The Tangled Legacy Of The Man Who Led Africa’s Liberation

BY JENNIFER SZALAI

In 1951, when Kwame Nkrumah arrived on American shores for a whirlwind visit to the United States, only a few months had passed since he had won a landslide election from a Gold Coast prison cell; in subsequent years, he would secure the colony’s independence from British rule, becoming the first prime minister of Ghana, the country formed in its place, in 1957.

While he was in New York, Nkrumah sat down for a flurry of press interviews. In Washington, he was feted with a State Department luncheon. The mayor of Philadelphia presented him with the keys to the city — an especially stark sign of how much had changed for Nkrumah, who had previously spent a decade in the United States, earning four degrees (in sociology, theology, education and philosophy). In the early 1940s, as an impecunious graduate student at the University of Pennsylvania, he was harassed by Philadelphia’s police officers for sleeping overnight in the train station.

“Nkrumah and his delegation were given prominent coverage in almost all of America’s Black newspapers, which hailed him effusively,” Howard W. French writes in “The Second Emancipation.” The outpouring, French suggests, was inversely proportionate to the demeaning treatment African Americans faced on a daily basis. His capacious book traces the connections between the American civil rights movement and global pan-Africanism, with Nkrumah at the center.

As the title suggests, decolonization was a second emancipation, ending the forced labor and subjugation imposed by the European powers on their colonies. The 1950s and 1960s saw momentous transformations taking place on both sides of the Atlantic. In 1960 alone, 17 countries in Africa obtained their independence. That year, James Baldwin reported on a sit-in in Florida by young African Americans. These students “were born at the very moment at which Europe’s domination of Africa was ending,” Baldwin wrote in an article for Mademoiselle. Decolonization expanded the sense of possibility. Baldwin still remembered Italy’s invasion of Ethiopia in 1935; the touchstone for the new generation was “the establishment of the Republic of Ghana.”

Nkrumah, for his part, comes across as a fascinating and enigmatic figure. He was ostensibly born in 1909, the only child of his mother, though details of his early life are fuzzy. Nkrumah’s own autobiography was the kind of “polished and streamlined” account that’s typical of a political memoir. It was published in 1957, the same year that the Gold Coast became Ghana, and was handed out at the independence ceremony, presenting his ascent as a matter of destiny.

That kind of messianic thinking would become ever more pronounced as the years wore on. French chronicles how, during his nine-year rule, Nkrumah grew increasingly authoritarian, jailing political opponents, proclaiming a one-party system and giving himself the title of “president for life.” At the same time, he was drawn to the world outside of Ghana, promoting pan-Africanism — a sense of unity and purpose on the continent and among the African diaspora — to the inspiration of some and the consternation of others.

“Critics and foes called his pursuit of pan-Africanism an exorbitant distraction,” French writes, showing how Nkrumah’s lofty transnationalism could seem disconnected from the internal divisions and material problems faced by his own nation. Ghana, a dominant cocoa-producing country, was vulnerable to fickle cocoa prices, and so Nkrumah became fixated on the prospect of rapid industrialization. He was determined to build a hydroelectric dam, refusing to believe skeptical economists who warned that such a project would allow foreign companies to profit at Ghana’s expense.

French, a professor of journalism at Columbia and a former foreign correspondent for The New York Times, covers a lot of ground in a book that merges biography with panorama. His previous book, “Born in Blackness,” showed how the making of the modern world wasn’t just a story about Europe; it was also about Africa. “The Second Emancipation” is a sequel, bringing that approach into the postwar era. Nkrumah, like other leaders of Africa’s newly independent states, struggled to stay neutral amid the Cold War. “We face neither East nor West,” Nkrumah once said. “We face forward.”

Nkrumah may not have been interested in the Cold War, but the Cold War was most definitely interested in him. An avowed socialist, he was continually dogged by suspicions that he was a “closet communist” (he was not, French says). He kept investing in education, but he also became paranoid and withdrawn. “The regime had begun to commit autophagy, cannibalizing itself,” French writes. A vicious circle proceeded apace: Dictatorial rule fueled assassination attempts, which deepened dictatorial rule. While traveling to Vietnam in 1966, Nkrumah was deposed in a coup, with Washington providing, “at a minimum, quiet encouragement.”

“The Second Emancipation” ably treads the line on Nkrumah’s complicated legacy. French keeps reminding the reader of the larger context, pointing out how European colonies were laboratories not for good governance but for authoritarianism. He also emphasizes the central role of time. Nkrumah noted that European powers had centuries to work through their contradictions: “What other countries have taken 300 years or more to achieve, a once dependent territory must try to accomplish in a generation if it is to survive.”

It was this shared sense of urgency that made pan-Africanism such a potent force, even if French concludes that a “can-do vision” must never lose sight of the more humble, painstaking work necessary for truly sustainable development. He quotes Julius Nyerere, the founding leader of Tanzania, who recalled Nkrumah’s impatience as double-edged — a source of tremendous energy as well as inevitable frustration: “My differences with Kwame were that Kwame thought there was somehow a shortcut, and I was saying that there was no shortcut. This is what we have inherited, and we will have to proceed within the limitations that that inheritance has imposed on us.”

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Why Ghana Accepts America’s Migrants Despite 15% Tariff Hit

Ghana President John Dramani Mahama

BY KENT MENSAH

ACCRA (THE AFRICA REPORT) - Ghana’s decision to host US deportees exposes the high-stakes trade-offs between sovereignty, solidarity and survival in a tariff-strained economy.

When President John Mahama confirmed last week that 14 West Africans had landed in Accra after being deported from the US, it sparked uproar and confusion among many Ghanaians.

The deportees – mostly Nigerians and one Gambian – were not Ghanaian nationals but were rerouted through Accra under a bilateral arrangement with Washington.

The development came just months after the US imposed a punitive 15% tariff on Ghanaian exports, in what analysts see as a striking example of the contradictory pressures shaping Accra’s foreign policy.

“On the one hand, Washington is squeezing Ghana’s economy with tariffs. On the other hand, it is leaning on Ghana to support its deportation regime,” Daniel Amateye Anim-Prempeh, an economist at the Policy Initiative for Economic Development (PIED), tells The Africa Report.

“The inconsistency is glaring, but it also shows how Ghana calculates its long-term interests: maintaining diplomatic capital with the world’s largest economy, even at short-term cost.”
Humanitarian solidarity or sovereignty breach?

The Mahama administration has defended its decision on Pan-African grounds.

Foreign minister Samuel Okudzeto Ablakwa insisted that the arrangement was “not transactional like Rwanda, Eswatini, Uganda or South Sudan” and that Ghana had not received financial compensation.

“Our decision is grounded purely on humanitarian principles…,” Ablakwa told reporters in Accra.

“Since the days of our forebears, Ghana has hosted freedom fighters, welcomed Africans in the diaspora, offered them haven, resources, citizenship and even passports.”


Mahama framed the deal as consistent with the ECOWAS free movement protocol, which allows citizens of member states to enter and reside freely across borders.

“We just could not continue to take the suffering of our fellow West Africans,” Ablakwa said, noting that all 14 deportees had since returned to their home countries.


If Ghana can demonstrate that it is capable of holding its ground economically while still engaging constructively with Washington, it reassures markets that Accra is not isolated

But critics at home disagree. The Minority in parliament accused the government of breaching the Constitution by failing to seek parliamentary ratification.

“This is a clear violation of Ghana’s constitution, sovereignty and foreign policy,” Samuel Jinapor, an opposition lawmaker, tells The Africa Report.

