 Igbo mandate begins to echo all around the Lagos-Ibadan axis press and the rest of the nation’s subsidized media, the “Igbo mouthpiece,” Orji Kalu, who is showing the guts to take the heats and very sure of himself to take Igbo to the promised land as a mandatory Igbo presidency takes the roll call for 2015, the collective of a half-baked Igbo stock of Goodluck Jonathan’s administration are yet to come to terms with the realism of where exactly it belongs in the “zoning system” of a cracked-up party principles, having nothing to do with the constitutional provisions as when it’s an ethnic tribe’s particular moment to run the country’s affairs of state. Based on that very ideal, and with Jonathan seeking reelection for a second term, and as an incumbent, the dream of a Nigerian president of Igbo extraction should be put on hold, for now, that is, if Jonathan is not already serving the spot for the alleged Igbo presidency right of place.

What difference would an Igbo president make? The closest it got was during Alex Ekwueme’s vice presidency and taking that into account, what would one say Ekwueme did for Nd’Igbo in his tenure as the nation’s second-in-command? What was Ekwueme’s position when schools were still tuition free in the West including nothing at all in the north during the second republic when parents in the east had to scratch their heads wondering how to come up with their kids’ tuition fees? As vice president, how many institutions of higher learning and beginning school age classrooms were added in the two Igbo states? How many jobs were created in the Igbo states? What social programs benefited the Igbo states during Ekwueme’s vice presidency? On federal appointments to key positions, what was the allocation to Nd’Igbo and what impact did it create? What would Ekwueme identify was his legacy as vice president which entirely favored Nd’Igbo by way of committing his stewardship to do remarkable good things for Nd’Igbo, reenact the possibilities of reparations from the 20-pounds humiliating credit to abandoned property; from liquidation to the pogrom; from demotion to starting all over again, and from reopening and healing the wounds setting up human rights violation hearing commissions; what exactly would one say Ekwueme did? Period?

And, yet the Igbo presidency seems to have been a birthright the way it’s pronounced. That being the case, wouldn’t the performance of the governors in the Igbo-related states be used as an example for those among them whose ambition had been to be president of Nigeria, of Igbo extraction, which would attract and encourage their endorsements?

So, when an ex-governor who did terribly bad during his stewardship as state governor, what message would his intent be sending regarding his mandate for president? What guarantees that he would not be driven again to abandon his responsibilities in engaging his folks into better governance?

And talking about what has been the Igbo portion of the presidency slot, which accordingly, and as the story now goes, the fledgling democracy of the fourth republic was begun by a Christian Yoruba, then a northern Islamic Hausa-Fulani the middle belt loathe and, by accident, a Niger-Delta of Ijaw stock, the nation’s fourth major tribe, became president, leaving the Igbo without a record of the presidency, not only in the fourth republic, but in the country’s entire history and, on the assumption the Igbo started the Nigerian project spearheaded by Azikiwe, and by all accounts, merits the presidency without questions asked.

And, asking for this presidential spot, question is, how has it been figured out that the relative objective arriving to the presidency as using the necessary tools in determining the relevance of Igbo mandatory presidency which convinces and compels its target that the Igbo presidency has been earned by the clarity of its deeds which the public endorses?

And, what are the measures as instance to show that the slot has been earned and due?

For example, like other groups that sustained and kept an effective and efficient independent press for its market in which it takes care of its business of propaganda, where can one find the medium for Igbo propaganda tools in this case and a people in dire need? Which particular medium can be identified as pro Igbo news outlet, pro Igbo links in relative journalism, pro Igbo network connections and airwaves  and related medium that speaks out on behalf of its identity and what it should solely stand for; the purpose of the difference it makes?

And, taking a close look at what I have been weary of pointing out, culling from projects initiated by Azikiwe and powerfully resourced newsgroups on a variety of subjects regarding any issue that may arise; and, having the appropriate means to counter it; how does the Igbo face these challenges when it has not developed its own independent press and only to rely on a biased axis press, having nothing to do with its bearings in order to send its messages through in its thorough and original form without alteration?

And, taking for instance, the controversial Chinua Achebe’s book, “There Was A Country: A Personal History Of Biafra,” in which the literary icon’s thoughts and observations erupted to an outrage among the axis collaborative press, the Yoruba elite and Awoists popped out just because their hero’s name had been mentioned following the book’s excerpt published at the Guardian UK. The reactions were overwhelmingly disturbing and also marked the symbolic voice of the Lagos-Ibadan axis press which had indicated their profound machinery of a powerful media is still very much intact and viable.

And, countering the reactions, where were the Igbo heard? Where did they write? Of course, the same Lagos-Ibadan axis press where their own thoughts and views of publications remains doctored, that is, if published at all.

If we should adapt to the followings of our forebears considering the magnitude of what they did, taking for instance, Zik’s establishment of a profound press for Igbo and national interest coupled with his remarkable work in the field of education with the founding of the University of Nigeria, Nsukka, being the first independent, full-fledged, degree-awarding institution in Nigeria which combined the best of the British and American systems, and today still on the front-lines of the nation’s institutions of higher learning, how come none among the prospects and projected leadership not keeping up to the creed in what had dignified the Igbo? Since these projected leaders are clamoring to set the pace right, what are they doing differently now as pathway to keep Igbo to standard by all aspects?

Pinpointing the days of the Igbo Union and going thus far, when Igbo was solidly grounded and led, Zik’s colleagues of the era - Francis Akanu Ibiam, Michael I. Okpara, Mazi Mbonu Ojike, Louis Mbanefo, Kingsley O. Mbadiwe, L.N. Obioha, Alvan Ikoku, Kenneth Dike, and as the list goes on, doing worthy things with little or nothing, what explains a lame duck Igbo of today from getting things done in today’s technology, enhanced feature of exposure, conducive environment, much better education and things like that? What explains having nothing to show for all that have been made available? Who and who leads Igbo on a variety of many fronts today? Where can we find them? Did Igbo leadership collapse? What happened?

