The Igbo Paradox: Why A Tribe That Builds Is Feared, Fought And Yet Flourishes

BY EZEWELE CYRIL ABIONANOJIE

In the heart of Nigeria’s story lies a paradox, a people despised yet indispensable, envied yet imitated, persecuted yet prosperous. The Igbo people of Southeastern Nigeria have, through sheer grit and communal wisdom, risen to dominate the nation’s business landscape. From markets in Lagos to factories in Aba, from motor parts in Nnewi to real estate in Abuja, the Igbo man’s fingerprints are all over Nigeria’s economic pulse. Yet, instead of admiration, what often meets them is resistance, not from the government alone, but from other major tribes who seem uneasy with their relentless success.

From the civil war that sought to erase their existence, to the systemic marginalization that followed, the Igbo have lived under a shadow of suspicion, as if their ambition were a crime and their prosperity a provocation. The Nigerian political structure has long been tilted against them – denied key positions, underrepresented in power, and occasionally scapegoated for national woes. Yet, despite the odds, they rise always.

In Nigeria and in some other African countries, many fear the self-reliant Igbo people who do not wait for permission to succeed. The Igbo man’s success story is not built on government contracts, nepotism, or state favoritism. It is built on the strength of the Igbo Apprenticeship System, which is a centuries-old model of economic mentorship rooted in trust, hard work, and brotherhood. In this system, a young boy, often from a humble background, serves under a master known as Oga for several years, learning the ropes of trade, discipline, and relationship management. When his time is up, the master settles him, not with a salary, but with capital, goods, and the connections needed to start his own business.

Unlike in many other tribes where an apprentice must pay his master to learn, and still pay again to earn his freedom, often spending heavily to host a party and pay for certificate before being released. This practice amounts to exploitation, void of the spirit of brotherhood in its entirety.

The Igbo Apprenticeship System is not just economics for it is communal capitalism. It is nation-building at a micro level. Through this system, one man’s success becomes a seed for another’s prosperity. The servant today becomes a boss tomorrow, and the cycle continues, expanding like ripples in water. This model has created millionaires without formal education, industrialists without political godfathers, and a network of entrepreneurs who owe nothing to government policies but solely to the Igbo spirit of enterprise.

It is this independence that unsettles the system. A man who does not depend on you cannot be controlled by you. The Igbo man’s economic power challenges Nigeria’s political order, which thrives on dependency and patronage. Hence, many who cannot match their industriousness seek to malign it. Markets are sometimes burnt, properties demolished, policies skewed, yet, like the proverbial phoenix, the Igbo rebuild from ashes with their undying spirit of the bone shall always rise again.

To understand the Igbo resilience, one must understand the psychology of a people who have lost everything and rebuilt from nothing. After the civil war, when the Nigerian government declared that every Igbo man would get only £20, regardless of their pre-war wealth, they did not riot, rather, they reinvented. They turned humiliation into hustle, and within a decade, they had re-established their dominance in commerce across the nation. That is not luck; that is the champions’ character worthy of emulating.

The tragedy however, is that instead of studying the Igbo model and replicating its brilliance, other tribes and even the state often choose resentment over reflection. Rather than build partnerships, they build prejudice. But resentment has never stopped progress for it only exposes insecurity.

What the rest of Nigeria must realize is that the success of the Igbo is not a threat; it is a template. The Igbo Apprenticeship System is one of the most powerful wealth distribution models in human history. It takes the poor, trains them, empowers them, and makes them employers of labour. It is an African success story born on African soil that other Africans should emulate in order to secure the conqueror’s marching order known as “the forward ever”. If Nigeria truly wants economic transformation, it must learn from the Igbo, not fight them.

The Igbo spirit is not about tribal dominance; it is about collective upliftment. It is about the dignity of labour, the value of mentorship, and the audacity to dream beyond one’s circumstances. The Igbo believe that no man should die serving another forever, and that every servant should one day become a master. That philosophy, simple yet profound, is what has kept them afloat amid storms of discrimination.

My humble request: #FREENNAMDIKANU

Ambassador Ezewele Cyril Abionanojie is the author of the book ‘The Enemy Called Corruption’ an award winner of Best Columnist of the year 2020, Giant in Security Support, Statesmanship Integrity & Productivity Award Among others. He is the President of Peace Ambassador Global.

Igbo Art Exhibition

BY SANTIAGO LEON TORRES

Presently, the walls in the Lewis stairway are blank. They remain the same sterile shade of white they were the last time they were repainted. Despite their current dull state, they were host to paintings belonging to the Igbo (Ihe Ncheta) art exhibition over the summer. These walls were adorned with dynamic and colorful paint strokes on frayed canvases. Each piece was unique in its style, from realism to surrealism, and even abstraction.

On September 17, 2025, a reception was held in the Reflection Room to commemorate the creation, display, and eventual transfer of these pieces of art. This exhibition was brought to fruition through various Dominican University departments, including the Black World Studies program, and featured selected works from contemporary Igbo artists.

The reception was opened by Dr. Nkuzi Nnam, Director of Black World Studies, who quickly introduced Provost Mia Hardy. During her speech, she expressed her gratitude in regard to the impact of this exhibition, “It speaks to the dedication of the Black World Studies Program, and it speaks to the contributions of the [African] continent to this continent.”

In the corner of the room, there was a brightly colored masquerade. It stood tall, and it nearly draped to the ground. The top portion was embellished with dolls and national flags. Despite its beauty and significance in Igbo tradition, Dr. Chad Rhoman, Dean of Rosary College of Arts, Education, and Sciences, says it is a symbol of unity. “It is a moving city of symbols. It’s a political actor, a spirit, a God,” he said. “It is not only the performer who moves. It is the whole community, fast and present in motion.”

The reception closed with the presentation of various paintings to Dr. Glenna Temple, President of Dominican University. The paintings all mimicked one of the paintings from the exhibition and were presented by students majoring in Black World Studies.

Okigbo And The Makerere Conference

Christopher Okigbo

BY JAMES GIBBS

What happened at and after the Makerere Writers Conference held in June 1962? The significance of the Conference of Writers of English Expression held in Makerere College, Kampala, during June 1962, continues to be pondered, and rightly so. As I write, a conference to mark the sixtieth anniversary of that gathering is being organised by the Pan-African Writers Association (PAWA), Nigerian Academy of Letters (NAL) and Association of Nigerian Authors (ANA), and is scheduled for June 23-26. It is to be hoped that questions raised by the original meeting will continue to be considered. There is certainly much about what happened 60 years ago that should be examined closely and, indeed, I note that, myth-making is still in progress. This was illustrated by the use of a photo-shopped picture to illustrate the article about the PAWA Conference by Akintayo Abodunrin carried in the Nigerian Tribune of June 19, 2022.(See ‘Ibadan hosts Pan-African Writers conference, 60 Years After Kampala’.) This is not the first time that this particular photograph has featured in relation to an event marking an anniversary of the 1962 Conference.

In London, during 2017, the same picture was used by the organisers of a London conference marking the 55th anniversary of the Makerere Conference. It is reproduced below, along with a ‘key’, and the full title that includes the words ‘artist impression.’ At the 2017 anniversary meeting, the picture filled the cyclorama behind the speakers who included Wole Soyinka. During an early session, I raised the question of the origin of the photograph, and went on to point out that whatever it showed it did not reveal the organisation that had funded the event. That is to say, it did not hint at the presence ‘behind the scenes’ at Makerere of the Central Intelligence Agency. As has since become common knowledge, the 1962 Makerere conference was financed by the CIA, then operating clandestinely through the Farfield Foundation and the Paris-based Congress for Cultural Freedom. The betrayal of trust involved in this deception has been chronicled in detail by Frances Stoner Saunders in her exposé of ‘The CIA and the Cultural Cold War’ entitled Who Paid the Piper? (1999).

The ‘photo-shopped’ photograph used in London in 2017 that has now resurfaced was a shoddy piece of work on several levels. To ‘pick apart’ the photograph, we must start by saying that it shows the heads of some of the writers present at the conference ‘grafted’ onto to bodies in a fairly formal picture of a group that may be of members of a Makerere College Society. This is monstrous enough and to imagine all is explained or excused by the description ‘Artist impression’ is preposterous. The deception is compounded by the fact that the picture does not show all who were present. A full ‘gallery’ would include, for example, critics, publishers, and editors, at least one of whom was a long-serving agent of the CIA.