According to him, Ghana risks being branded an enabler of Washington’s “harsh and discriminatory” immigration policies.
The geopolitics of migration diplomacy

Across Africa, Washington has sought willing partners for its third-country deportation programme.


Its best option is to keep the diplomatic channels open, use cooperation on migration as bargaining power, and hope that pragmatism prevails in Washington

Rwanda agreed last month to host up to 250 deportees, while Uganda and Eswatini have also signed on.

Nigeria has flatly refused, citing sovereignty concerns, prompting the US to tighten visa restrictions on Nigerians.

“Ghana’s agreement with the US is more nuanced and less contentious than deals with Rwanda or Uganda, largely due to ECOWAS’ free movement rules,” said Jervin Naidoo, a political analyst with Oxford Economics Africa.

“Nevertheless, the deal is politically sensitive. It signals that President Donald Trump’s administration is using migration diplomacy as a geopolitical tool.”


Naidoo says while Rwanda extracted millions of dollars in funding through its UK and US deals, Ghana has denied receiving cash incentives.

“Even if no money changes hands, Ghana gains diplomatic leverage,” he says. “In a year when the US has raised tariffs, Accra may be calculating that cooperation in one arena could soften Washington’s stance in another.”

Anim-Prempeh agreed that Ghana’s economic calculus is crucial.

“The 15% tariffs are painful – they hurt cocoa, aluminium and manufactured exports. But in the grand scheme, Ghana cannot afford to antagonise the US entirely,” he said.

“By presenting itself as a responsible partner on migration, Accra may hope to reopen trade channels and protect future access to US markets.”
Investor perceptions and African precedent

The optics matter beyond diplomacy. Analysts say foreign investors are closely watching how Ghana manages its balancing act.

“Investors read these signals,” Anim-Prempeh said. “If Ghana can demonstrate that it is capable of holding its ground economically while still engaging constructively with Washington, it reassures markets that Accra is not isolated.”


Shadrach Kundi, an international security analyst, cautions that Africa could be reduced to “a dumping site for deportees“.


July’s tariffs were a slap in the face, but Ghana cannot simply retaliate

Yet he acknowledges that Ghana’s reliance on ECOWAS protocols gives its decision a legal cover. “You could read from Mahama’s statement that it was as a result of some concessions being made. But this is not necessarily out of place when framed as solidarity under ECOWAS.”

The controversy echoes Ghana’s 2016 row over admitting two Yemeni terror suspects from Guantanamo Bay – a move the Supreme Court later ruled unconstitutional because it bypassed parliament. That precedent still haunts Mahama’s government.
Fragile balancing act

For now, Accra insists that deportations will be limited to West Africans and that each case will be vetted. “We will never compromise the safety and well-being of Ghanaians,” Ablakwa added.

But the clash of narratives – humanitarian solidarity versus sovereignty breach – underscores Ghana’s delicate position.


Accepting deportees helps preserve goodwill with Washington, even as tariffs pinch. Refusing could deepen Ghana’s economic isolation at a time of fiscal stress.

“July’s tariffs were a slap in the face, but Ghana cannot simply retaliate,” Anim-Prempeh says. “Its best option is to keep the diplomatic channels open, use cooperation on migration as bargaining power, and hope that pragmatism prevails in Washington.”

ECOWAS Commission Promotes Free Movement Across West Africa

BY CHINEDU EZE

ACCRA, GHANA (THIS DAY) - Economic Commission for West African States (ECOWAS) said it has embarked on the promotion of free movement of people across the nations of the sub-continent, encouraging the removal of barriers at the boundaries to enable citizens move freely.

The commission said it was the encumbrances to free movement that have retarded economic development of the region because they inhibit inter-state trade and travel.

ECOWAS Commission in a recent meeting at Accra Weizo, held last week in Ghana, disclosed the efforts it has been making to facilitate free movement and goods across West African states.

The Director in Charge of Enterprise, ECOWAS Commission, Dr. Tony Elumelu, in his presentation at the Accra Weizo conference held recently in Accra, Ghana, said ECOWAS has been working assiduously to promote the free movement of persons, goods capital, and services within the community and the efforts made so far are yielding fruits.

According to him, at the heart of our integration efforts lies the Free Movement Protocol, a visionary policy that has revolutionized the way “we travel and conduct business within our region.

“By enabling citizens of ECOWAS member states to travel freely within the region, this protocol has not only promoted people-to- people diplomacy but also facilitated trade and investment, thereby fostering economic growth and development. The protocol’s impact cannot be overstated, as it has removed a significant barrier to intra-regional travel and commerce, allowing us to harness the full potential of our collective resources and talents,” he said.

He further said: “By enabling citizens of ECOWAS member states to travel freely within the region, this protocol has not only promoted people-to- people diplomacy but also facilitated trade and investment, thereby fostering economic growth and development. The protocol’s impact cannot be overstated, as it has removed a significant barrier to intra-regional travel and commerce, allowing us to harness the full potential of our collective resources and talents.”

Elumelu said ECOWAS has harmonised tourism policy that has been instrumental to facilitating the development of tourism infrastructure, products, and services across the region, thereby enhancing the overall tourist experience.

“Furthermore, our hotel classification system has ensured that tourists can expect a certain standard of accommodation, regardless of the country they are visiting, which has undoubtedly boosted confidence in our tourism industry. By promoting intra-regional travel, we are not only generating revenue but also fostering greater understanding and appreciation of our diverse cultures and traditions,” he added.

West Africans Have A High Risk Of Kidney Disease – New Study Confirms Genetic Cause

AUTHORS:

SAMUEL  AJAYI

READERS, COLLEGE OF MEDICINE,

UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN

YEMI R. RAJI

ASSOCIATE PROFESSOR OF MEDICINE

AND CONSULTANT NEPHROLOGIST,

UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN

Kidney disease, leading to kidney failure, afflicts disproportionately more black people than white people. Thus, there is a huge burden of kidney healthcare costs among black people all over the world.

For instance, in the US, although the black population is only 13% to 14% of the total, black people account for one third of the patients with end-stage kidney disease requiring dialysis or transplantation.

Hypertension, diabetes and HIV, which also cause kidney failure, tend to cause more severe kidney damage and rapid deterioration in black people than in white people.

For many decades, researchers wondered why these differences exist. It was only in the last decade and a half that reasons began to emerge. Research found that black people have a genetic variation which emerged to protect the body from a parasitic disease called trypanosomiasis, or sleeping sickness. This disease was common in the west African region. The gene prompts the immune system to produce a protein that dissolves the membrane of the parasite, destroying it.

Over time, the parasite developed resistance to the gene variant’s effects. Then new variants emerged to restore immunity against the new forms of the parasite. But this came with a drawback: individuals who have the new gene variants (called APOL1 G1 and G2) also have an increased risk of developing kidney disease.

Over the last two decades there has been growing evidence that these variants cause kidney damage in African Americans, even if they don’t have diabetes.

However, until recently this link between the gene and kidney disease had not been confirmed or fully described among people on the African continent – where the genetic variant first evolved.

This was the aim of a study that began over a decade ago in Africa, called Human Heredity and Health in Africa (H3Africa), by the Kidney Disease Research Network.

As part of this effort, our recently published study found that having APOL1 G1 or G2 significantly increased the risk of having kidney disease compared to those who do not have the gene variants.

This finding might lead to improvements in screening for risk of kidney disease, reveal more about how kidney disease affects west Africans in particular, and result in treatment opportunities.

The current prevalence of kidney disease is 13.7% in Nigeria and 28% among Ghanaians.