Edechaa nam!



First lady Eleanor Roosevelt, sponsor and guest of honor of the African Dance Festival, held Monday, December 14, 1943, at the Carnegie Hall, New York, is flanked by Kingsley O. Mbadiwe (L), head of the Academy of African Arts and Research which is presenting the festival and Mazi Mbonu Ojike (R), who represented the African students from the University of Chicago. Image: Bettmann Collection.



References:

Trial Balloon to see reactions before this publication, Facebook, November 26, 2012: "The Igbo Presidency Debates, Again! What For? Has 2015 become a life and death situation for Nd'Igbo?:



We are just not ready, and compound with the fact that other tribes despise us more than a snakebite, and rightfully so. We are just shooting off mouth, just for the heck of it. Who is serious among us, and who is capable? It’s not about education, and neither is it about wealth. We have plenty of those. It’s about knowing the hearts, desires, and needs of the people and how to return joy to the masses.

I’m ashamed that we are the ones at the forefront in challenging President Jonathan for 2015. That goes to heart of our ungrateful disposition. After Jonathan single-handedly forced Parliament, kicking and screaming, to bow and kiss Ikemba’s cold, black, hairy ass. He dragged Nigeria into vindicating Ojukwu. Tell me who, in Nigeria today, that would have given the Dim the most thunderous farewell party since the parting of the temple Veil more than 2000 years ago.

By the way, how are we gonna govern Nigeria, the same way we have the Igbo states? Our people in the North would rather brave the attacks of Boko Haram than come home to face the disgraceful southeast. Governors make laws unilaterally, without consulting the legislative brand, whose responsibility it is to make laws. Elected officials are fired for any and every reason. You would think that the last place to see high handedness would be the Southeast.

Besides, how are we gonna preside over Nigeria when a handsome percentage of Ndigbo are clamoring for a resurrected Biafra? Our aspirations are impossible to reconcile. The Feds arrest MASSOM, BILIE, and BZM without cause and not a soul is saying anything. It’s even embarrassing that not one person has devoted enough though concerning the circumstances surrounding the demise of Ikemba. Shameless people.


Prince Emeka Onyeneho

That President Goodluck Jonathan gave Ikemba Nnewi a befitting funeral is not enough for Ndigbo to support him in 2015. People are dying daily in NIgeria. Kidnapping and armed robbery are on the rise and he is not doing anything to stem the tide. FYI, I am from Nnewi and I supported Jonathan in 2011. But something needs to be done to to save Nigeria from Somaliazation and he seems incapable of doing so.

There is nothing logistically difficult about sharing oil proceeds. However, government is simply more than hosting a funeral for the Ikemba and sharing oil proceeds. Ndigbo are much more effected by GEJ's ineptitude, being slaughtered in the North by Boko Haram and held hostage in the South East by armed robbers and kidnappers. Let him redeem himself and force me to recant!


Emeka Maduewesi

Politics is much more beyond one's regional compartment especially when such society is a federated one. Igbos need to tread carefully and not exclude others in the quest for the number one post as it may be seen as a quota or some self-interest quest. I think these two words - Igbo presidency - should be carefully applied to avoid unwarranted suspicions or egos. However, one critical anomaly in Igbo politics is the quest for the superlative suffix both in the individual and general politics. There's nothing wrong in 'race to the top' but it has to applied carefully and genuinely. Even if 100% of Igbos voted for an Igbo presidential candidate, it still won't be enough to win the presidency. That is the irony. Right now, societies are evolving with new 'strange' values that wielding a century old value to garner support and/or votes may not hold ground anymore. People, in terms of values, are criss-crossing due to emerging values. As for me, I am indifferent to a president from Ikot-Ekpenne, or Sabongari, or Ibadan. Just deliver the goods.

Taohid Animasaun

Okoye, Mukwugo. “A Letter To Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe: A Dissent Remembered.” Fourth Dimension Publishers, Enugu; 1979

Azikiwe, Nnamdi. “Foot Prints On The Sounds Of Time.” Lagos; 1962

Azikiwe, Nnamdi. “My Odyssey,” Hurst; 1970

O’Brien, Conor Cruise. “To Katanga and Back: A United Nation case History,” Gossett and Dunlap; 1966

Tuesday, July 17, 2012

BIAFRA: Relative Discourses With Hakan Gottberger, Ed Keazor, Ambrose Ehirim, Ebele Obumselu, Et al


Biafran Food Distribution Map Courtesy Of Ed Keazor/Hakan Gottberger



Hakan Gottberger was a Swedish photographer who volunteered to work for the International Red Cross during the Biafran War helping distribute relief materials as they arrived. In 2007, Gottberger was in an exhibition where he showed his Biafran project photographs in Biafra in 1968-69 during his days of volunteering for the Red Cross in distributing food along the routes designated by the handlers from Item to Uli. Thanks to Ed Keazor, Ebele Obumselu and Hakan Gottberger who made this presentation possible. Presentation was conducted on Keazor's Facebook page between August and September 2011. All images in this article were taken by Gottberger and permission must be sought for any use and reproduction.

Ike Chime: I remember these routes well. At a time during the war, I was a Red Cross volunteer. I served in Hospitals such as Iyienu hosp, Adazi Joint hosp, Achi joint hosp, Gen hosp Owerri etc. I was also at sector rendezvous like Nzam Odekpe axis, and briefly in relief centers . Thanks Ed and Håkan Gottberger.

Ambrose Ehirim: Thanks Ed for this...'preciate it! @Ike: What were your assignments at these hospitals and relief centers?