The objectionable photograph is, I understand, the work of Dada Khanyisa for a website called ‘Chimurenga Chronic’. It was irresponsible of the London 2017 conference organisers to have used it in 2017 without a clear ‘Warning’, and it is sad to see it being used again, once more, without warning. Incidentally, it may be of interest that when Soyinka was button-holed after the first session of the London conference, and asked what he made of the picture, it was apparent that he had not ‘recognised himself’ in the podgy, suited figure on the extreme left. In part explanation,he pointed out that he had stopped wearing ties and suits long before June 1962!…It is to be hoped that the 60th Anniversary gathering will get off to a better start than the 2017 event, and that there will be a determination to get to the bottom of what really happened at Makerere in 1962. Despite the presence of Soyinka – and it should be said of Cameron Duodu -at the 55th anniversary in London, the gathering did not by any means sort out all the issues raised by the 1962 conference. Many loose ends remain. Serious research into archives are among the steps required to discover who expected what from the gathering.

Over the years, details about individual experiences at Makerere 1962 have emerged but the conference is still surrounded by uncertainty. Perhaps fifty-five years was too strange an anniversary to celebrate. It smacked of organisers who had failed to mark the fiftieth anniversary sufficiently and feared that none of the original participants would be alive at the time the sixtieth celebration – that has now ‘come along’.Perhaps the 60th Anniversary Conference will fare better?

Christopher Okigbo and Makerere 1962

To shed light on the 1962 Conference and to gesture towards areas where work is still required, I am going to bring together some reports and thoughts about the experience of the poet Christopher Okigibo at Kampala. I am doing so in the hope that it will provide an insight into what was going on below the surface and behind the scenes. Okigbo presents himself as a suitable subject for this exercise because he has been the subject of a scrupulous biography, Thirsting for Sunlight by Obi Nwakanma (2010), and because a significant ‘industry’ has gown up around him his life and works. For example, during 2007, he and his works were considered at a four-day conference held in Boston. Okigbo was easy to find at the Makerere Conference: he put himself forward, contributed to discussions, delighted in shocking the more staid of his fellow delegates, and generally ‘made his mark’. He did this by, for example, declaring that he did ‘not read his poetry to non-poets’ and he also took a leading role in ensuring that the social side of the conference was ‘memorable’. First some background to his presence at the Conference:

Okigbo graduated in Classics from University College, Ibadan, and embarked on a career in the Civil Service. However, that did ‘not work out’ and he moved into teaching. In the meantime, he had begun to write poetry and had had some success, notably with verses published in the Ibadan-based Black Orpheus. That publication had been founded by Ulli Beier, and had been put on a fairly solid financial basis thanks to grants from the ‘Farfield Foundation’ – that Saunders and others have exposed as a CIA front. Okigbo’s writing has long intrigued and pleased. By 1962, he had already attracted the interest of Donatus Nwoga, who was a member of the Nigerian delegation at Makerere and who must be briefly introduced here. By the time he set off for Makerere, Nwoga had completed a Dublin PhD and secured a lectureship at the University of Nigeria. He was, in fact, one of the first Nigerian literary critics to establish a reputation and it was inevitable that he would engage with Okigbo’s work. The two men had much in common: they were near contemporaries, and both had been brought up in Igbo families that had been exposed to Catholic missionary influences.

The Makerere Conference has become known as a ‘Writers Conference’, but this has tended to obscure the presence of critics, such as Nwoga. The same, misleading ‘short-hand’ has tended to obscure the presence at the Conference of others who were not writers. The ‘delegates’ included, for example, broadcasters, editors, and publishers, and people who were ‘more than publishers’ – see below. Okigbo clearly made an impact on the deliberations of the Conference. He did this, first of all, by his contribution to a discussion at the heart of the conference: the answer to the question: What is African writing? To this Okigbo responded abruptly, ‘finally’, and, as many must have felt, frivolously, by saying: ‘There is no such thing as African writing. There is only good or bad writing.’ (Nwakanma: 182.) Of Okigbo’s other contributions, Nwakanma records that in the session on Language and African Literature the poet threw ‘many of the writers into guffaws when he wondered aloud about the kind of Pidgin English Nigerian prostitutes spoke in Lagos.’ This topic – The Language Issue – has, of course, been of consuming interest to many, including one of the younger writers at the conference, ‘James T Ngugi’. One can’t imagine Ngugi wa Thiong’o – as he was later known guffawing at Okigbo’s irreverent answer.

At one of the reading sessions, Okigbo, declared, as noted above: ‘I don’t read my poems to non-poets!’ Nwakanma describes this as an ‘impish’ moment, however delegates at Makerere might have categorised it in other terms, as, for example, aloof, pompous or elitist.

‘A cool place for a conference’

Whatever others made of him, Okigbo described Kampala in positive terms. He thought it was ‘a cool place for a conference’, and, ever alert to recreational opportunities, he said it offered ‘more than adequate outlets at Top Life and White Nile’. (Night clubs visited by delegates.) However, he went on to describe Makerere / Kampala as ‘a literary desert’ and he expressed the hope that the Conference would do ‘what irrigation does to the Sudan.’ (It being understood that the image was of a ‘literary desert’ in need of water.)

Nwakanma gives further insights into Okigbo at Makerere by writing: ‘During the conference Okigbo was always to be found in the company of the Ugandan playwright and journalist Robert Serumaga and he struck up an easy friendship with the South African writers and exiles, Bloke Modisane and Lewis Nkosi.’ (181)While in Uganda, Okigbo also got to know Langston Hughes and Otis Redding. Nwakanma offers that the latter’ shared many views, especially on the meaning of international blackness and against racial essentialism in cultural production.’ The lastsentence of the paragraph on these interactions reads: ‘Okigbo and Robie Macauley, Editor of the Kenyon Review, discussed the possibility of publishing Limits and the early version of “Laments to the Silent Sisters.” But nothing came of it.’ (181)

In sifting these pieces of information, it is interesting to note that Serumaga’s name is omitted from some lists of those present at the conference. The fact that Nwakanma’s book makes it clear that Serumaga was not only present but interacted with Okigbodraws attention to the need for fuller, more authoritative documentation of the conference, and who came and went during it. Perhaps Serumaga’s established contacts with the University and his interests in both journalism and playwriting made him ‘persona grata’. He certainly sems to have moved in and out of the conference easily, and to have mingled with the visitors.

I want to draw this article to a close with the image created by Nwakanma’s reference to Okigbo in conversation with that other delegate who is glossed as the editor of the Kenyon Review, Robie Macauley. Macauley was indeed an influential editor, but he was also a long-serving CIA agent.

Macauley’s commitment to espionage is alluded to in on-line sources and in exposés of the CIA. From these it is possible to get a sense of how Macauley might have attempted to manipulate the ’soft power’ the CIA leveraged through its links to publications, its budget of $900,000,000, and the support it received from disenchanted Communists. Macauley was an experienced operator, how did he engage with the impish, witty, Okigbo? Did he, for example, dangle the prospect of publication in the Kenyon Review before the poet? If so, it can be seen that Okigbo did not swallow the bait – since ‘Limits’ first appeared in Presence Africaine (1966).

More research must be undertaken into what happened at Makerere in 1962. In the meantime, we must insist that coverage of the 60thanniversary conference risesabove photo-shopped images that have been concocted, confected, contrived, compounded, and cooked up. As a first step in searching for the truth about what happened in Uganda sixty years ago, it must be recognised that Dada Khanyisa’s ‘artist’s impression’ cannot be taken at face-value.

Gibbs writes in from Bristol, United Kingdom.

ARTICLE WAS PUBLISHED AT IGBO JOURNAL REVIEW 

NIGERIA: Government And Southeast Insecurity

THIS DAY EDITORIAL

A government that cannot protect its people has failed, argues Marcel Mbamalu

The southeast region of Nigeria has been plagued by persistent insecurity, exacerbated by the Indigenous People of Biafra’s (IPOB) “sit-at-home” orders, which have crippled economic activity and normal life. The federal government’s seeming inability or unwillingness to address this issue has sparked accusations of defeat, complicity, or both. As the government abdicates its security responsibility, citizens are left to suffer, and the economy is suffocating. The pattern of blame-shifting and inaction only fuels suspicions of powerful sponsors behind the protracted instability.