Our research

The Kidney Disease Research Network assembled researchers in Nigeria, Ghana, South Africa, Ethiopia and Kenya. Among the aims of the research were to study and describe 8,000 cases and controls, and conduct genetic studies associated with kidney diseases. Over 40 researchers collaborated on the project, including nephrologists, geneticists, genetic statisticians and laboratory scientists.

The study enrolled 8,355 participants in Ghana and Nigeria, including 4,712 with kidney disease of varying severity and 2,777 without kidney disease. Extensive and sophisticated genetic studies were done on the materials obtained from the participants with their consent.

The gene variants that could cause kidney disease are called APOL1 G1 or G2. The variant that does not cause kidney disease is called G0. Individual people can have different combinations of these three variants.

We found that the APOL1 genes are more common among west African populations, including Nigerians and Ghanians, than among populations from other regions of Africa.

In our study, 43% (3,592) participants had just one of the variants, while 29.7% (2,481) participants had double variants of APOL1. Participants with double G1 or G2 variants were more likely to have chronic kidney disease than those with one of those variants. And participants with one variant were more likely to have chronic kidney disease than those who had none.

Our study thus confirmed what was found in people of African descent in the US: the genetic origin underpinning the excess risk of developing kidney disease among black Africans, wherever they live.

What our findings mean

The study established, for the first time, the association of APOL1 with chronic kidney disease in sub-Saharan Africa.

This opens up opportunities:

improving the survival of kidney transplant patients by screening donors who may have the high-risk variants

targeted treatment of those with high-risk variants.

A new drug, Inaxaplin, which inhibits APOL1 function, reduces proteinuria, the hallmark of kidney disease. This opens the possibility of treating patients with APOL1 mediated chronic disease with medications. Studies are continuing in this area.

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Maternity Care In Ghana Is Meant To Be Free, But It’s Not – And Many Can’t Afford It

AUTHORS:

EDMUND WEDAM KANMIKI

RESEARCH FELLOW,

UNIVERSITY OF QUEENSLAND

CHERYL A. MOYER

ASSOCIATE PROFESSOR OF LEARNING

HEALTH SCIENCES AND OBSTETRICS &

GYNECOLOGY, UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

GILBERT ABOTISEM ABIIRO

ASSOCIATE PROFESSOR OF HEALTH

ECONOMICS AND POLICY,

UNIVERSITY FOR DEVELOPMENT STUDIES

KENNEDY A. ALATINGA

ASSOCIATE PROFESSOR OF SOCIAL

POLICY AND HEALTH PROTECTION,

SD DOMBO UNIVERSITY OF BUSINESS

AND INTEGRATED DEVELOPMENT STUDIES

Globally, over a quarter of a million women a year die during pregnancy or childbirth. Sub-Saharan Africa accounts for about 70% of these deaths.

In Ghana, the rate of maternal deaths is 263 per 100,000 births. Although this maternal mortality rate is much lower than the average for African countries (532 per 100,000 births), progress is being threatened by the financial difficulties mothers face accessing maternal healthcare services in the country.

Ghana’s health system has offered free maternal healthcare since 2008 under the Ghana National Health Insurance Scheme. But many families are still compelled to pay for these services.

As researchers in maternal health and health economics, we conducted a study in two regions of Ghana looking at the extra expenses mothers with newborn babies and their households face when seeking maternal healthcare.

We found that about 32% of households spent more than 10% of their total household expenditure on maternal healthcare services – including antenatal services, delivery and postnatal care.

This can strain household’s budgets, affecting the ability to afford other basic needs including food, clothing and shelter. In some instances it may force mothers to forgo treatment due to an inability to pay.

Interviewing mothers

We surveyed 414 mothers in the Ashanti and Upper West regions of Ghana.

Previous research on out-of-pocket payments for maternal health services relied on household survey data.

We interviewed mothers directly as they left the hospital. This allowed us to get more accurate information about the actual out-of-pocket payments they were forced to make.

The Ashanti region is located in the southern half of Ghana and is the country’s second most urbanised and prosperous region. The Ashanti region also has the highest active public national health insurance membership, of about 2.2 million members.

The Upper West region in the north-west is one of the least urbanised and poorest regions in Ghana. This region has the lowest active health insurance membership at 0.47 million.

We chose these two regions as they represent a diverse range of socioeconomic conditions. A good balance between a relatively prosperous urban area and a poor rural setting.

We collected the data through exit interviews at both public and private healthcare facilities. We wanted to understand the financial challenges faced by mothers across various settings and service providers.

Out-of-pocket payments

Our research found that 97% of mothers made an out-of-pocket payment for antenatal care; 65% paid for delivery services; and 22% paid for postnatal services. These expenses raise questions about the effectiveness of Ghana’s free maternal healthcare policy.

These payments are often informal and linked to coping strategies implemented by health providers in response to delays and inadequate reimbursements, shortages of essential supplies and mothers’ insufficient knowledge of services covered by the free maternal healthcare policy.

Mothers who sought services at private health facilities were less likely to exceed 10% of their household budget on maternal care compared with those who sought care at public facilities. This is not surprising as wealthier people often prefer private facilities due to perceived better quality.

Our study found that non-medical supplies and services account for a significant portion of out-of-pocket payments. These items, including gloves, cleaning materials, food, transportation and accommodation, made up 58% of total out-of-pocket payments.

Patients are often compelled to pay for services and medications, most of which should be provided free of charge.

We found on average, participants paid an equivalent of US$109.30 out-of-pocket payments for maternal healthcare. For 32% of those interviewed, these costs exceeded 10% of their household expenditure. High out-of-pocket payments hinder equitable access to maternal healthcare, a critical issue in developing countries. Addressing this issue is crucial for public health and human rights.
Way forward

To achieve meaningful universal access to maternal care in Ghana, we suggest:

avoiding the delays in reimbursements to healthcare facilities

improving the medical supply chain to guarantee reliable supply of medical and non-medical supplies at healthcare facilities

expanding the free maternal policy benefit package to cover other non-medical expenses such as transport for maternity patients.

Through decisive action, Ghana can safeguard the health and wellbeing of mothers and their families, protecting them from the devastating financial consequences of childbirth.

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Ghana’s Ex-Leader Is Declared The Winner Of The Presidential Election

Supporters of opposition candidate and former President John Dramani Mahama celebrate his victory after his opponent conceded in Accra, Ghana, Sunday, Dec. 8, 2024. (AP Photo/Jerome Delay)

BY FRANCIS KOKUTSE AND MONIKA PRONCZUK

ACCRA, GHANA (AP) — Ghana’s former leader John Dramani Mahama was officially declared the winner of the presidential election on Monday evening, after voters vented anger at the government’s handling of the economy.

Previously president between 2012 and 2017, Mahama, 65, received 6.3 million votes, or 56.5% of votes cast, the electoral commission said.

Mahama’s main opponent, Vice President Mahamudu Bawumia, conceded defeat on Sunday. Bawumia got 4.6 million votes, or 41%.

The turnout based on the votes from 267 constituencies stands at 60.9 percent, said Jean Mensa, the electoral commissioner. Although vote counting was ongoing in nine constituencies, that will not change the final result, Mensa added.

Mahama has described his victory as “emphatic.” He had promised to “reset” the country on various fronts, during a campaign that prioritized the economy and largely appealed to young Ghanaians who saw the vote as a way out of the country’s economic crisis.

After Bawumia conceded defeat, celebrations broke out on Sunday among the supporters of the opposition candidate in parts of the country, including the capital city. Wearing the opposition party’s white, green, red and black colors, women and young people danced to music and trumpet blasts on the streets and at the party’s national headquarters

The election for both the president and members of parliament was held against the backdrop of the country’s worst cost-of-living crisis in a generation. It was seen as a litmus test for democracy in a region shaken by extremist violence and coups. West Africa’s regional bloc of ECOWAS said the election was generally peaceful, a continuing trend in Ghana.