Ike Chime: My first posting was Iyienu Hospital and my assignment included waiting on hospitalized soldiers and assisting doctors and nurses. Regarding sector rendezvous our duty was to assist military medical personnel in applying first aid and rushing the wounded to hospital. My brief work at the relief center was in Owerri where we doubled as air raid emergency unit and assistants at relief supply centers. I operated at the cenima theatre off Douglas by Ama JK. My coming to Owerri was due to the evacuation of the Adazi joint hospital when Awka was under fire. When I think of it now, I am amazed at the ingenuity of the planners of such a massive operation of moving a large hospital with hundreds of soldiers and civilians with varying degrees of ailment. A group moved to Umuahia, and the other Owerri.

Ambrose Ehirim: How were you recruited in such a critical time of a people? Was it voluntary?

Ike Chime: Ambrose there is more details about my red cross activities during the war in this NVS article http://www.nigeriavillagesquare.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=7886&Itemid=154

Ambrose Ehirim: ‎@Ike: The link doesn't take me directly to the particular article you were referring to. If you would, email me and send me the link. Also, have you considered an eye witness account in book format?

Ike Chime: OK Ambrose, will be looking forward to that.I am putting the pieces together, and hopefully with the encouragement I am getting from people like you, a book to that effect will see the light. I salute you.

Ambrose Ehirim: ‎@Ike: Thank you so much for the attachment. Apparently, NVS does not allow its link related. Once again, thanks, and we should be hooking up soon!

Håkan Gottberger: Sixty's was a turbulent time, a lot happened in the world, but the Biafra war brought an extra strong feelings in Sweden with large collections of money. When the International Red Cross Committee asked Sweden to send aid to Biafra sent the Red Cross, the largest operation since the Second World War. With large ads in newspapers, they sought volunteers to the effort. I signed up because I had little experience in Africa, after having served in the United Nations forces in Congo. Also upset about what happened in Biafra and Czechoslovakia, I did not want to stand next to and just watch.

Ed Keazor: Incredible stuff gentlemen. @Ike: I am still intrigued by your accounts especially your detention after the war and how Nze Mark Odu tutored you, incredible! @Hakan: Did you serve in the army in Congo? Of course you did, as you clearly said so...

Håkan Gottberger: Yes, the Swedish army sent volunteers to serve in United Nations forces. A tradition since Dag Hammarsköld time.

Ambrose Ehirim: ‎@Hakan: As a voluteer serving for the Red Cross, what role did you play during the course of volunteer work in Biafra?

Håkan Gottberger: At first, I was stationed in the village Item to distribute food and other supplies to refugee camps in the surrounding area and to try to Check whether the items came to the needy, children and pregnant women. Everything was done in close collaboration with Biafra Red Cross young enthusiastic volunteers. When it became difficult to get staff to work at Uli, the airport, I started there.

Ambrose Ehirim: ‎@Hakan: At Item and before Uli, did food distribution get to the needy -- women, infants and children -- in the manner it was suppose to? We heard there were incidents of coercion and theft, leaving the desperately starved short of relief materials.

Håkan Gottberger: Sure, it happened that trucks with supplies were robbed, but we got over time, police escorts, as well it happened to older people tried to oust the young people to access goods. But we managed to keep control in our area, I think. I hope my English is not too bad, use Google for translation, it can sometimes be wrong.

Ambrose Ehirim: ‎@Hakan: Your English is perfectly well, sir! On your own personal account, what was it like working at Uli? We heard relief materials came in at night and some couldn't sneak in because of the 'Economic Blockade.' Were you aware of that?

Håkan Gottberger: What was the cargo in the aircraft that was not RC I do not know. It was a stressful work situation in the darkness of night to retain sole responsibility of the load was taken care of and that nothing was stolen, but that happened occasionally. We also took the gasoline from the aircraft to be used for our cars. Sometimes there was gunfire when the police would catch any thief, the routine was at least one bombing raid every night. Of course they were scared when they heard the whistling of the bombs and we counted seconds after it ceased to detonation was heard, then you knew how close it was
.
Ambrose Ehirim: ‎@Hakan: How long were you stationed at Uli and what were your findings with regards to the war?

Håkan Gottberger: About 3 months. I was at the airfield, difficult to answer the second question, the memory fades, but the UN did not have the ability to intervene because of the prevailing balance of power is a sad story. Maybe it's a little better world now.

Ed Keazor: Really enlightening gentlemen and thanks Ambrose for asking the right questions. Its a privilege to have you guys share this with us while you're still here and to Ebele for making it all possible.

Ebele Obumselu: Ed, we could not have done this better. Many thanks for organizing, annotating and presenting the material.

Ruth Bourne: Fascinating stories, gentlemen.

















Ed Keazor: For those who are not aware Capt August Okpe was the Chief Pilot of the Biafran Airforce, who flew under the command of Chude Sokei and Count Carl Gustav Von-Rosen and was in the pioneer set of Nigerian Airforce Pilots. His book is the only focused work on the Biafran airwar, I cannot recommend it enough.

Håkan Gottberger: There is a small book written in Swedish for Swedish volunteer effort in the war. In it are a shared feature in English, when I'm home again I will copy the pages and mail them to you Ed.

Ed Keazor: I definitely will and looking forward to it- many thanks Hakan safe journey back.

Obaro Ege: Ed, as we give Captain Okpe due recognition, do you have any information on Wing Commander Ezeilo? I had written earlier on a couple of his missions, using the captured Nigeria Airways DC3. It would be nice to know where he is today and if he recorded his memoirs as Captain Okpe did.

Ed Keazor: I believe Ezeilo is deceased (I stand to be corrected) there is quite a lot about him in "The last Flight". What comes to my mind from reading is that whilst a brave and talented Pilot, he probably found Command challenging. On another note what is intriguing is the camaraderie between all the members of the first set of the NAF who trained in Canada- Aleyideino, Okpe, Ezeilo, Ukeje, Yisa Doko etc. They remained close like brethren, even until the Eastern members returned to the East after the July 66 coup.