The abdication of security responsibility is evident. During the first two years of the “sit-at-home”, security agencies that should reassure the public instead vanish from towns and highways across the southeast. It is still partially so in some states. Markets, banks, schools transport services— vital symbols of civil life — are shuttered in fear, while citizens, left to fend for themselves, opt to remain indoors. It is not simply the threat of violence that keeps them at home; it is the visible withdrawal of the state.

Today, the theory of culpability is gaining ground. When citizens have no banks to transact with, no schools to send their children to, and no markets to trade in — even when they would prefer to ignore sit-at-home orders — the economy suffocates and normal life collapses. How does one defy sit-at-home when the government itself has abandoned the streets?

Allowing sit-at-home to persist for nearly four years is tantamount to conceding control to non-state actors. Worse, it mirrors the FG’s disturbing tendency to blame victims of insecurity rather than confront its own failures — much like it did during the massacres in the Middle Belt, where farmers were blamed for not cooperating with security forces.

The hypocrisy extends beyond the southeast. Recently, in Edo State, former Governor Godwin Obaseki swiftly threatened reprisal actions against citizens who took up arms to defend themselves against criminal herders — even though these same communities were previously left defenseless. Similarly, in Benue State, Governor Hyacinth Alia criticized villagers who repelled armed attacks rather than openly support their self-defense efforts. The pattern is clear: authorities prefer an inactive, passive citizenry, even if it means allowing insecurity to reign.

The silence of southeast governors is equally damning. They are quick to issue statements when citizens defend themselves, but when their people are slaughtered or terrorized by gunmen, they often retreat into cowardly silence. This double standard cannot be accidental.

Indeed, in Nigeria, it is often said that “any insecurity that lasts more than one month has powerful sponsors.” The protracted instability in the southeast strengthens this suspicion. Perhaps only the “eyes” of the federal government truly see the hidden reasons why a movement — unsupported by the constitution — must be allowed to cripple a vital region week after week.

Kanu’s continued detention also smacks of FG Complicity. In December 2023, the Supreme Court nullified an order of an Appeal Court in Abuja to release Nnamdi Kanu due to an illegal extradition from Kenya, which also violated his fundamental human rights. Kanu’s continued detention thus continues to surprise many, especially in the face of clear cases of negotiating with and pacifying terror groups. Hardly is there a freedom fighter in the mould of Nnamdi Kanu who has been in detention as long as Kanu.

This is another angle that makes many Nigerians accuse the federal government of complicity in the sit-at-home imbroglio. To some extent, it is also seen as a surprise that the federal government has yet to deploy the same force it used against IPOB in the case of the insecurity bedeviling the whole country. At some points, it is even anger against the FG that also drives compliance to the sit-at-home. This is evidenced in some cases where two state governors once ordered the opening of markets in Enugu and Anambra, yet people refused to go to shop, choosing even to dare the police than open their shops.

The Southeast deserves better. Nigeria deserves better.

A government that cannot protect its people, but rather enables lawlessness through inaction and selective enforcement, undermines its own legitimacy. Every day that sit-at-home endures is another day the Nigerian state bleeds its credibility before the world.

If the federal government does not act swiftly and decisively, history will remember this era not simply as a time of insecurity, but as a time when the guardians of the state became silent accomplices in the slow, painful erosion of a nation’s unity.

Dr Mbamalu, a Jefferson Journalism Fellow, member of the Nigerian Guild of Editors, and Media Consultant, is the publisher of Prime Business Africa (PBA)

Book Review: Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie’s Latest Novel Marks A Vibrant Return

BY HELEN WIEFFERING

Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie’s “Dream Count” feels like a homecoming. The Nigerian author’s first work of longform fiction in over a decade reminds us of the sharp wisdom and sturdy empathy that have made her one of the most celebrated voices in fiction.

At its face, “Dream Count” is about the emotional lives of four women living between Nigeria and Washington, D.C., each grappling with a search for purpose, stability and love. Deep into its pages, the book turns to darker questions of justice and exploitation when one character’s life is irrevocably changed.

The novel begins with the perspective of Chiamaka, or Chia, a Nigerian-born woman who has spent her adulthood and career in America. Living alone amid lockdown in the pandemic, she begins to reflect on a cast of former romances — each one part of her “dream count,” a loose tally she keeps of her efforts to find a complete, all-knowing love. Her voice and memories connect the many threads of “Dream Count” that follow.

In turns, the book shifts its focus to three other women and their dreams. There is Chia’s friend Zikora, an ambitious lawyer who is desperate to be a mother, and Chia’s brazen cousin Omelogor, a banker in Nigeria who has a crisis of confidence upon coming to America.

The novel starts to crackle with urgency and outrage when we meet Kadiatou, Chia’s cook and housekeeper who also works as a maid in an upscale hotel. Far from the Guinean village of her youth, Kadiatou has finally found steady work and contentment in America when she is suddenly, horrifically assaulted by one of the hotel’s prominent guests.

Adichie renders the moment of her assault in quick, shuddering details. Though Kadiatou is surprised to find her bosses believe her account, she soon learns that the rest of the world wants a say, as well. Reporters and photographers stake out her apartment within hours of the assault. Her body and life history are dissected as evidence in the lead-up to an international trial.

Kadiatou’s tale isn’t born completely of imagination. Nearly 15 years ago, a New York hotel housekeeper named Nafissatou Diallo came forward to accuse the then-leader of the International Monetary Fund of sexually assaulting her when she arrived to clean his room. Adichie explains in the novel’s endnote how she was hooked and gutted by Diallo’s testimony. “Dream Count” is Adichie’s way, she writes, of dignifying her story. “Imaginative retellings matter,” she says. “Literature keeps the faith and tells the story as reminder, as witness, as testament.”

The novel’s undercurrent of politics hums louder in the aftermath of those scenes. This is, after all, a book by the same author of “We Should All Be Feminists.” We see Chia’s dream career as a travel writer hampered by American editors who would rather publish outdated stereotypes of Africans. The saucy, sharp Omelogor is willing to play in the corrupt games of powerful men to build her wealth, but feels ridiculed and dismissed in America for that same spirit.

One could question what purpose it serves for the novel to include Kadiatou’s wrenching survival story alongside the tales of well-to-do women. Though Chia and her friends root for and support Kadiatou, they’re ultimately embroiled in their own growing pains. At points, the novel’s sense of time speeds up too quickly or fails to fully develop a thread. (The character Zikora, especially, fades away from later parts of the book.)

But none of these weak points ever risks dampening the novel’s vibrant energy. “Dream Count” succeeds because every page is suffused with empathy, and because Adichie’s voice is as forthright and clarifying as ever. Reading about each woman, we begin to forget that we’re separate from these characters or that their lives belong to fiction.

AP book reviews: https://apnews.com/hub/book-reviews

Nigerian TikTok Star Charity Ekezie Uses Hilarious Skits To Dispel Ignorance About Africa

Charity Ekezie (Youtube)

BY ROWLAND CHUKWUEMEKA AMAEFULA

LECTURER, DEPARTMENT THEATRE ARTS,

ALEX EKWUEME FEDERAL UNIVERSITY

NDUFU-ALIKE, EBONYI STATE, NIGERIA

Young African voices are gaining popularity on social media the world over, using these platforms for comedy and political debate – and often for political debate that’s also funny.

One of the new generation of TikTok celebrities in Africa is Charity Ekezie, a Nigerian humourist and journalist. She’s gained 3.3 million followers on TikTok (and 570,000 on Instagram). Her skits poke fun at the world’s perceptions of the continent as backward and barbaric.

Rowland Chukwuemeka Amaefula is a theatre and performance scholar who has analysed Ekezie’s TikToks, her sarcastic brand of humour and how she uses social media as a space for politically relevant performance. We asked him about his study.

Who is Charity Ekezie?

Charity Chiamaka Ekezie is a journalist, influencer and content creator. She studied mass communication in Nigeria before working at a radio station for three years.

Like many Nigerians who took to social media to escape boredom during the COVID-19 lockdown, Ekezie began making creative videos and sharing them. Before TikTok became popular in the country, she had been creating informative content on Facebook and YouTube (where she has almost 1 million subscribers) for years.