Bawumia was running as the flagbearer of the ruling New Patriotic Party, or NPP, which has struggled to resolve the economic crisis under outgoing President Nana Akufo-Addo. Mahama’s National Democratic Congress also won the majority in parliament, he said.





Mahama’s win is viewed as following the latest trend of elections around the world, favoring opposition parties against incumbents, from the United States to European countries — such as Britain and France — as well as South Africa.

The former president is “the only person” who can fix the ailing economy in Ghana, one of West Africa’s economic powerhouses, said Jude Agbemava, a policy analyst who voted for him.

Like in most other elections in countries where the incumbent lost, the vote in Ghana was about the people making their disaffection known against a government that has lost goodwill, said Seidu Alidu, head of the department of political science at Ghana’s University of Legon.


“I think it has to do with the economy, which is largely a bread and butter issue for every Ghanaian,” said Alidu. “When the people elect you, they require you to do certain things for them. But it was also about the style of governance (because) even in other countries facing economic challenges, governments were being honest with the people, telling them what the reality is, and the steps they have taken to manage it,” he added.

Book Review: Revolution And Democracy In Ghana: The Politics Of Jerry Rawlings

Jerry Rawlings

BY BRIGHT PHILIP DONKOR

My journey into the author’s world began with an unexpected digital encounter—a riveting article titled “Development Challenges in an Election Year.” This piece, an exploration of political and developmental dynamics, not only piqued my interest but also paved the way for a meaningful relationship with the author.

Through his insightful analysis and engaging narrative, he has transformed from a distant writer into a friend and mentor, offering profound insights into the tumultuous and transformative era of Jerry Rawlings’ rule.

In the kaleidoscopic world of Ghanaian politics, where the hues of history and power intertwine in a complex dance, I would be remiss if I did not explore the revolutionary spirit and democratic shifts that defined the era, guided by an author whose intellectual curiosity and personal connection to the subject matter deepen our understanding of Ghana’s political landscape.

Professor Jeffrey Haynes is an Emeritus Professor of Politics at London Metropolitan University (London Met), actively shaping discourse on African politics through his scholarly work, guidance on research agendas, and public engagement with the continent’s diverse political landscapes. He specializes in political science, with a focus on political theory, international relations, and comparative politics.

His research includes topics such as religion and politics, global governance, and development. Professor Haynes’s deep interest in Ghanaian politics led him to write his PhD thesis on “Rawlings and the Politics of Development Policy in Ghana, 1979-1986,” which he completed between 1984 and 1988.

His work is driven by an interest in the politics of underdevelopment under Flt. Lt. Jerry John Rawlings’ regime. This book seeks to challenge simplistic portrayals of leadership and examine the complex interactions between state institutions, civil society, public welfare, and global influences.

Personal reflections

Upon my first reading of the review copy during my leisure time, I knew it had a vast potential for intellectual trouble. It is that very fact that makes it such a valuable and worthwhile publication. For me, reading the book is just like a rare breed of sweet wine whose taste still lingers in the mouth and makes the taste buds wanting more.

The book effectively addresses many of the questions we have pondered about Rawlings’ political ideology, the impact of his governance on Ghanaian democracy, and how his rule influenced the country’s political institutions and policies.

Though this is not a book written by Rawlings himself, it illuminates the Rawlings era and democratisation in a manner unmatched by other works. The publication of this book is a significant event. Despite the vibrancy of Rawlings’ nearly two decades of rule, that period remains relatively opaque in our history.

And I dare say reading the book has profoundly deepened my understanding of Ghanaian politics. Before diving into this text, my perspective on Rawlings was largely shaped by popular narratives and media portrayals. The author’s meticulous research and nuanced analysis have provided me with a richer, more complex view of Rawlings’ impact. I came to appreciate not only the ideological shifts during Rawlings’ tenure but also the intricate interplay between revolutionary fervor and the pragmatic challenges of governance.

Prof. Haynes’ exploration of controversial aspects, such as the murder of judges and economic reforms, challenged my previously simplistic views. The detailed examination of how Rawlings’ regime navigated international pressures and internal power struggles offered new insights into the broader political context of the time. The book has helped me understand the legacy of Rawlings’ policies, particularly their role in shaping Ghana’s transition towards a more democratic and market-oriented society.

When Rawlings passed away on November 12, 2020, I was initially numb with disbelief. However, such a day was inevitable. He has left the battlefield he once conquered, and we can now reflect on his legacy and find appropriate words to eulogize him. Beginning the revolution at the age of 32 serves as a testament to his role as a model for young revolutionaries. Those times were filled with mixed emotions—memorable and controversial—giving rise to various theories and rumours about power struggles, personality clashes, and policy challenges in both the PNDC and Rawlings’ NDC administrations.

The author says in the preface that _“The book has four objectives. First, I seek to contextualise Rawlings’ initial revolutionary populism in contemporaneous radical military interventions in Africa. The second is to outline the characteristics and political consequences of Rawlings’ revolutionary populism and authoritarian populism which replaced it. The third is to examine the return to multi-party democracy in late 1992 and the following 10 years of Rawlings rule as elected president. The fourth objective is to assess Rawlings political legacy in Ghana following his death in November 2020.”

Scope  

Despite the book’s succinctly defined scope, it offers more than what its author suggests. Three significant aspects make this book a historic contribution to our understanding of recent developments in our country.

The first is the role played by Rawlings and some of his closest associates in shaping a revolutionary period that began without a clear roadmap. Jerry John Rawlings is often seen as both an enigma and a contradiction.

That is why books on him will evoke interest and attract readership. From his abortive May 15 infantile coup attempt, through June 4 to December 31 and the attempted coup by Lance Corporal Giwa and blood cousin Captain Courage Quashigah’s arrest, Rawlings has been a subject that titillates scholarship and research.

That is why the book is a must-read, not only for academicians, historians, and researchers, but also for ordinary citizens and, particularly, the youth who may take our democratic journey and experience for granted.

Very well researched and scripted, the writer does a tidy work by digging into nearly all available material on Jerry Rawlings, including talking to persons close to him and even those who he worked but fell apart with his chequered career as three-time Head of State of Ghana from 1979 through 1981 to 1992 and into 2000.

Strengths and weaknesses

The words of Prof. Haynes are strong because he provides a thorough analysis of Rawlings’ leadership, from his revolutionary beginnings to his role in establishing multi-party democracy. The book’s exploration of both political and economic dimensions of Rawlings’ tenure is commendable.

The book situates Rawlings’ leadership within the broader context of African politics, offering valuable insights into the regional and international influences that shaped his policies.

Prof. Haynes’ use of extensive interviews and archival materials adds significant depth to his analysis, presenting a well-rounded view of the political and economic challenges faced during Rawlings’ regime.

As with any scholarly work, there is a risk of inherent bias, especially given that Prof. Haynes has a long-standing academic interest in African politics. While the book aims for objectivity, there may be an unconscious inclination to emphasize certain aspects of Rawlings’ leadership while downplaying others.

Eccentric and controversial elements

But the author who would also add notes to his rich scholarly work was meticulous and courageous enough to investigate controversial clansmen of Jerry Rawlings such as Prof Kofi Awoonor and others who had an ethnicity agenda that was remotely connected with the plot to plan and execute a coup after lawful elections had been held and a government in place in December 1981.

Akata Poree, Adabuga, Courage Quashigah, Kojo and Tsatsu Tsikata all find space in this rich chronicle of event from Jerry Rawlings and his compulsive march into a democracy that was forced on him and his junta by global development agencies.