Saturday, April 07, 2012

BNW Face-2-Face: MASSOB Leader, Chief Ralph Uwazuruike, Takes the "Hot Seat"


On Sunday, September 8, 2002, MASSOB Leader, Chief Ralph Uwazuruike, took the BNW "Hot Seat" and answered burning questions about MASSOB, the group's recent leadership crisis, and the Biafra Movement. The questions were compiled from a list submitted by members of BiafraNigeriaWorld Forums



BiafraNigeriaWorld: Let's begin the conversation by asking you to introduce yourself. Tell us when and where you were born, where you went to school, and what you do for a living.

Chief Uwazuruike: Okay. My name is Ralf Uwazuruike. I was born in Okwe, Okigwe Province around 1958, 59, 60. I attended the Okwe Primary School, and the Okigwe National Secondary School before I proceeded to India. I studied Political Science at Punjab University, and read law in Bombay University. Then, I came to Nigeria and went to Nigerian Law School and was called to bar on the 6th of June, 1991.


BiafraNigeriaWorld: You say 1958, 59, 60. Are you unsure about your date of birth?


Chief Uwazuruike: Yes. In those days, people did not always have birth records. But, through my parents and people that I have been told were born the same time that I was born, I know I was born during that period.


BiafraNigeriaWorld: Did you do any sport at school?


Chief Uwazuruike: Yes, I was a goalkeeper throughout my school years.


BiafraNigeriaWorld: Why did you opt to study in far away India?


Chief Uwazuruike: I studied in far away India because I had the mission of understudying Mahatma Ghandi. As I said before, I went to India and my interest in Biafra started when I was about nine years old, when my sister Mary died in my lap during the civil war, when my mother went to buy medicine for her and my father when to “Comb in” [reconnaissance] to search for Hausa enemies in the bush with others, a little girl left to die because she was suffering from kwashiorkor. After her death, I felt that I should start the issue of Biafra again when I realized that we had lost the war. Millions of other children died of the same deprivation, and of the same injustice.


BiafraNigeriaWorld: You had mentioned earlier in another speech that you began the MASSOB Movement following the failure of the Obasanjo administration to appoint Igbo ministers into key positions. And now you are referring to a much earlier period in the sixties when the War had just ended as the beginning of your quest for Biafra. Which one is it?

Chief Uwazuruike: Both. I saw the 1999 incident as a launching pad. Otherwise, I consummated the idea right from 1966 or thereabouts. It was in 1970 when the war ended when I said I would revisit the issue again. So between that time and after I finished my school, I was looking for an opportunity and when in 1999 Obasanjo could not appoint Igbos in any meaningful position in his administration, I felt the time had come for me to pick up the struggle.

BiafraNigeriaWorld: How did a young man like you end up being addressed as "chief"?

Chief Uwazuruike: I was coronated a "chief" by my people in Lagos following what they perceived as my good work to the people and to the community in Lagos. I was not the only person. The coronation was organized by the all Igbo-speaking states in Lagos, and seven of us were coronated at the same time. I represented Imo State. Prominent people in Igboland were there. Ojukwu was there; the Eze from Delta State was there; and the former Chairman of the Eastern Council of Chiefs from Enugu was there. It was a big occasion.


BiafraNigeriaWorld: Do you hold a chietancy title that has its origin in Okigwe?


Chief Uwazuruike: Why not? The thing is that I don't like these chietancy title things. Since I assumed the position as the MASSOB leader, I told myself I would never take any title. Since then, I have received 15-20 chieftancy title invitations and I didn't attend any of them.

BiafraNigeriaWorld: How would you respond to the allegation that you started screaming "Biafra, Biafra!" because your candidate, Ekwueme, lost to Obasanjo at the primary? In other words are you using Biafra as a bargaining chip and/or cheap blackmailing tool and are you willing to settle for less than Biafra?


Chief Uwazuruike: I am not using Biafra for blackmail. As I said, Biafra came up right from the time we lost the war. It was in my mind that I would one day bring up the issue again, and I was looking for an opportunity to do that when the issue of Obasanjo's 1999 election came up and his failure to appoint Ndi'Igbo to good positions in his government. I'm not into MASSOB to serve anybody, neither Ekwueme nor any other person. I am into MASSOB for the general interest of my people and for the emancipation of Ndi'Igbo from the slavery status in Nigeria.


BiafraNigeriaWorld: How come you didn't take long to join the "Igbo president" bandwagon? Are you not worried that you might come across as being inconsistent?


Chief Uwazuruike: No. The Igbo Presidency wagon is of right. Nd'Igbo deserve to be the president of Nigeria in as much as Nd'Igbo form part and parcel of Nigeria. What I am saying is, for the past 30 years after the end of the civil war, no Igbo man has been the president. If there is any other president in Nigeria, it should be an Igbo man. An Igbo president should not stop MASOB from its agitation for Biafra. I would rather we redouble our effort for Biafra today if an Igbo man is president. And we would prefer an Igbo man as president rather than a Hausa or Yoruba man.


BiafraNigeriaWorld: From the threats you issued on Iwuanyanwu and one "Chief" Martin Okeke, it does appear your organization is acting more like a glorified errand boy for Ohaneze. Is MASSOB responsible for the dirty jobs of the high and mighty in IgboLand?


Chief Uwazuruike: No, there is nothing like that. Our position is that Ndi'Igbo or Igbo leaders should not use the newspapers, radio or television as a platform to reconcile themselves or to settle their scores. If there is any problem, Ndi'Igbo should go to Ohaneze or stay in Igboland to settle whatever differences they have. No Igboman should come to the public to say no Igboman should be president of Nigeria or start working against the general aspirations of Ndi'Igbo. If we find out that we should discipline that person, that is a problem in Igboland today. There is nothing that any Igboman regards as virtue as far as Ndi'Igbo are concerned. Rather, every Igboman would like to work for a Hausa or Yoruba man, but we never work for another Igboman. We are saying that no Igboman is bigger than the whole generality of Ndi'Igbo. And if you think that nobody should talk to you or discipline you, MASSOB is there to discipline you. That is why we chose somebody like Iwuanyanwu who people feel is mighty overlord and all that. For saying that, we said we must strip you naked and parade you in the streets, and he ran to America. And if any Igboman does that tomorrow, we shall do that to him.