She gained fame when she participated in a TikTok trend showcasing the cultural outfits of different African countries. The video went viral. This wasn’t just because of the beautiful cultural dress she displayed but also because of unprovoked attacks from non-Africans who deride her African origin. They posed questions that suggested that Africa is a continent (though some thought it was a country) lacking in resources, technology and modern comforts.

She responded by producing acts that answered these ignorant questions, using humour to mock them. The more questions she was asked, the more videos she produced. Her acts enlighten non-Africans who disrespect and stereotype Africans even when they have not travelled to or read up on life in the continent.

What are her TikTok skits about?

She enacts funny responses to actual questions asked by non-Africans on her social media feeds.

Although she seemingly accepts these stereotypes in her performances, her actions unseat them and cast light on negative perspectives. Asked if there is candy in Africa, for example, she answers that there is, in fact, no candy in Africa – Africans kiss bees and suck their honey out when they want something sweet to eat. She does so standing in front of a table full of candy and eating some.

She gives hilarious explanations of how Africans can smell good without perfume, co-habit with wild animals, drink saliva in place of water, or travel long distances by foot. She explains that clean water, cars, aeroplanes or tarred roads don’t exist on the continent – while appearing alongside these things.

A common question she’s asked is about whether it’s safe to visit Africa. In one TikTok she admits that Africa is not safe. In fact, she says, glancing around nervously, a lion is roaming in her vicinity as she speaks. She advises that if the person were to visit Africa, they must be sure to ask for some vanishing lotion at the “border of Africa” so that wild animals won’t see them.

So, Ekezie uses sarcasm as a major instrument for refuting negative stereotypes. Sarcasm is the use of remarks that clearly mean the opposite of what they say. It can be a biting form of humour.

Her responses seem to confirm the wild imagination of the questioner, but in fact reveal the question to be bizarre – and deserving of a bizarre answer. It is through audience laughter in the form of online comments – especially from her followers of African descent – that naive enquirers realise how meaningless their stereotypes and misconceptions are.

What is your analysis of Ekezie’s social media acts?

My study views Charity Ekezie’s TikTok performances as important contributions to ongoing efforts at decolonisation. That’s to say, they undo the damaging effects of colonial rule and European views imposed on Africa.

Before social media, several notable cultural producers were engaged in addressing similar long-standing attempts to demonise Africa. Among these I include Nigerian writer Chinua Achebe, Botswana academic Peter Mwikisa, British dramatist Robin Brooks and Nigerian writer Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie.

What is spectacular about Ekezie’s strategy is its hilarious nature. I analyse a selection of her TikTok acts to show that her approach is less combative and more entertaining. She dispels ignorant views in a playful way that places the joke on the questioner. She flips the script.

She highlights the need for people who are genuinely ignorant about the continent to carry out basic research before going public with their views. But her comedy goes further. She uses an accessible medium to refuse misconceptions and re-make perceptions of the lived experiences of Africans. I call it a form of political refusal. She refuses to accept typecast narratives pigeonholing Africans as barbaric.

Why does this matter?

Ekezie’s acts are important because they interrupt conscious efforts at demonising Africa and Africans. When such wanton or ignorant attacks are left unanswered, they harden into mainstream portraits.

These portraits simplify the complexity of life in African countries and diminish human beings to stereotypes. Judging by their responses, many of the non-Africans who engage with Ekezie do not even know that Africa is not a country but the second largest and second most populous continent, composed of 54 heterogeneous countries.

This is given added significance by the fact that she is part of a rise in pan-African content on social media and that many of the leading voices are those of African women. Angella Summer Namubiru from Uganda, for example, produces similar content to Ekezie.

These new TikTok stars produce pointedly political perspectives that push back against widespread negative portrayals and projections about Africa – and affirm the creativity, joy and complexity of African life.

READ ORIGINAL STORY HERE

Global Culture Crossroads: Okonkwo Vs Idris Elba

BY FEMI AKINTUNDE-JOHNSON

Idris Elba is a name synonymous with global stardom. Whether it is his nuanced performance as Nelson Mandela in ‘Long Walk to Freedom’, or his chilling portrayal of Commandant in ‘Beasts of No Nation’, the actor has proven himself capable of embodying larger-than-life characters. But can he do justice to the towering figure of Okonkwo, the tragic protagonist of Chinua Achebe’s Things Fall Apart? That question has stirred a storm of controversy, reflecting broader concerns about cultural authenticity, representation, and Hollywood’s expanding influence on global narratives.

Achebe’s 1958 novel remains one of the most pivotal works in African literature, dissecting the cataclysmic encounter between the indigenous Igbo people of Nigeria and British colonialism. Okonkwo stands at the heart of this narrative, a man so tethered to his cultural identity that the forces of change render him a tragic relic of a dying era. Bringing such a character to life on the silver screen is no small feat, and casting decisions are vital to preserving the integrity of this narrative. The rumored casting of Elba (52), while exciting to some, has opened a Pandora’s box of cultural and artistic dilemmas.

There are many compelling reasons to support Idris Elba’s portrayal of Okonkwo. First and foremost is his undeniable talent and ability to convey the emotional complexity that Okonkwo demands. Okonkwo’s tragic flaw – his fear of failure and his dogged clinging to outdated ideals – calls for an actor capable of walking the fine line between stoic pride and vulnerable fragility. Elba, with his commanding presence and well-honed versatility, has repeatedly demonstrated the capacity to navigate the moral ambiguity required of such roles.

There is also the practical consideration of marketability. Hollywood’s inclination to cast well-known actors in significant roles is not merely an artistic choice – it’s a financial imperative. Idris Elba, with his international acclaim, could serve as the bridge that connects this deeply Nigerian story with a global audience. In a world where African cinema still struggles to gain mainstream recognition, casting a star like Elba could ensure that Things Fall Apart transcends the ‘foreign film’ niche and garners the widespread attention it deserves.

Yet, this argument is where the cultural fault lines begin to form. As African literature scholars and Achebe enthusiasts argue, Things Fall Apart is not just any narrative that can be globalized for the sake of profit and fame. It is a profound exploration of a specific cultural moment, anchored in the traditions, language, and experiences of the Igbo people. The nuances of the Igbo worldview – expressed in their proverbs, customs, and communal way of life – are integral to the novel’s power. Casting a non-Nigerian, particularly a non-Igbo actor, in the role of Okonkwo risks diluting this cultural specificity, reducing the story to a pan-African narrative that overlooks the deep roots from which it springs.

“There’s a tendency for Hollywood to paint Africa with broad strokes,” noted Nigerian author Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie. “But Africa is not a country. Okonkwo is not just any African man. He is an Igbo man, steeped in a very particular tradition and history.” For many, casting Elba, though African, could symbolize another chapter in the West’s tendency to flatten the rich tapestry of African cultures into a monolithic narrative. Elba’s broad appeal and recognizability might attract audiences, but at what cost to the story’s authenticity?

Hollywood often equates star power with marketability, and Elba’s presence undoubtedly brings a level of global recognition that could draw a wide, diverse audience. This is crucial for a film like Things Fall Apart, which, while celebrated in academic and literary circles, may not naturally appeal to mainstream Western audiences. Elba’s acting chops combined with his international acclaim could help bridge that gap.

Idrissa Akuna Elba, OBE, born to Sierra Leonean and Ghanaian parents, is African but not Nigerian. For some, this fact alone disqualifies him from portraying Okonkwo. While Elba is undeniably talented, there is a belief that only a Nigerian actor, someone steeped in the country’s cultural landscape, can truly inhabit the role.

The decision also raises the broader issue of representation in global cinema. If Elba is cast, it may reinforce the troubling precedent of relying on foreign actors to tell indigenous stories. This practice can overshadow local talent and deprive Nigerian actors of opportunities to portray characters that are their cultural birthright. Nigeria’s film industry, Nollywood, is the second largest in the world, and there is no shortage of homegrown talent capable of delivering an authentic portrayal of Okonkwo. To cast outside this wealth of talent might be seen as Hollywood’s endorsement of the notion that African actors lack the capacity to carry a major production – an idea that perpetuates the very colonialist thinking that Things Fall Apart critiques.