Such background concerns also included public and global apprehensions about a potential Rawlings dynasty and the influence of the United States. A notable event was President Bill Clinton’s visit to Ghana in 1998, during which he emphasised the importance of democratic principles, and allegedly cautioned Rawlings against deciding to foist himself on the people for a third constitutional term.

Murder of the judges, outburst of professional associations

The piece is further enriched by Prof. Jeffery Haynes’ analysis of the murder of the judges and its political fallout on the junta, including the outrage directed at Kojo Tsikata and Amartey, who was made a scapegoat.

It also examines how the junta attempted to gain credibility by creating Civil and Workers Defence Committees, aiming to present itself as inclusive and democratic.

The pressure on the junta to reform or face removal, driven by the public’s anger as Rawlings himself described it, added to the junta’s insecurity. This environment contributed to the dissatisfaction among military officers like Alidu Giwa, who, feeling sidelined, attempted a countercoup.

The fact that his own investigative team and Committee of Inquiry placed the blame for the murders squarely on Kojo Tsikata led to a loss of credibility among the political, middle class, and professional bodies and some safety needed in illiterate, vulnerable, docile citizens.

Economic reforms and press freedom

The author was spot on, when he notes that it was at this critical point that the regime decided to open up to the West and its agencies in agreeing to economic reform programmes after being turned down by the former USSR or Soviet Union, which failed to buy proposal on reforms submitted by Ghana, with Tsatsu Tsikata and Kwesi Botchwey leading the team to Moscow.

In this objective treatise, the author also notes success stories in implementing on the World Bank and IMF Ghana Country Programmes that would eventually thaw the socialist nonsense and force the country closer to good governance and constitutionality codes.

With the liberalised environment, the previously suppressed independent media became a channel for advocating constitutional rule—a tide that the junta had difficulty managing, despite its use of the antedated Criminal Libel Law intended to intimidate journalists.

Eventually, when it led in funding a crony broadcast network, the junta unwittingly began opening the floodgates for a revolution in freedom of the press. This shift diminished its ability to use institutions like the Media Commission and Electoral Commission, for instance, in pushing its propaganda and skewing elections.

Interestingly, it turned out according to this book that, the people who had become nostalgic for democratic governance began creating political clubs, following in the steps of the junta, which had created the December 31st Women’s Movement, besides the CDRs and WDCs, and waiting for the day the pressure on the regime to lift the ban on politics, to constitutionally fight Jerry Rawlings and his junta.

Revolution and Democracy in Ghana: The Politics of Jerry Rawlings* stands out as a crucial work for anyone interested in the evolution of Ghanaian politics. The author provides a thorough examination of Jerry Rawlings’ impact on the country’s democratic development, combining rigorous research with insightful analysis.

The book’s exploration of Rawlings’ transformative leadership, controversial policies, and the political shifts of his era offers valuable perspectives that deepen our understanding of Ghana’s political landscape.

This masterpiece is recommended to all segments of the population, including the business community, academia and politicians.

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Foreign Firms Competing To Build Ghana’s First Nuclear Power Plants – Interview

Dr. Robert Sogbadji

BY KESTER KENN KLOMEGAH

In this interview, Dr. Robert Sogbadji, deputy director in charge of nuclear and alternative energy, explains that Ghana will select by December 2024 a foreign company to build its first nuclear power plants. He says nuclear energy sector has been a hot topic for the government as it plans to operate the first power plants to sustain supply. Sogbadji, in the interview, also discusses a number of important issues relating to the planned nuclear project. Here are the interview excerpts:

How would you characterize energy supply and its impact in the country?

Dr. Robert Sogbadji: Energy supply has been steady in recent years boosting the local economy with SME’s operating sustainably. Ghana’s energy mix is currently Hydro, which is more than 34%, Gas thermal which more than 63% and solar of about 3.5%. Ghana has an electricity access rate of 88.7% with a target to reach 90% by the end of 2024.

The percentage of gas thermal in the energy mix largely influences the cost electricity to the end users. Ghana electricity cost is one of the highest in the west African region, however, Ghana supplies electricity to the it’s neighboring countries such as Togo, Benin and Burkina Faso. This is due to the good reliability of Ghana power transmission grid. Ghana is looking forward to further diversify its energy mix with nuclear power and modern renewables such as wind, biofuel and wave energy.

Explain reasons why energy ‘mix’ for instance could be the practical solution?

RS: In accordance the Ghana Energy Transition Framework, Ghana seeks provide energy security and address energy poverty as well as reduce the cost of electricity by further diversifying the energy mix with Gas thermal, Hydro power, Nuclear Power, solar PV, wind and other modern renewables. Since Ghana has exhausted all its large hydro potentials, Ghana seeks to Nuclear and Gas thermal power as the base-load to support the intermittent renewables.

But why nuclear energy is still not undertaken seriously by the government?

RS: Ghana started its nuclear energy in the 1960s with the Soviet Union constructing the Ghana Atomic Energy Commission to train human resource capacity for the Ghana nuclear power programme. This could not materialized due to a coup d’etat in 1966. The nuclear programme was rejuvenated in 2008 after a series of perineal power crises which plagued the country every four years. The Ghana Nuclear Power Programme Organisation was established in 2012 to oversee the preparation of the roadmap and implement activities for the inclusion of nuclear energy into the energy mix. The nuclear regulatory authority of Ghana was also established in 2016 to regulate the activities leading to the safe introduction of nuclear power into the generation mix. The Owner-Operator organization, Nuclear Power Ghana ltd. has also been established to build capacity to operate the first nuclear power plant in Ghana.

Currently, Ghana has identified two sites to accommodate its first nuclear power plant and is ready to identify a vendor country and technology by the end of 2024. Russia, China, France, United States of America and Korea are the leading contenders of the vendor identification. Ghana is currently in Phase 2 of 3 of the nuclear journey in accordance to the IAEA milestone. The Government of Ghana nuclear power programme is guided by the IAEA 19 infrastructure issues which needs to be addressed by a new-comer country. So I will say Ghana is working steadily with its vendor partners with considerations on favourable financial terms and technology.

ls the obstacle with finance? Are Japan, United States and China ready to tackle the nuclear construction jointly?

RS: Finance is not an obstacle but with nuclear power project worldwide, finance has always been a challenge. Ghana has not sourced the option of a joint project between Japan, United States and China. Ghana has a cooperation with USA and Japan under the FIRST programme to build human resource capacity in the area of SMR design and operation.

Who takes the final decision here – parliament or cabinet or the president? What are your final words, as an expert, that the country is ready for nuclear power especially in terms of nuclear safety?

RS: Cabinet and the President will decide the vendor country based on advice from the Ministry of Energy. Due to the size of the project funding, the project implementation also has to go to Parliament for approval as well.

Since the Ghana nuclear power programme is being implemented with guidance from the IAEA. Nuclear Safety and security are key and part of assessment in every stage of the programme, hence the early establishment of the Nuclear Regulatory Authority of Ghana at the Phase 1 stage of the programme, even though IAEA recommends its established in Phase 2. This shows Ghana’s commitment to address issues of safety and security in the country.

And what’s the position of IAEA?

RS: The IAEA continues to support the Ghana Nuclear Power Programme by continuously providing assistance in terms of expert review missions and guiding us to develop our guidelines and policies.

READ ORIGINAL STORY HEREHERE

An AP Photographer In Ghana Shares Why She Focuses On Documenting Women

Vice President Kamala Harris walks at Cape Coast Castle in Ghana, Tuesday, March 28, 2023. (AP Photo/Misper Apawu, File)

BY MISPER APAWU

ACCRA, GHANA (AP) — Misper Apawu is a photographer who works with The Associated Press in Ghana. She has covered politics, breaking news and sports.