BiafraNigeriaWorld: What is your relationship with Ohaneze and do you think they share your goal of Biafra actualization?


Chief Uwazuruike: Yes, I have a good relationship with Ohaneze. By Ohaneze, I mean the present-day Ohaneze under the leadership Eze Ozobu, because he is a disciplined man and he has shown a sense of responsibility to Nd'Igbo through his leadership. We see the present day Ohaneze as a leadership by example and it is a body that MASSOB can work with. We don't believe in Igbo leaders who go to Abuja to look for contracts. Chief Ozobu, being a retired justice, has some honor and has some credibility and we feel that we can work with him. And you must remember that Ohaneze represents Nd'Igbo and Nd'Igbo are one of the ethnic groups in Biafra. Biafra embraces those who are not Igbo-speaking, but Ohaneze, being the umbrella organization of Nd'Igbo and Nd'Igbo being the majority in Biafra, has a lot at stake.


BiafraNigeriaWorld: You were at the last WIC convention in Houston, TX right?


Chief Uwazuruike: Yes.


BiafraNigeriaWorld: What do you think was achieved at that congress? Someone said it was a showcase of unity in diversity meaning pro Aremu, pro IBB/Hausa fulani and pro Igbo/Biafrans gathered together. Personally, how did you feel sitting on the same table with Ojo Maduekwe and Omar Sanda Nwachukwu?


Chief Uwazuruike: Like I said, these people you have mentioned are Igbos and they are my brothers. Their views may different, but my sitting with them does not matter. What matters is the view of MASSOB, which I represent. They are entitled to their own views, but their views will not influence my own view if I feel that their views are wrong. The World Igbo Congress is a platform for Nd'Igbo to come and express themselves, and we were all there, including the ministers campaigning for Obasanjo, but they saw in the World Igbo Congress that the majority of the people support the Igbo presidency and they did not make any impact.


BiafraNigeriaWorld: Who is your Igbo candidate for the presidency of BiafraNigeria and why? Would you support Ike Omar Sanda Nwachukwu, were he to beat the other Igbo candidates?


Chief Uwazuruike: I have no Igbo candidate and I am not interested in who becomes the president of Nigeria from Igbo stock.


BiafraNigeriaWorld: Would you support Ike Omar Sanda Nwachukwu were he is to beat the other Igbo candidates?


Chief Uwazuruike: MASSOB is not supporting ANY of the candidates.


BiafraNigeriaWorld: Are there still any MASSOB members in detention, and what are you doing to secure their release?


Chief Uwazuruike: Yes. As of today we have about 58 MASSOB members in detention. About 28 of them were arrested in Onitsha after MASSOB held its rally at Onitsha and about 30 or 31 were arrested in Owerri after MASSOB had its rally in Owerri. MASSOB sent their new national legal advisor from Onitsha to secure the release the members who are currently being detained in Abuja. And our lawyer was arrested as well. He is still in Abuja now with the rest of the members.


BiafraNigeriaWorld: What is your lawyer's name?


Chief Uwazuruike: B. Alue.


BiafraNigeriaWorld: You mentioned 58 members in detention. You also mentioned rallies in Onitsha and Owerri. When were those rallies held in Onitsha and Owerri?


Chief Uwazuruike: We hold general rallies once a month. The one in Onitsha was held on the 10th of July and the one in Owerri was held around the 15th of August, and on the 13th of this month, we are holding a rally at Enugu.


BiafraNigeriaWorld: So those arrests were made during those recent rallies held this year?


Chief Uwazuruike: Yes.


BiafraNigeriaWorld: This may be a bit redundant in light of the answer you just gave. But, I will ask anyway. What is the current status of MASSOB vis a vis your purported suspension by Uche Okwukwu and co.? Is your organization still active? What are some of its latest activities?


Chief Uwazuruike: My organization is most active now because the organization grows day by day. Like I said before, in law, we say “Nemo dat qui non habet” (one does not give what one does not have). So neither Uche Okwukwu nor Logenius has the right to suspend me because I was the person that brought in Logenius Orjiako into MASSOB and gave him an appointment and I was the person who recruited Uche Okwukwu as our legal adviser. And an employee of the company cannot sack the managing director or the chairman of the company. That is a ruse. It is only on the Internet that that has weight. On the ground, nobody knows them.


BiafraNigeriaWorld: Are you saying there is no mechanism in place today for removing you as leader of MASSOB?


Chief Uwazuruike: This is a revolution. After 30 years, no Igboman talked about Biafra. I came out to talk about Biafra. I have my modus, my techniques, my principles. If you think my principles are not okay with you, go and form your own organization. It is there for the public. If they like what I'm saying, what I am doing, to follow me. If they don't like it, they'll reject me. But you cannot come to my organization and say you have suspended me or want me to follow your principle, which is not in line with what I am advocating.


BiafraNigeriaWorld: There were strong accusations against you by some of your erstwhile lieutenants, which we would like you to address mainly: Self-enrichment by using MASSOB's resources to build homes in Okigwe and taking bribes from the Imo state deputy governor.


Chief Uwazuruike: First and foremost, all the properties used by MASSOB are my properties. The house MASSOB is using in Lagos as their secretariat is my personal house, and the national secretariat of MASSOB in Okigwe, which was burned by the government last December is also my house. And for the past 3 years that these properties have been used by MASSOB, nobody has paid rent to me.