Financially, the project is rumored to be a massive undertaking. Several reports suggest that Hollywood studios are in discussions with Nollywood producers, potentially involving African production houses to ensure a sense of cultural ownership. This consortium would pool resources, aiming for a budget exceeding $50 million (over ₦80 billion in today’s exchange rate), with plans to shoot on locations in Nigeria and utilize both local and international crews. The involvement of African producers could mitigate concerns about cultural erasure, ensuring that the film’s portrayal of Igbo society remains respectful and accurate. But, as always with such partnerships, there’s a fine line between collaboration and co-optation. If the project is too heavily influenced by Western investors, the danger of diluting the narrative for mass appeal looms large.

The stakes are high. Things Fall Apart is more than just a story – it is a cultural touchstone, a lens through which the complexities of colonialism and cultural identity have been analyzed for decades. A misstep in its adaptation could have lasting implications for how African stories are told on the global stage. We have seen examples of literary works from other cultures being adapted for international audiences, sometimes with mixed results. ‘The Kite Runner’, based on the novel by Khaled Hosseini, was one such example that, despite its success, faced criticism for its oversimplified portrayal of Afghan culture. More recently, Disney’s live-action adaptation of ‘Mulan’ received backlash for flattening Chinese history into a palatable fantasy for Western viewers, despite its attempts to honor the original.

However, there have also been instances where adaptation has been handled with care. Ang Lee’s ‘Crouching Tiger, Hidden Dragon’, for example, succeeded in telling a distinctly Chinese story while captivating a global audience. It maintained the depth and dignity of its cultural context while still appealing to viewers unfamiliar with the traditions it depicted. The key to its success was respect for the material – an understanding that a global audience need not come at the cost of cultural authenticity.

The question that hangs over Things Fall Apart is whether such a balance can be achieved. Can Idris Elba, with all his talent and charisma, embody Okonkwo without overshadowing the Igbo essence that defines him? Can Hollywood adapt a distinctly African narrative without stripping it of its soul?

As Achebe’s Uchendu says, “The world has no end, and what is good among one people is an abomination with others.” This sentiment resonates as filmmakers face the task of translating Achebe’s world to the screen. The contemporary world is watching, waiting to see whether this adaptation will honor the cultural heritage that Achebe so brilliantly captured, or whether it will fall victim to the very forces of commodification and cultural flattening that Things Fall Apart warns against.

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Soludo Talks Tough On Sunday Bloodletting In Anambra As Igbo Youths Open Pandora's Box On Gowon, Obasanjo

Cult war claims lives in Nibo, Anambra State. (247 Third Eye)

BY AKANIMO SAMPSON

NIBO, ANAMBRA (THE SOUTHERN EXAMINER) - Governor Chukwuma Charles Soludo of Anambra State has vowed to smoke out the non-state actors perpetrating the orgy of violence in that axis of Eastern Nigeria. That is coming as aggrieved Igbo youths are accusing the 90 year-old former Head of State, General Yakubu Gowon, of war crimes.
Soludo's resolve is coming on the heels of the Sunday bloodletting that ended the lives of tens of citizens in the state capital.

The horror of the Sunday incident that took place at Nibo, a community in Awka South Local Government Area, near the Government House, Awka, is suspected to be the handiwork of rival cult groups.

After paying a visit to Nibo on Monday, where he condoled with the families and the community over the unfortunate loss of lives in the suspected cult rivalry killings on Sunday, the governor said no stone will be left unturned in unmasking the callous killers of innocent citizens in the state.

Speaking at Eke market during his routine monitoring of activities across the state on Monday, Governor Soludo vowed to smoke out the perpetrators of the dastardly act and go drastically against cultism in the state.

While asking the people to go about their lawful duties, he stressed that no matter where the perpetrators are hiding, they will be brought out for sanctioning, and accordingly assured the people of their safety and general wellbeing.

In the meantime, the Youth Council of Ohanaeze Ndịgbo, is taking on Gowon for his alleged role in the ethnic cleansing of Ndịgbo during the Nigerian civil war.

President of the Ohanaeze Youths, Igboayaka O Igboayaka, in a bombshell statement brands Gowon as “a ruthless leader akin to Uganda’s infamous Gen. Idi Amin, claiming that the former Nigerian leader was involved in the Igbo genocide of 1966-1970.

According to the Igbo youths, “the contemporary generation of Igbo descent recognizes the events of 1967-1970 not as a civil war, but rather as a systematic genocide orchestrated by the British government in conjunction with Northern and Western political blocs, specifically targeting Ndigbo.

“The Nigerian-Biafran conflict contravened international humanitarian law and principles of warfare; notably, the Nigerian government under Gowon, aided by the British government, disregarded fundamental principles by targeting innocent civilians, including non-military spaces such as churches, schools, and markets.”

“We will not soon forget the devastating bombing of Owerinta market, which resulted in the loss of over 100 civilian lives and numerous injuries. Additionally, Uzuakoli market and Ozuabam market in Arochukwu, Abia State, suffered similar bombings, perpetrated by Russian Air-bombers hired by Gowon, leaving civilians with severe head injuries and exposing them to scavenging vultures.

“Furthermore, Okigwe National High School was bombed, claiming the lives of innocent students and leaving many more injured, with lingering remnants of the tragedy still evident today”, they said.

They are alleging that the 1967 Osowa, Ogbe, Asaba massacre, was carefully committed by 2nd Division of the Nigerian Army led then by the late Head of State, Gen. Murtala Mohammed. The Igbo youths said it raised historical questions about Gowon’s alleged tyrannical military rule, indicating that Ibrahim Haruna and Ibrahim Taiwo were responsible for the deaths of over 700 Igbo individuals, primarily males, who were deceived into attending a gathering.

“This incident remains a source of trauma for Igbo youths, and General Gowon’s deliberate involvement and subsequent denials in many media platforms will generate significant concern both now and in the future”, they add.

They asking Gowon to provide clarification on whether ‘Operation No Mercy: Shoot Everything Aside’ was part of the war strategy, despite a ceasefire announcement at the peak of the genocide, which allegedly involved the 3rd Marine Commando from Port Harcourt, under General Olusegun Obasanjo’s command, targeting remaining civilians, and eliminated school children.

“The Mbaise region in Imo State witnessed severe violence during the conflict, with military atrocities committed under Gowon’s leadership and Obasanjo’s command. Innocent school children were reportedly attacked while returning home from school.

“A harrowing account involves soldiers ordering school girls to say their last prayers before being shot. Specifically, Miss Chinwe Ohaeri (now Prof Chinwe Obaji) survived an attack at Okpofe Mbaise, where over 100 school children were killed.

“Gowon needs to account for the slaughter of over 200 Biafran soldiers who reported for disarmament in Port Harcourt after the genocide, as reportedly perpetrated by forces under Obasanjo’s command in the 3rd Marine Commando”, they alleged.

The rest of their attack on Gowon goes thus: “What led Gowon to commit genocide, human rights abuses against the Igbo people, was due to perceived economic dependence on the Eastern Region’s oil resources and certain stereotypes about the North’s viability/ economic survival without Igbo contributions.

“The unity of Nigeria by Gowon was merely a facade; songs of the lips, the genocide was, in reality, a carefully orchestrated conspiracy to politically and economically marginalisation of Ndigbo in Nigeria political context.

“It has been asserted that Gowon’s administration was employed by the British government as a means to target the Igbo population in Nigeria. The genocide against Igbos, initially anticipated to conclude within three months according to Gowon’s statements, extended to three years with the Nigerian government breathing through their noise, if not for foreign support, this contraption called Nigeria could have been existing in different countries by now.

“The British government carried Gowon on their back like a 3 months baby sucking breast with the aid of German, Russian and USA and they killed 4.3 million Igbo. It’s therefore shameful for Gowon to claim that he fought a war.

“In April 1969 at the midst of the genocide, Gowon celebrated the union of Miss Victoria Zakari in Lagos and embarked on a honeymoon. Considering Gowon’s perceived limited engagement in battle, his thoughts on warfare are of interest.

“Examining Murtala Mohammed’s encounters with teenage Biafran soldiers could offer Gowon valuable lessons on acts of war. We advise Gowon to consult Murtala’s spirit to explain to him how teenage Biafra soldiers dealt with him at Abagana. It’s unfortunate that Gowon, who was merely eating cake in Lagos with Miss Victoria Zakari, is talking about war.