This feature is part of a series highlighting Associated Press journalists for Women’s History Month. An earlier installment featured one of our photographers working in Bucharest, Romania, on what motivates her as a woman in her profession.

I am a photojournalist living and working in Ghana. I often focus on the lives of women. My first encounter with photography occurred in a market in Dambai, a town in the Oti region of Ghana. During my childhood, while selling iced water in the market, I observed the women’s expressions brighten whenever tourists pointed their cameras at them. When tourists showed the women their pictures, they would beam with delight.

That happiness I witnessed inspired me to pursue photography when I was introduced to it as a young adult. Up until then, my knowledge of photography was limited to hobbies and events. But when I discovered the journalistic aspect of photography, I knew that was the path I wanted to take: to document historical events for future generations.

Like many other photographers, my family was initially skeptical about my career. They wondered whether it was sustainable. However, they started to accept my career decision when I was featured in national media for my work during Vice President Kamala Harris’ s visit to Ghana. Seeing me in the news made them happy.

But I have also encountered discrimination. During a recent assignment, I was restricted from going beyond a specific boundary simply because I was a woman. Seeing male colleagues moving freely within that area while I was limited was frustrating. Despite this, I didn’t give up. I persevered and captured some of the best shots from where I stood.

One of my favorite assignments for The Associated Press was covering the historic visit of Vice President Harris to Ghana. It was an incredible experience, capturing and submitting photos as quickly as possible, following security instructions and much more. Another memorable aspect was the reactions from people who saw the images.

On the second day of Harris’ visit, a member of her team approached me and commended my work, saying that my photos were featured on the front pages in the United States. Additionally, I received an email from AP’s Headquarters in London, thanking me for my hard work. These were the highlights of that experience. It struck me that I had contributed to history. In the future, when people search for “VP Kamala Harris visits Ghana,” my photos will show up among the top results.

On the third day of her visit, on our way back from Independence Square, where Harris delivered a speech, someone from her team said that it was a great decision to have a female photojournalist document the event. I realized it was a unique opportunity for me to have documented this historic moment, not about just any other person, but a successful American woman of color, the first female vice president of the U.S. These are photographs that I’m going to cherish for a very long time.

On that same day, a member of Harris’ team asked for just one photographer to go inside the Dungeon at Cape Coast Castle with the vice president and second gentleman Douglas Emhoff, and they chose me. It was a mix of emotions: I was happy to document the moment, but I also felt a huge responsibility.

I knew the world awaited me to capture Harris in the Dungeon. I believed in myself and I didn’t disappoint. I delivered.

A Ghana Reparations Summit Agrees On A Global Fund To Compensate Africans For The Slave Trade

Chenzira Kahina, former president of the Caribbean Studies Association, speaks at the African Union reparations conference held in Accra, Ghana, Thursday, November 16, 2023...(AP Photo/Misper Apawu) 

BY FRANCIS KOKUTSE

ACCRA, GHANA (AP) — Delegates at a reparations summit in Ghana agreed Thursday to establish a Global Reparation Fund to push for overdue compensation for millions of Africans enslaved centuries ago during the trans-Atlantic slave trade.

The Accra Reparation Conference adds to the growing demands for reparations after about 12 million Africans were forcefully taken by European nations from the 16th to the 19th century and enslaved on plantations that built wealth at the price of misery.

Centuries after the end of the slave trade, people of African descent around the world continue “to be victims of systemic racial discrimination and racialized attacks,” concluded a recent report by a special U.N. forum which supported reparations as “a cornerstone of justice in the 21st century.”

“It is time for Africa — whose sons and daughters had their freedoms controlled and sold into slavery — to also receive reparations,” said Ghana’s President Nana Addo Akufo-Addo at the conference, attended by senior government officials from across Africa as well as the diaspora community.

Slave reparations have become an issue the world “must confront and can no longer ignore,” said Akufo-Addo, calling out the British and other European nations who enriched themselves during the slave trade while “enslaved Africans themselves did not receive a penny.”

Delegates to the conference in Accra did not say how such a reparation fund would operate. But Gnaka Lagoke, an assistant professor of history and pan-African studies, said it should be used to “correct the problems” that the continent is facing in all sectors of its economy.

Compensations are based on “moral and legal rights and dignity of the people,” said Ambassador Amr Aljowailey, strategic adviser to the deputy chairman of the African Union Commission, who read out the resolution titled The Accra Proclamation.

In addition to the Global Reparation Fund, which will be championed by a committee of experts set up by the A.U. Commission in collaboration with African nations, “a special envoy will engage in campaigns as well as litigation and judicial efforts,” said Aljowailey.

Activists have said reparations should go beyond direct financial payments to also include developmental aid for countries, the return of colonized resources and the systemic correction of oppressive policies and laws.

The required amount for compensation will be decided through a “negotiated settlement (that will) benefit the masses,” said Nkechi Taifa, director of the U.S.-based Reparation Education Project.

Follow AP’s Africa coverage at: https://apnews.com/hub/africa

Ghana to Open Doors to South African Passport Holders: A Boon for Tourism and Trade

BY DORCAS FUNMI

Ghana is the latest country to announce that it will open its doors to South African passport holders by allowing visa-free entry. This move is expected to boost tourism and trade between the two countries.

South Africans are already the largest group of tourists to Ghana, accounting for over 10% of all visitors in 2022. The visa waiver agreement is likely to lead to a further increase in tourist arrivals from South Africa. This will benefit Ghana’s tourism industry, which is a major contributor to the country’s economy.

The visa waiver agreement will also make it easier for South African businesses to operate in Ghana and Ghanaian businesses to operate in South Africa. This will lead to increased trade and investment between the two countries.

South Africa is Ghana’s second-largest trading partner, after the United States. The two countries trade in a wide range of goods and services, including minerals, energy, and manufactured goods.

The visa waiver agreement is expected to boost trade between the two countries by making it easier for businesspeople to travel and meet with potential customers and partners.

Overall, the visa waiver agreement between Ghana and South Africa is a positive development that is likely to have a number of benefits for both countries. It is expected to boost tourism, trade, and investment, and lead to closer economic ties between the two countries.

In addition to the economic benefits, the visa waiver agreement will also make it easier for people from Ghana and South Africa to visit friends and family in the other country. This will help to strengthen cultural ties between the two countries and promote mutual understanding.

The visa waiver agreement is a sign of the growing relationship between Ghana and South Africa. The two countries are working together to strengthen their ties in a number of areas, including trade, investment, and security. The visa waiver agreement is a concrete example of this cooperation.

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Amid A Region Rife With Coups And Instability, Ghana Is A Democratic Bulwark

A crowd waits for Vice President Kamala Harris’ arrival at Cape Coast Castle in Cape Coast, Ghana, March 28, 2023. (Jessica Sarkodie/The New York Times)

BY DONNA CHARLES

Washington should deepen cooperation with Ghana to promote and sustain democracy as a governance model.

Ghanian President Nana Akufo-Addo is in Washington this week as the United States re-examines its strategy and engagement in West Africa and the Sahel, which have seen eight coups since 2020. Ghana stands out as a bastion of democracy in this region, where nearly 150 million people are today under the rule of armed forces. Violent extremism is also a major challenge facing the region, with affiliates of the Islamic State, among other terrorist groups, taking root. But Ghana stands in stark contrast to these dire trends, playing a critical role in promoting regional peace and economic development.