Secondly, before MASSOB was inaugurated, I single-handedly funded MASSOB before these people came on board, and I am doing that for my interest. I'm not asking anybody to pay me for it. And if you say that I am using MASSOB resources to build a house, all these houses that are used by MASSOB, did I use MASSOB resources to build them? I bought them. I built some of them with my money and if somebody is saying that I am using MASSOB resources to build a house, from where did the resources come from? Who contributed? Did we levy any money for anybody to pay, or did the government give me money? Did any country donate money to MASSOB? You ask such person, where did the money come from?


BiafraNigeriaWorld: What about the deputy governor?


Chief Uwazuruike: I don't have any relationship with any governor or deputy. Do you understand it? Like I said about my house.


BiafraNigeriaWorld: So you did not take any bribe from the deputy governor of Imo State?


Chief Uwazuruike: Why should I take any bribe from a deputy governor? I can change a car. Or somebody can give a car to me. Somebody donated a car to me. But it was not a deputy governor. A businessman donated a car to me. When the police came to Akigwe, stormed my house and vandalized a bus I was driving. I was walking the streets and somebody saw me, an Igbo man who felt what I was doing was good for the Igbos and bought me the car. So this idea of deputy governor is just nonsense.


BiafraNigeriaWorld: You mentioned that most of the money spent by MASSOB is your own money. I asked you earlier what you do for a living. I don't recall that you answered that part of the question. Do you mind answering it now?


Chief Uwazuruike: I am a legal practitioner. I have practiced law for more than 10 years now. Throughout my practice I was into property. I buy and sell land and houses. Before MASSOB, I had five houses in Lagos and when MASOOB started I sold one and later I sold another one which I'm using to rebuild a house in my village after they destroyed my house in Okigwe. Before MASSOB I had five vehicles. I was driving 3, my wife was using two. I sold the two vehicles of my wife and sold one of mine for MASSOB. Today, the two that are remaining are vandalized by the police and are immovable. All these things are my personal things.


BiafraNigeriaWorld: So, those are the sources of all the funds you personally expend on MASSOB.


Chief Uwazuruike: Yes. Sure.


BiafraNigeriaWorld: You have also been accused of aligning yourself with some of the eastern governors and compromising the safety of MASSOB members.

Chief Uwazuruike: It’s funny. I have no direct dealing with any eastern governor. As a matter of fact, you ask any of them if I have ever come to their office for the first day. The only governor whose office I have ever gone to is Orji Uzor Kalu, and that was when Longenius Orjiakor was alleged to have bought guns given to MASSOB members to fight against Bakassi. Then, two Bakassi men were killed by MASSOB men, and four MASSOB members were killed by Bakassi. Then, Orji Uzor Kalu summoned me and I went and they said, look, what is happening? Then we discussed the issue and I investigated and Longenius Orjiako told me that actually he bought some guns and gave them to our members to challenge Bakassi because Bakassi people were terrorizing MASSOB members. Then I asked him where he got the money and he said his junior brother gave him the money. He said 1.3 million Naira. He said he was sorry. I said no, you don’t' do things like that. If you want violence, you have to form your own organization. If I'm the leader of MASSOB, I have to control MASSOB. Then, I suspended him according to our rules and regulations, non-violence, that's all.


BiafraNigeriaWorld: You have been accused of exhibiting dictatorial tendencies in running MASSOB affairs.


Chief Uwazuruike: I'm not a dictator, and no other person will say it. If I were dictatorial, I wouldn't have given all the powers and privileges I gave to them. Twice I came to America, I brought them; I gave them open hand. Today, I'm in America and they are not with me.


BiafraNigeriaWorld: Why did you make the statement that you are bigger than MASSOB, and that if anybody doesn't like what you are doing, they should go and form their own organization? Do you intend that you will always be bigger than MASSOB?


Chief Uwazuruike: As a matter of fact, I'm sorry I made that statement. I made that statement in anger. I was trying to tell the world that every and each member that is in MASSOB today is there on the belief that the government has tried so many times to bribe me and I couldn't be bribed. Some of these members I took to some of the negotiations where money was offered to me, and I rejected. They saw this, they told others. People said if this is the case, here is an Igbo man who could not be bought and they came into MASSOB. People tried to see me because of the things they hear about me, and people are into MASSOB because they know I cannot betray them. So for somebody to come and say he has done this and that, I tried to tell him, look man, Uwazuruike formed MASSOB and MASSOB is synonymous with to Uwazuruike as Biafra is synonymous to Ojukwu, as ANC is synonymous to Nelson Mandela. As India National Congress is synonymous to Mahatma Ghandi. So, MASSOB minus Uwazuruike is shaky. There was no time that a group of people came together to form MASSOB, no.


BiafraNigeriaWorld: We understand that you are very important to MASSOB. But today, Mandela is not heading ANC. And in India, Ghandi was shot and killed and the party he headed continued. What program do you have in place for succession in MASSOB? It has been observed that your name is synonymous with MASSOB and you take it (MASSOB) wherever you go, leaving nothing behind. For example, all our forum members who have been home lately agree that MASSOB activities in the East has been on the lowest ebb since you migrated to Lagos. How do you respond to this?


Chief Uwazuruike: I don't think there is anything like that because this information is wrong. MASSOB today in the east is the talk of the town. As I'm talking to you here now there are rallies all over the east. We have covered the local government areas and we are into all the wards in the east. And I don't like playing to the gallery, newspaper advertisement. We don't like it because that brings the security against us. We are on the ground, and there are migrating to Lagos. All these rallies are not being held in Lagos. I was in Onitsha against the security directive that I should not come. I was in Owerri and two armored tanks were placed on Okigwe Road to keep me from coming but when they saw all the crowd they quickly ran back to their barracks. As I'm going home now, I'm going directly to Okigwe. My family is in Lagos. Once in a while I come into Lagos to see my children and my wife. Then I go back to my base.


BiafraNigeriaWorld: What program do you have in place for succession in MASSOB?