“Gowon is a chronic liar, and crafty agent of British empire, his silence on 1966 anti-Igbo pogrom which was another series of massacres committed against the Igbos living in Northern Nigeria which started in May 1966 and reached its peak after September 29, 1966

“The 1966 pogrom, which resulted in the loss of approximately 80,000 Igbo lives, constituted a catastrophic holocaust that prompted Dim Odemegwu Ojukwu, Governor of the Eastern Region, to declare the Sovereign State of Biafra as a necessary measure to safeguard the lives and properties of Igbos and other marginalised minority tribes in the old Eastern Region.

“Gowon should note that the contemporary Igbo generation is fully cognisant of the fact that the 1967-1970 evil sinister/atrocities were directed exclusively at Igbos and not at other ethnic groups within the former Eastern Region, such as the Ogoni, Ijaw, or Urhobo. This genocide, which was facilitated by global powers including Britain, the USA, France, Germany, and Russia, we recognized it as a deliberate attempt by the British government to marginalise the Igbo people.

“The British government in its excessive greed to maintain the oil field and harvest raw materials from Biafran land was instructmental to the slaughtering of 4.3 million Igbos in 1966-1970.
The Biafran genocide, which occurred from 1966-1970, bears similarities to the Holocaust in its scope and intentionality, with estimates suggesting millions of Igbo people lost their lives during this period, mirroring the devastation inflicted upon six million Jews by Nazi Germany and its collaborators between 1941-1945.

“Gowon must acknowledge the lingering trauma inflicted upon the modern Igbo generation by this demeaning act,(genocide) as undertaken to advance Buckingham Palace’s interests at the expense of Ndigbo and other ethnic minorities in old Eastern Region.

“Gowon should be aware that Igbo youths recognize the vulnerabilities of Ndigbo in Nigeria. ‘The Atlantic Ocean is easier to cross than the hurdles faced by Igbo individuals in Nigeria’. It is evident that Nigerian unity frequently entails Igbo marginalisation. ‘Ndigbo’s prospects for political and economic prosperity in Nigeria are as unlikely as a camel passing through the eye of a needle’.

“Today, the consequences and legacy of Gowon’s actions during the Biafran conflict and executed genocide has contributed to Nigeria’s current state of instability, sparking renewed calls for secession. It’s empirically clear, that part of the social evil and karma of Gowon’s genocide against the Igbo is the evidence how the Fulani are slaughtering Middle-Beltans in dozens with herdsmen, Boko Haram and Bandits.

“Nigeria’s status quo which Gowon fought for has become a poisonous venom to his people, and today Nigeria is regarded as irredeemable, irreconcilable, unsustainable, and irreparable; consequently, a sovereign national conference culminating in a referendum emerges as the sole option for Nigerians to safeguard their future survival.”

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Yoruba Vs Igbo: How A 1977 Football Cup Caused Ethnic Tensions To Boil Over In Nigeria

AUTHORS:

CHUKA ONWUMECHILI

PROFESSOR OF COMMUNICATIONS

HOWARD UNIVERSITY

UWANA AKPAN

LECTURER IN MASS COMMUNICATION,

UNIVERSITY OF LAGOS

Football is a game of passion, and passions can become particularly inflamed when the sport represents larger political struggles. In Nigeria in 1977, an Africa-wide football contest fuelled the ethnic rivalry between the Yoruba and the Igbo people to the point that the military had to intervene. The game was to be played as a semi-final in the Africa Cup Winners’ Cup, the club football tournament that would go on to become the Caf Confederation Cup.

As scholars of sports communication, we recently published a research paper about that 1977 confrontation between Shooting Stars of Ibadan (Ibadan is home to a Yoruba majority in the south-west) and Enugu Rangers (Enugu is an Igbo state).

Our study adds to a history of football and politics that is not well documented in Africa. In the process it shows that football represents more than just sport, but can also be a way of understanding cultural and political issues.

Yoruba vs Igbo

The rivalry between the Igbos and Yorubas is almost as old as the formation of Nigeria in 1914. Both groups vie politically and for jobs. Each forms roughly a fifth of the Nigerian population. The Igbo had lost political power after the Nigerian Civil War of 1967-1970.

This rivalry became particularly visible in Nigerian football from the 1950s when ethnic groups contested annually for the Alex Oni Cup. The Yorubas often won, the Igbos a close second but the tournament was eventually discontinued because of fights between players and spectators.

After this, Igbos did not have a representative club team in national competitions until after the war ended in 1970. Top Igbo footballers were employed at various clubs across the country, particularly in Lagos. Yorubas played for various clubs in their home region. One such club was the Shooting Stars. They made up the bulk of the Ibadan Lions team that won the national Challenge Cup four times from 1959 to 1969.

After the civil war, most Igbo footballers – who had fought unsuccessfully for the secession of Biafra state – were afraid to live in other parts of the country. Enugu Rangers was formed and the club dominated Nigerian football in the 1970s and 1980s.

Shooting Stars had become the beacon club of the Yorubas and quickly developed a rivalry with Enugu Rangers.

The semi-final that caused all the trouble

This ongoing rivalry escalated when the two clubs beat off opposition from across the continent to meet in the two legs of the semi-final of the Africa Cup Winners Cup in 1977. Shooting Stars were defending the title. Rangers chose not to take part in the more prestigious Africa Champions Club’s Cup – instead they sought to equal Shooting Stars’ feat of winning the Cup Winners Cup.

To add to the tension, Nigeria’s national team was made up of mainly by players from these two clubs – and the national team was competing in the last stage of the qualifiers for the 1978 men’s football World Cup. It was feared that the rivalry would affect its chances. Almost daily, the newspapers reported on accusations levelled by officials of the two teams at each other and the Nigerian Football Association (today the Nigeria Football Federation).

The association had to find solutions – fast. Both teams had played their home matches in their own cities so far. The association decided that their two semi-final games should be played in a “neutral” location: Lagos.

But after the first leg, a designated “home game” for Shooting Stars, ended 0-0, controversy erupted. Lagos is in the west of the country, home of the Yorubas. This was seen to give the Shooting Stars an advantage. There was also controversy about whether the teams could call up some or all of their players in the national team. The association’s authority to re-schedule the second leg was then called into question. These issues were argued at fever pitch and publicly by fans and in the media, with threats and ethnic undertones.

The association wanted to bar both Rangers and Shooting Stars from using their national team players, but was eventually forced to agree on the release of all players to play in the final leg of the Africa Cup Winners’ Cup semi-final. But not before making a very late request that the Confederation of African Football put off the game until after the national team’s World Cup qualifying games.

Shooting Stars, frustrated by the postponement, lashed out publicly and in the media. They accused Nigeria’s federal sports commissioner, Dandeson Isokrari, of ethnocentrism and favouritism. Isokrari was an easterner, from Enugu Rangers territory.

With tension boiling over and threats issued from both sides, the second-in-command of the Nigeria state, Major General Musa Yar’ Adua, stepped in to avoid ethnic strife and possible violence. He instructed the match to move to Kaduna, a northern city, away from the homes of the clubs. This decision by the country’s military leadership calmed nerves.

An overflowing crowd packed the Kaduna venue from the early morning. In the early minutes of the game, Shooting Stars mounted a siege in the Rangers’ goal area. It was so tense that journalists and photographers converged behind the Rangers goal. Angry Rangers supporters claimed they were not journalists and photographers, but disguised juju men concocting mystical incantations that kept the ball rooted in the Rangers goal area.

The match ended in another 0-0 tie but Rangers advanced when goalkeeper Emmanuel Okala helped to turn the penalty kick tiebreaker in the club’s favour, 4-2. Despite the tensions, there were no reported incidents of violence during the match.

This epic contest between two clubs during a continental cup contest in 1977 reminds us of the rivalry that persists even today among ethnic groups across the continent. Football often represents such ethnic rivalries beyond the field of play – and in the case of Enugu Rangers and Shooting Stars it reached a dangerous level that forced the state to step in.

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She Who Knows By Nnedi Okorafor Expands The World Of Who Fears Death

Nnedi Okorafor

BY DANIEL ROMAN

The latest novella from visionary speculative fiction author Nnedi Okorafor is out now, expanding on the world of her popular story Who Fears Death. She Who Knows is the first book in a trilogy which will explore the story of Najeeba, the mother of Who Fears Death's main character Onyesonwu. It takes place in a future version of our Earth, in a desert where Najeeba discovers latent powers within herself which change the course of her life and community.