Donna Charles, USIP's director for West Africa, looks at what the region can learn from Ghana’s democracy and explains why the United States should continue to support its democratic leadership.

 
What makes this visit important?

Once relatively stable and projected to experience exponential economic growth, West Africa and the Sahel now face an increased terrorism threat and a tightening belt of new and entrenched military juntas. Ghana’s leadership role — through the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the U.N. Security Council and the broader international community — underscores the country’s ideal position to counter the wave of anti-democratic movements and violent extremism threatening to inundate the region. As Washington looks to re-calibrate its policy in the region, Ghana is a vital partner.

President Akufo-Addo’s visit to Washington, where he will speak at the U.S. Institute of Peace, also opens the door for the United States and like-minded partners to elevate a partnership with a country that has burnished its brand as a strong democracy surrounded by political instability. The key question is whether the value proposition of democracy, particularly as a governance model shaped and exported by Western powers, will resonate with Africans or if the prevailing winds will continue to shift more governments toward autocracy.

 
What lessons does Ghana’s history and evolution as a democracy provide to other regional partners?

The Republic of Ghana, the first sub-Saharan African country to gain independence from colonial powers in 1957, is one of the most stable democracies on the continent and boasts almost three decades of peaceful transitions of power. Ghana is not unique in the challenges it faces: rising public debt and inflationary woes, questions about its human rights records amid anti-LGBTQI legislation, and growing concerns over violent extremist attacks along the border with Burkina Faso. These challenges present real concerns for Ghana. But the country’s recent history tells a compelling story about how a country emerges from a one-party state to become a multi-party bastion of stability.

Ghana’s first coup in 1966 emerged because of uncontrolled foreign debt and economic instability. It also faced a fever of coups that did not break until almost 30 years later under Jerry Rawlings, a controversial military officer who led a violent, but failed coup against a previous military junta in 1979, and another successful coup in 1981. Under Rawlings, Ghana weathered severe austerity measures, widespread economic reforms and civil unrest that raised serious concerns about human rights abuses against government opposition. The instability of a junta-led Ghana and an economic crisis in 1983 forced Ghanaian authorities to organize multi-party elections, ushering in a new era of multi-party politics.

In the long run, Ghana’s strong economic recovery, which started to take shape in 1984 with the help of International Monetary Fund and World Bank structural adjustment programs, helped stabilize the country. Meanwhile, its troop contributions to regional peacekeeping operations in West Africa and the Middle East helped boost its image on the world stage. More importantly, Rawlings and his successors signaled their trust in and support for the people of Ghana, respecting term limits and transferring power peacefully and democratically.

So, what can other countries learn from this experience? After decades of instability and coups, Ghana’s leaders came to the conclusion that democracy, coupled with key economic reforms, is the best path to stability. Over time, Ghanaian leadership then worked to institutionalize the idea and practice of democracy and good governance for the benefit of the people and the economy over the long term.

 
Does Ghana prove that democracy works for Africa?

By adhering to the social contract implicitly signed by its citizens when they head to the polls every election cycle, Ghana’s elites reassure the people and the international community that they believe in the idea of the country as a democracy more than they believe in themselves. Ghana’s leaders have consistently eschewed the autocratic idea that the country’s destiny is in the hands of one person and demonstrate that they will continue to cultivate the next generation of leaders.

The recent spate of coups in Africa has raised questions about whether democracy works as a “one-size fits-all” model of governance on the continent, as some would argue the West often promotes. According to an Afrobarometer survey, only 38 percent of respondents from 36 African states are satisfied with how democracy works in their country. While related surveys indicate that most Africans prefer democracy over other systems of governance and embrace multiparty systems and other democratic norms, worrying trends in West Africa, the Sahel and parts of southern Africa suggest growing acceptance of military rule amid of poor governance. These results demonstrate how important it is for aspiring and mature democracies throughout Africa and beyond to demonstrate the value of democracy through basic service delivery, accountability, transparency and inclusion.

This message resonates in West Africa. After violent pro-democracy protests in Senegal in June, President Macky Sall announced he would not seek a third term. Liberians returned to the polls on Tuesday after experiencing a peaceful transition in 2017. And Nigeria, with low voter turnout and reported voter suppression, violence and other irregularities at the polls, allowed its judicial institutions to arbitrate a contested election in February. Along with Ghana’s strong democratic record, these examples underscore that democracy has worked and will continue to work in Africa if citizens are empowered in an inclusive process that is not concentrated in elite centers of power and access.

Why should the United States continue to support Ghana’s democratic leadership in the region?

Amid a belt of military-led autocracies that spans most of the Sahel region, longstanding U.S. partners like Ghana are increasingly important to Washington. Enhancing this partnership through vocal support for Ghana’s regional leadership role, increased security cooperation and enhancing diplomatic engagement will signal Ghana’s strategic significance to the United States. It could also buttress against the likes of Russia and China, both of whom continue to position for increased influence throughout the continent. If the case for democracy cannot be made in Africa — meaning citizens do not believe that democracies can deliver materially for all people — then the United States, its African partners and other like-minded allies will face serious challenges to securing peace and prosperity.

Democracy is a prerequisite for engendering public trust and robust civic engagement — and it plays a vital role in allowing economic growth and sustainable development to take root. As of August 2020, Accra, Ghana’s capital, is home to the secretariat of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), the largest trading bloc by number of countries in the world that provides a critical opportunity to lift millions of Africans out of poverty. For AfCFTA to be successful, African countries like Ghana must lead the way in helping harmonize trade rules and regulations, establishing trade-dispute mechanisms and reducing the barriers to trade with other regions of the world. According to the Center for Economic Policy Research, trade in goods and services with democratic countries increases a population’s support for democracy and democratic institutions. Economic analysis of free trade agreements also suggests that free trade helps democracies flourish and thrive.

Washington’s partnership with Ghana means that the United States has a chance to further demonstrate how like-minded partners support and learn from each other in the unifying effort to improve our democracies; the United States must learn from Ghana’s past and present as it learns from ours. Ghana and the United States are linked through strong trade relations, a well-educated and vibrant diaspora and a deep and abiding belief that democracy is the surest path to peace and prosperity.

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Death And Mourning In Ghana: How Gender Shapes The Rituals Of The Akan People

THE CONVERSATION

Funerals are a major part of Akan culture. Wikimedia Commons

STEPHEN BAFFOUR ADJEI AND MENSAH ADINKRAH

Gender has a significant impact on the socio-economic, political and religious experiences of Ghanaians. For Akans, the country’s largest ethnic group, descent is traced through the maternal line. Property is transferred in this line too.

Mourning rituals are another area of life that’s shaped by gender in Ghana – as in many other cultures of the world.

In a recent paper, we explored the way Akan mourning rituals reflect the culture’s ideas about gender and reproduce social patterns.

Bereavement is gendered in Akan society: there are strict behavioural prescriptions for males and females. We argue that enacting and reproducing masculinity and femininity in these rituals may have negative health and psychological consequences for both men and women.

Our study is useful for therapists and counsellors to understand the impact of gender and culture when working with people who are dealing with grief and loss. Gender shapes how people make meaning of – and cope with – grief and loss in a specific social milieu.

Mourning, masculinity and femininity

The responsibilities of the principal cultural players of Akan death and mourning rituals are assigned according to gender. Males are the major players in organising and supervising the rites.

A key player is the lineage head (Abusuapanin), who is invariably male.

In Akan culture, the lineage head must be informed of all deaths occurring in the lineage. He must, in turn, inform the chief and other authorities of the polity (village or town) of all deaths in his lineage when they occur.