Chief Uwazuruike: We have a hierarchy in MASSOB. But what I have refused to do is to say that this is my executive, this is my financial secretary, this is my treasurer, this is my deputy. Because once I do that, the government will catch up on that and bribe some of them to scuttle the movement. So if I'd had an executive where perhaps Uche Okwukwu or Longenius Orjiakor was my secretary or my deputy, the government would have used them to scuttle MASSOB.


BiafraNigeriaWorld: So, if something happens to you today, who would succeed you?


Chief Uwazuruike: If something happened to me today, MASSOB hierarchy knows the next in line. We don't expose all these things in the papers because of security implications.


BiafraNigeriaWorld: You live in Ijeshatedo. Is that correct?


Chief Uwazuruike: Yes.


BiafraNigeriaWorld: Don't you think it is absurd for a leader of the Biafra movement to reside outside Biafra and in enemy territory?


Chief Uwazuruike: Before I started MASSOB, I was in Lagos. I have properties in Lagos. I'm not a tenant. I have kids who attend school in Lagos. My wife is also in Lagos. East is the warfront. They burnt my house in Okigwe. Suppose my wife and children had been there. I am in the warfront. Must I go to the warfront with my wife and my children? I have lived in Lagos since I came back from India. From Lagos I started the movement and I am fighting and struggling.


BiafraNigeriaWorld: There are many pro-Biafra groups in operation today and there does not seem to be much co-ordination. Do you think that the emergence of so many groups compromises the message?


Chief Uwazuruike: Not at all. Rather, it is a welcome development. Today, we have the BF, Ekwenche, Igbo USA, BNW, we have PANDEM. We are partners in progress. But there must be a consensus, a working relationship, an umbrella, something that makes us sit together once in a while to review the progress we have made. The issue is the actualization of Biafra. The more the merrier. That is what I told my subordinates, Uche Okwukwu and Orjiakor. Go and form your own organization. If it is a Biafra oriented organization, I will work with you. But you must have your own agenda. If you are not comfortable with non-violence, go and form your own organization and do whatever you like there.


BiafraNigeriaWorld: Why has MASSOB not been restructured after some of last year's turmoil?


Chief Uwazuruike: It has been restructured. When Uche Okwukwu and Prince were there, we had an eastern coordinator. But immediately after that, we introduced a provincial system. Ojukwu had twenty provinces. Today, we added four provinces covering Delta, Agbor, Warri and Ughelli. These places were not part of Biafra during the war, but today, they are Igbo areas and they have shown interest. We included them. Today we have directors who serve as ministers. We have fifteen directors of MASSOB covering director of education, director of welfare. Administrators serve as governors of these provinces. We call them provincial administrators. Then at the local government level we call them districts. At another level we call them ward officers. All these things were not there before.


BiafraNigeriaWorld: Are there any other of the allegations by Uche Okwukwu and his group that I have not mentioned that you would like to address?


Chief Uwazuruike: Yes. According to the findings of the committee set up to investigate why Longenius bought guns, which he admitted, we found out that one Igbo politician living in Abuja working for Obasanjo, recruited the two of them to (1) fight against Orji Uzor Kalu, two.


BiafraNigeriaWorld: When you say two of them, two of whom?


Chief Uwazuruike: That is Uche and Prince. … to fight against Orji Uzor Kalu. The politician is from Abia State, Aba in particular, working in the presidency. Then, to fight against MASSOB. And Prince himself, admitted that to me in the office of one of my relations called Prince Chibeze. And it’s the same Prince and some of my relatives begging me to come and forgive him and all that. I don't act on hearsay. He admitted to me once that his brother gave him 1.3 million Naira to buy arms, and later we found out that the money was actually from one of Obasanjo's men. So they were sponsored to scuttle the objectives of MASSOB.


BiafraNigeriaWorld: It is very desirable that a leader understand the temperament of his individual team members in addition to knowing himself. Can you seriously say you knew Mr. Okwukwu's temperament, especially now that you have gone through last year's controversy with Mr. Okwukwu?


Chief Uwazuruike: Yes, I would say that. If I knew him as I know him today I wouldn't really have appointed him as our legal advisor. Or if I knew Longinus Orjiako as I know him today, I wouldn't have appointed him eastern coordinator then. We learn every day, and experience is the best teacher.


BiafraNigeriaWorld: You said earlier that they had apologized. Does this mean that they are now back in the fold? Or does it mean you have forgiven each other and everybody is doing their own thing now?


Chief Uwazuruike: Well my friends called me. There is one Sam Obi that lives in Aba who is my childhood friend told me that Longenus came to him and asked him to plead on his behalf that I should forgive them, he wants to come back to MASSOB. Then one provincial administrator with Chief Osechukwu also said Longenus came to him and was begging that he should be recalled and all that. This is not a private decision. I have to consult my members, and I'm consulting with them and I have to see their opinion.


BiafraNigeriaWorld: Are you concerned that your strained relationship with Okwukwu could hamper the interactivity of Ikwerre Igbo and Okigwe Igbo for instance?


Chief Uwazuruike: Today, Port Harcourt, in the last rally, Port Harcourt came fourth as the zone where MASSOB is at its highest. We count that by counting how many buses each zone came with. So Onitsha came first, Aba came second, Owerri came third, and Port Harcourt came fourth. But that was at Onitsha. Then in Owerri, Onitsha came first, Aba came second, Port Harcourt came third, before Owerri. Then you begin to talk Enugu, Umuahia and all that. So Uche Okwukwu doesn't mean anything because I have people in all the local governments in Rivers State. And Uche was working as our legal advisor, he was not working as an officer, or as a ward officer or as a provincial officer. He was our legal advisor. When we had cases, he would go to court and we would pay him. There was no case he did for us that we didn't pay him for. As a matter of fact, when we were here in the US, in this room, the morning we were leaving to go back home, I shared money to them. Uche was demanding N5,500 for each detained member, as opposed to the N2,000 we used to pay for each. That was where we started having problems. I said no, we can't do that. I gave them money to hold on to until we reached Nigeria, and up to this day they are holding it. Come to the east and you will know what is happening, I'm not exaggerating. Come and see what is on the ground. If Uche Okwukwu and Prince could rock the boat for MASSOB, I would never dare sack them, because MASSOB and Biafra are important to me.