Considering that this is not only a new story from one of the genre's current masters, but also a prequel, you may be excited to read but curious about whether you need to have read Who Fears Death first. I've read She Who Knows, and am going to answer that question below as well as give you my spoiler-free review of the novella.

Let's start with that first question: if you haven't read Who Fears Death, can you still dive into She Who Knows? For my part, the answer is yes. I've had Who Fears Death on my list to read for quite a while, but hadn't gotten to it by the time I was sent a copy of She Who Knows. That turned out to be a good thing, because I wanted to gauge how accessible this prequel series is to newcomers as well as old hands who've loved Okorafor's work for a while.

Since She Who Knows is Najeeba's story, it still reads wonderfully whether you are familiar with the larger tale or not. I'm sure there are plenty of nods to Who Fears Death that I missed, and it does sound like the series will move past the events of Who Fears Death in later installments, but that in no way detracted from the experience of hearing about Najeeba's journey. So yes, whether you've read Who Fears Death or not, you can still read and enjoy She Who Knows. Just be prepared to settle in for a while, because if you enjoy this book you'll almost certainly want to check out Who Fears Death afterward.

I said "hearing" Najeeba's story above, and that was an intentional word choice. Okorafor is a multi-award-winning author who has been writing books for quite a while, and in terms of the actual prose part of it, she's exceptional. She Who Knows reads like Najeeba telling her story. It's told in the first person, with hints that she's telling this tale to someone she meets later in her life. Because of this, the voice leaps off the page in a way that reminded me of oral storytelling traditions. It made the book extremely immersive and hard to put down. I imagine it would be great on audiobook.

The worldbuilding in this novella is deep and interesting, with roots in our own world but supported and expanded by Okorafor's imagination. This book is set in the future of Earth, so there are both familiar things like portable phones as well as more mystical elements. Okorafor's work is often defined as africanfuturism and africanjujuism — future-focused, Africa-centered science fiction and fantasy which combines imagination with the region's myth and spiritualities, respectively — and that balance is on full display here. I love the tone and world of this book. Combined with the narrative style, it all adds together to make Najeeba's tale feel both larger than life and intimately relatable as a young person being told what roles she's expected to fill in society, and pushing back against them in favor of forging her own path.

There is quite a bit of magic in this story as well, which serves a very important role in the narrative. Okorafor doesn't over-explain a lot of the magical elements, which helps to keep them feeling magical and powerful and almost beyond comprehension for the humans involved. There were a few times where the magic almost felt a little too convenient, in terms of Najeeba not knowing what was happening but things mysteriously working out for her. But since those occasions tended to work out in ominous ways just as often as convenient ones, it never broke the immersion for me. Instead, it just made me more curious to find out more about the forces at play in the story, which I hope will be explored more in future books.

She Who Knows is a reminder that Nnedi Okorafor is a master of novellas

Now, let's talk a little about the size of the book itself. She Who Knows is a tight novella of around 160 pages, which primarily tells the story of Najeeba's childhood and how she grew into the young woman who would eventually give birth to Onyesonwu. Najeeba has a deep character arc considering the fairly short size of the book, with a lot of growth and change throughout the story. That growth arc is often supported by poignant lines about how the world around Najeeba sees or doesn't see her, and how she expands or contracts in return. The size of this story felt perfect.

Part of why it all works so well is that Okorafor is one of those rare writers who is equally skilled at writing shorter fiction and longer — her Hugo Award-winning Binti series is also a set of novellas — and that really shows in this book. This is very much the sort of novella I could see going back to multiple times, especially once its sequels come out. She Who Knows leaves off on the note that Najeeba's childhood has ended...but that she's also looking toward the future; we get a lot of that in the hints of a framing story scattered throughout. Presumably, Okorafor will explore Najeeba's future in other installments. And after reading She Who Knows, I'll be eager to read whatever she puts out next.
Verdict

She Who Knows expands upon the world of Nnedi Okorafor's beloved book Who Fears Death while also providing another solid entry point for new readers. Najeeba is a strong character surrounded by a well-rounded cast that feel like real people. The magic and internal story ring strong throughout this book, but it's very clearly only the beginning of Najeeba's larger tale. I'm looking forward to seeing where the story goes from here.

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Insights Into The Spectrum Of Africa’s Weaknesses, Strengths And Challenges – Interview

Timothy Uzodinma Nwala

BY KESTER KENN KLOMEGAH

In this interview, Emeritus Professor Timothy Uzodinma Nwala, the Chairman of Alaigbo Development Foundation(ADF) Congress, a Nigerian-based Pan Igbo Socio-Cultural and Political Organization, explains that African leaders have come to the awareness of the unique manifestations of the bleak past, but a lot still depends on the background and character of those in control of their national political affairs in the emerging multipolar world.

Ultimately, all African countries are bound to wake up to a common understanding of the true meaning of their colonial past for the present and for future existence. And in fact, the leaders and the elites have to play their roles as autonomous actors on the stage of world history instead of being pawns in global politics. Here are the interview excerpts:

Q: To begin with, how would you characterize the sentiments and attitudes of African leaders towards the contemporary geopolitical situation? How specifically different is the case in Nigeria?

Prof. Timothy Uzodinma Nwala: The sentiments and attitudes of African leaders towards the contemporary geo-political situation in the world reflects diversities characteristic of a people who seem to have lived in different geopolitical spaces and historical eras. There are commonalities depending on who have been colonized by who and which region has experienced what character of colonial influences.

There may be differences depending on the background of the leaders themselves. There are however some major explosive new awarenesses about the past – about various forms and wreckages of colonialism as manifested in different regions of the world. It is not that mankind was unaware of the horrors of colonialism. Reflecting over these horrors of the past of mankind, what comes readily to mind is that the term ‘State of Nature’ of Charles Darwin reflects truly mankind’s past. Even today, civil governance and the global system have only moderated this bleak past of mankind’s history.

Those of mankind who happen, in some instances and circumstances, to truly manifest what is supposed to be the ideal state of affairs- these are the God-men, but they are certainly in the minority. African leaders who have come to the awareness of the unique manifestations of this bleak past in the image of colonialism do so depending on their history as well as the prevailing political and social dynamics of their countries and societies. A lot also depends on the background and character of those in control of their political affairs.

Q: What are the dynamics, in the emerging multipolar order, for ensuring Africa’s unity set by the African Union? Is Africa disintegrating due to sharp existing political differences in the continent?

TUN: The dynamics in the prevailing multipolar state of affairs reflects the background of the leaders as well as on how currents regional and global struggle impinge on their various countries. The Southern African experience is not exactly the same as the West African experience. That past affects current sentiments and alliances. Thus, the experience of the Southern Africa under apartheid critically affects the attitude of their patriotic leaders in the current global political dynamics.

There are bound to hiccups on the dynamics of contemporary African Union, but the obvious trend is that ultimately all African countries are bound to wake up to a common understanding of the true meaning of their colonial past for the present and future existence. The younger generation of African leaders are bound to return to the heydays of pan-African dream of a united and free peoples playing their role as autonomous actors on the stage of world history instead of being pawns in global politics.

Q: How would you suggest Africa positions itself within the context of these geopolitical complexities and contradictions? Should Africa also strengthen its agency and state institutions into more effective instruments for promoting sustainable development?

TUN: Pan- Africanism is bound to surge rather than wane under contemporary dynamics. Current realignments are geared towards freedom and equality and not towards exchanging one master for another. The songs of freedom is bound to echo and re-echo throughout the continent. The spirit of pan~Africanist of the Nkrumah, Nyerere, Jomoh Kenyatta, Azikiwe and their generation is bound to be the guiding spirit of the new Africa knocking on the horizon. The emerging new wave of Pan-Africanism is bound to conjure a new dynamism for broader autonomy and freedom.

Q: Nigeria and a few other African countries are feverishly looking for a voice on international stage. Do you think BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) association’s membership for African countries could be the saviour and mechanism through which to raise the level of development?

TUN: Yes indeed. Nigeria’s current challenge is that it presently has a leadership which many Nigerians consider as imposed by the dictates and dynamism of imperialist manipulation. The regime lacks self-confidence and is bound to continue to rely on its masters to sustain its illegitimacy. Only who knows how far Nigerians will carry this present burden before it can free herself. The only hope is the possibility of the raging songs of freedom now all over the various nationalities sustaining itself and rejiggering itself to overcome the current forces of illegitimacy and fraud. BRICS is bound to conjure a lot of influence in the face of this longing for freedom.