The second major player is the chief mourner, who is also usually a male. According to the customs and traditions of the Akan (and the law courts), the body of a deceased person belongs to the extended family into which one is born. The extended family decides at a meeting who the chief mourner should be.

The choice of chief mourner is very important because he makes decisions such as who will succeed the deceased and how to mourn fittingly. He oversees the proper organisation and execution of all rites pertaining to the death, particularly ensuring that the deceased has a funeral that befits his or her status attained in life and is compatible with the social standing of the family in the community.

Women’s roles in Akan mourning rites, though extensive, are secondary to those of men. Women have the responsibility to bathe and prepare the dead body to be laid in state for mourners to file past it. These women are usually members of the deceased’s family and are well versed in handling dead bodies.

Women also fulfil the role of professional mourners or wailers. Some Akan lineages engage the services of these wailers to add solemnity to the mortuary rites. At ordinary Akan funerals where they are absent, it is the women who lament and wail during critical stages of the process. Men are culturally discouraged from loud wailing and weeping. The expression ɔbarima nsu, which means “a man does/must not cry”, calls on Akan men to refrain from such behaviour to avoid labels of effeminacy.

This norm in the mourning process is consistent with a cultural practice that generally demands that Akan men must not publicly display their emotions, even in the face of adversity, pain and suffering.

In contrast, a woman who does not weep or lament at the death of a close relative is suspected of being a malevolent witch responsible for the deceased’s death. Thus, the Akan mourning rituals can be culturally and psychologically coercive and oppressive for women.

Cash donations have become an important part of Ghanaian funerals. Both men and women make donations. But the archetype is that men will donate large sums of money to the bereaved family while women announce the donations and heap appellations on the male donors. For example, the compliments that women lavish on men to acknowledge their cash or kind donations may include mo ɔpeafo (well done), mompene no na ɔyɛ ɔbarima amu (let all praise him for he is a real man indeed) and other special names such as ɔdenoho (the affluent or independent one).

The male donor, female announcer gender hierarchy at funerals is another instance of gender role (re)enactment and performance. When men demonstrate economic prowess at funerals and women remain on the fringes as announcers, they are both performing and reinforcing a culturally given gender hierarchy.

The burden of mourning for males and females

We concluded from our findings that Akan death and mourning rituals can be culturally and psychologically oppressive against men and women. In the case of women, this is due to the unfair power hierarchy and the patriarchal nature of Ghanaian society.

In the case of men, the cultural expectation that they be emotionally restrained in mourning may have health and psychological consequences. These could include depression, stress and suicide. The masculine requirement for men to resist crying during bereavement leaves men to suffer alone in silence when they experience emotional pain.

Anthony Mpiani, a teaching and research assistant at the Department of Sociology at the University of Alberta in Edmonton, Canada, co-authored this article.

Ghana's Parliament Votes To Outlaw The Death Penalty

ACCRA (AFP) -- Ghana's parliament has voted to outlaw the death penalty for almost all crimes, becoming the latest African country to repeal capital punishment, lawmakers said on Wednesday.

The West African country last carried out an execution in 1993, with death sentences handed out for murder and treason.

Lawmakers voted late Tuesday to remove the death penalty from the country's statute books.

"The death sentence is too final and as a country that respects human rights, we can’t continue to have it as part of our laws," Francis-Xavier Sosu, an opposition MP who proposed the reform, told AFP.

"It’s a proud moment and I am looking forward to the presidential assent."

The prison service said 172 prisoners are currently on death row and will have their terms converted to life imprisonment.

Rights group Amnesty International called the vote a major step to abolishing the death penalty by taking it out from a 1960 criminal offence act and also from a 1962 armed forces act.

"Although a landmark decision, the total abolition of this draconian punishment would not be complete without revising the constitution, which still provides for high treason to be punishable by death," it said.

Amnesty said 23 out of 55 African countries have abolished the death penalty for all crimes.

"The shift from the death penalty to life imprisonment represents a crucial step towards embracing international human rights positions," said Alexander Afenyo-Markin, deputy majority leader.

"This clearly shows that we respect human rights."

Harris In Africa Looks To Painful Past, Innovative Future

U.S. Vice President Kamala Harris addresses youth gathered on Black Star square in Accra, Ghana, Tuesday March 28, 2023. Harris is on a seven-day African visit that will also take her to Tanzania and Zambia. (AP Photo/Misper Apawu, Pool)

BY CHRIS MEGERIAN

ACCRA, GHANA (AP) — Vice President Kamala Harris on Tuesday stood before a monument commemorating Ghana’s independence from colonialism and envisioned a grand future between the U.S. and Africa, propelled by innovation on the continent. But she’s also insisting on exploring past wounds, heading to a seaside fort where enslaved Africans were loaded onto ships bound for the Americas.

“We have an intertwined history, some of which is painful and some of which is prideful,” she told a crowd of gathered at the Black Stone Gate, the monument bearing the words: “Freedom and Justice” and 1957, the year the country became independent. “And all of which we must acknowledge, teach and never forget.”

The events on her second full day in Ghana is part of a weeklong trip that will include visits to Tanzania and Zambia. Harris is the most high-profile member of President Joe Biden’s administration to visit Africa as the U.S. escalates its outreach to the continent.

As the nation’s first Black and South Asian vice president, Harris is a powerful symbol in Gha na, and thousands waited hours at the Independence Square for a chance to see her. After the speech, Harris was to tour the Cape Coast Castle and speak there, too.

“Because of this history, this continent of course has a special significance for me personally, as the first Black vice president of the United States,” she said to huge cheers from the crowd. “And this is a history, like many of us, that I learned as a young child.”

Tracy Sika Brobbey said “it’s a special moment” to see the first woman vice president. Margaret Mintah, who waited alongside her, said Harris “gives us some kind of hope, that we can believe that anything is possible.”

“It’s like a blessing,” she added.

Harris pledged a new era of partnership with Africa, envisioning “a future that is propelled by African innovation.”

Much of her remarks focused on innovation and entrepreneurship, part of her effort to spotlight Africa as a place for American private-sector investment. It’s something that Ghanaian President Nana Akufo-Addo said he hopes to see after years of being overlooked.

“We must invest in the African ingenuity and creativity, which will unlock incredible economic growth and opportunities,” Harris said, highlighting the continent’s innovations to deliver emergency healthcare supplies and provide vaccines, and in farming and mineral processing.

The U.S. must be guided “not by what we can do for our African partners, but we can do with our African partners.”

But Harris also homed in on areas for work, including promoting democracies across the world, progress in the digital economy in Africa, and the empowerment of women.

“Women around the world must be able to fully participate in economic, political and social life, and they must be able to participate equally including in leadership roles,” she said. “The empowerment of women is rooted in the concept of freedom, not just freedom from violence or want, but freedom to create one’s own future.”

U.S. outreach is part of the global competition over Africa’s future, with China and Russia each defending their own interests in the continent as well. But Harris has been careful to play down the role of geopolitical rivalries during her travels here.

“Together we can unleash growth and opportunity that far exceeds what either the public or private sector can achieve on its own,” she said.

Harris spoke of the vast capabilities of the continent’s youth, calling them “dreamers and innovators;” Africa’s population has a median age of 19. “It is your spark, your creativity and your determination that will drive the future.”

“Imagine a future where every person is connected to the digital economy, where every young person trusts that their voices are heard, a future that is propelled by African innovation,” she said.

On Monday evening, Harris and her husband, Doug Emhoff, attended a banquet dinner hosted by Akufo-Addo. In addition to officials from both countries, American celebrities, businesspeople and civil rights leaders also attended. Guests included actors Idris Elba and Rosario Dawson and director Spike Lee.