BiafraNigeriaWorld: Now that the other faction has metamorphosed into the Eastern peoples' Congress (EPC), will your MASSOB be willing to extend the right hand of fellowship to them since you are both sworn to protect Biafran interest?


Chief Uwazuruike: Why not? Inasmuch as they are for the actualization for Biafra, they are my best friends. I would only look the other way if they started singing another tune or saying that they are for Nigeria and they are not for Biafra. They are our brothers. Why not?


BiafraNigeriaWorld: We know that in your last few "detentions" by the BiafraNigerian government, you were "detained" at Abuja Nicon Noga Hotel where you were locked in negotiation with a key government functionary (Jerry Gana). Keen observers believe you were intimidated by the opulence of the environment and intellectual wit of Obasanjo's representative, and that you emerged out of that detention a thoroughly changed man with no more stomach for the struggle. Is this true?


Chief Uwazuruike: First of all, it was not really Jerry Gana who was talking with me. It was an official from the presidency. I don't like mentioning peoples' names. It was in Abuja. I was in Abuja under detention. They burnt my house. Why did they burn the house? Because I did not agree to their terms. That was about the third time they were offering me a bribe in Abuja. They have offered my bribes three times in Abuja, two in Lagos. In Lagos, one was in FESTAC extenstion, the other in my own house. So this last one, it was like come here and we shall deal with you. So they burned my house. The newspaper carried the story on the front page. They showed it to me and I said okay, fine. You have burned my house can you let me go?


BiafraNigeriaWorld: Nelson Mandela was incarcerated for 27 years. Yet, he and the ANC emerged victorious. Have you prepared yourself and MASSOB to withstand that type of ordeal?


Chief Uwazuruike: Let me tell you. I will be very happy in my grave if I die in this cause much less going to prison, I'm ready to die. And you know, I'm not afraid. If I was afraid, I would have stopped. I'm ready to go on terms of imprisonment for 40 years, and I above that I'm ready to die the next minute for MASSOB and Biafra.


BiafraNigeriaWorld: Let's discuss your relationship with the Diaspora Igbo intellectuals. There was a recent development published in a pro yoruba website where a Yoruba professor called Bolaji Aluko was alleged to have contacted a US agency website to request the removal of militant OPC from the list of terrorist organizations. Do you see the need for your MASSOB to draw from the intellectual pool of such orgs as BF , BLM, BAF, Ekwenche US, Ndigbo Gen. 60-70+, BNW etc.? Do you know these groups and are you carrying them along?


Chief Uwazuruike: I'm already working with these groups, and as far as I'm concerned, I saw this morning. My brothers and sisters are those who believe in the cause of Biafra. And in as much as a group believes in the actualization of Biafra, that group is my darling, that group is my friend, my everything. I'm prepared to work with them. That is why I'm saying we should have an occasion where we can see ourselves, talk together because so many of these people, I have not seen them. All the times I've been to the US, I have been sponsored by all these bodies. And I can't do without them.


BiafraNigeriaWorld: How many phases are there in your plan for Biafra Actualization and at what stage in that plan are you at the moment? Can you give a breakdown of the first stages that you have already gone through and a quick run down of what to expect in the future?


Chief Uwazuruike: Yes. We have 25 stages in the actualization of Biafra. We are now in the fourth stage. The first stage had to do with recruitment and mobilization for members of MASSOB. These things go from one state to the other. The second stage had to do with declaration of Biafra. Which I did on the 22nd of May, 2000 at Aba. The third stage had to do with the development of the primary aspects of sovereignty. We instituted the Biafran court, the Biafran police, the Biafran intelligence agency, and other infrastructures and other bodies. Today we are in the fourth stage which is civil disobedience. This civil disobedience will take us some time because it has to do with disobeying government laws, doing things that we want in Biafra without recourse of what the Nigerian government is saying. In this stage we have put in place the Biafra Liberation Front. This Biafra Liberation Front is an alternative government. With this Biafra Liberation Front, we have provinces we call the Biafran Territory and we have directors serving as ministers and they do the same work that Nigerian ministers and Nigerian governors do.


BiafraNigeriaWorld: Would you commit to providing a full list of all the 25 stages to go on your website?


Chief Uwazuruike: No. Because if I do it, the government will know my stages and they will scuttle it.


BiafraNigeriaWorld: So you don't want the stages to be public material?


Chief Uwazuruike: No. This is sensitive information, and that is what saves MASSOB. Do you know, if Uche Okwukwu and Longenus had known our stages, they would have stolen it. They would have used it as their own platform, their own agenda. I don't tell anybody, including my mother, my wife, the stages.


BiafraNigeriaWorld: So the stages are announced as you reach them?


Chief Uwazuruike: Yes, the stages are announced.


BiafraNigeriaWorld: In the past, MASSOB indicated that there would be no elections in Biafra. Later that statement was modified to mean that there would be no federal elections in Biafra. What is MASSOB's stand today?


Chief Uwazuruike: Today we have the same stand. Elections will be held in the local governments and states in Biafra to allow our brothers and sisters to take control of our states because they remain in a vacuum. But as far as federal elections are concerned, elections into the national assembly, the presidency, MASSOB has also modified that position. We say that if an Igboman, and by Igboman, we mean that if all the six parties go to Igboland and pick their presidential candidates, we will allow the election. But if all the six parties fail to go to Igboland as they did to Yoruba in 1998, and choose their candidates, we will not allow any elections.


BiafraNigeriaWorld: Thank you for the interview and we wish you a safe return to BiafraNigeria.


Chief Uwazuruike: It was my pleasure.

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