But BRICS will derive a position purpose if African leaders make it a duty to learn from the lessons of classical colonial and neo-colonial domination. However, I do hope that the impact of the wave of radical freedom and pan-Africanism now raging in contemporary Africa will grow into a dynamic wave of liberation and freedom of the new Africa.

Q: But there are also a number of internal hindrances, for example, poor development policies, bureaucracy and non-transparency, and worse lack of good governance. What are your views here especially when tracking democracy and governance across Africa?

TUN: The immediate post-colonial era in several countries in Africa (especially in the late fifties and sixties of the last century) portrayed immense hope of a new era of ‘love and happiness’). The messianic posture of the leaders played into the hands of the imperialists who preferred puppets to be charge rather than genuine patriotic leaders of the people.

Poor political stratagem made things worse as the patriotic leaders over-estimated their political strength and grossly underestimated the power of the imperialists. This was the undoing of such patriotic leaders like Dr Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, Patrice Lumumba of the Congo and Col. Ghadaffi of Libya. The later had opportunity to engage in done radical transformation before the imperialists struck.

There were however some leaders who engaged in personal aggrandizements and many cases engaged in dictatorial and ethnic policies and for whom the state was like the case of Louis IV, equated with their personalities -Letat est moi!” There is no doubt that was the case in Nigeria, the leadership was largely dictatorial and corrupt.

Q: Are military coups the surest way to deal with old governance system which is fraught with deep-seated corruption, as it appears, especially in West Africa? Is growing neo-colonialism the problem is these French-speaking countries?

TUN: Three forces were at play in provoking military coups in several post-colonial states in Africa especially in the sixties and seventies. These included bad governance and arrogance of the new leaders, the thrust of neo-colonialism and ambition of other citizens. Often the last two were in alliance – that is to the neo-colonial forces went into alliance with high ambitions, especially those in the military to overthrow those in power. This picture could be seen in all post-European colonial states.

Q: What would be the future relations of African states that opposed United States hegemony and Europe’s exploitative attitudes? Do you also think Russia compared to China presents an alternative for Africa’s development and attaining Africa’s economic sovereignty?

TUN: Ultimately, two factors explain attraction of Russia and China to the new African leaders.

The first was the positive role of Russia in the struggle against Apartheid. Many have pointed out that President Vladimir Putin himself, the current leader of Russia was a young KGB officer who worked with the ANC and helped to train their anti-Apartheid forces.

And then, there is no doubt that Russia and China represent a more tolerable leadership than the Western and European countries. As to which of the two presents a more positive alternative, one can only say future will tell!

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Igbo Apprenticeship System As A Boost To The Economy

BY ANDREA OKOYE

The Igbo Apprenticeship System (IAS) is a business model also known as “Igba Boi” in Igbo language. It has a long history across the Igbo nation. IAS cuts across different businesses from buying and selling to practical skills like mechanic, tailoring and so on.

To be candid, it has helped the Igbo tribe to survive the aftermaths of the Nigerian-Biafrian war tremendously. After the Brafran war, the South Eastern Nigerians were left in abject poverty and so impoverished with hunger as they lost all they laboured for as a result of the war. Gradually, a considerable number of people, through IAS scheme, were helped, relieved and removed from the incessant high poverty rate in Igboland by producing wealthy Igbo entrepreneurs and businessmen.

The Igbo Apprenticeship System being a business between two parties, the boss and the master (Oga) and the Trainee (boi). The boss takes the Trainee under his tutelage so as to teach him business skills for an agreed number of years. It may be 5, 6 or 7 years of training. The trainees are often much younger and expected to be, at least, say 10, 12 to 14 years before embarking on this informal business.

As the years go by, the trainee (boi) acquires the skill and is settled by his boss. The journey of IAS is not always a sweet one. It’s quite challenging but the success of the business determines the amount of money with which the boss settles the boi at the expiration of the agreed number of years. After a period of time, when these trainees may have been financially set them up in their own businesses, their masters are expected to guide them until they can stand on their own thereafter.

For instance, let’s say the boss’ business is worth 5 million naira, then at the end of the agreed years of settlement, the boi is expected to be settled with #500.000 thousand naira. After the settlement, the newly freed Boi becomes an Oga and will with time become an oga to another boi. The cycle keeps going on and on. More often these trainees become richer than their masters in that the customers or clients sometimes shift to the boi, reason being that he brings down the prices of his goods and services and cannot be in competition with his master thereafter.

It’s no more news that Harvard Business Review has approved and adopted the ‘Igba boi’ System as a training model in the Ivy League Institution. According to Professor Ekekwe, the founder and president of the African Institute of Technology said that the Igbo Apprenticeship System is the best business framework in the world”. He further explained that “under the Igbo Apprenticeship System, one can attain easily an efficient economic equilibrium where inequality is severely mitigated.” This in simple terms means that there are global concerns on the saying that ‘the rich are getting richer, the poor are getting poorer’ and considering the margin of economic inequality, it gets wider every other day.

IAS is the most successful informal business model in the world as well as the most prolific venture capitalist scheme ever. It produces more multi millionaires. This is seen among the Igbo traders and merchants whose wealths were recreated as a result of their resilient efforts in acquiring apprenticeship skills first. Even though it’s an unpaid interns or venture whereby they study their masters’ day-to-day business techniques, they help them run their shops, markets and businesses. Oftentimes, these masters are relatives who are either maternal or paternal uncles.

The system has become so popular globally that Harvard Business Review has defined Igbo Apprenticeship System as a ‘stakeholder capitalism.’ This system has produced many billionaires in the Southeast, Igbo billionaires to be precise. I am proud to mention Innocent Chukwuma, the Chairman of Innoson Motors, Cosmas Maduka, the CEO of Coscharis , Cletus Madubugwu Ibeto, the CEO of Ibeto Group of Company , Chief Okafor the CEO of Chikason Group, Chief Alexander Chika Okafor, Senator Ifeanyi Ubah, Chairman of Capital Oil and others. I will take on Cosmas Maduka, the CEO of Coscharis Group whom Igbo boi or apprenticeship helped make a billionaire.

Cosmas Maduka is a product of Igbo Apprenticeship System. He was born in 1958, in Jos, Nigeria to Mr and Mrs Peter and Rose Maduka. In 1962, at the tender age of four (4). He lost his father and was left with his poor mother and other siblings. Life became so difficult that the family could hardly feed. At the age of seven (7), the mother could not pay his primary tuition. As a result, he was withdrawn from primary school at elementary 3 and he had no option but to assist his poor mother in hawking bean cakes, locally called ‘akara’ on the streets of Jos in Plateau State.

In 1970, when Cosmas Maduka was just twelve years old, his uncle who lived in Lagos took him to Lagos to serve as an automobile apprentice in a shop he owned alongside with a business partner of his. Even his uncle had no apartment of his own but slept at his friend’s house. Cosmas had no option but to sleep in the shop every other day.

Young Cosmas’ dedication to work and, most importantly, his honest nature earned him trust and endeared more love from his uncle who now made him in charge of some of the sensitive parts of the business like traveling alone to purchase goods from Nnewi and also to oversee his other branches at Sokoto and Nnewi respectively.

As we all know, Igbo business men do not joke with their business and time to them is very precious. They value it a lot. One fateful day, during his informal interns as a apprentice, young Cosmas absented himself from work for a church camp programme without his uncle’s permission. That singular incident act almost cost him his opportunity. It made him have an ugly issue with his uncle which resulted in his untimely settlement. His uncle settled him before the agreed time. He was given the sum of 200 naira. Of course, its value then was worth a lot of money to its today’s equivalent.

With his settlement, he founded an auto spare parts business called ‘Maduka Brothers’ with his brother which eventually shut down and parted ways thereafter due to some irreconcilable and ideological differences. This separation left Cosmas with an additional 100 naira and a total of 300 Naira as working capital.

Here comes his highs and lows in business and with the resilience IAS inculcated inside him, he was able excel and overcome challenges and hurdles in business.

Recall he had a total sum of 300 naira after he parted ways with his brothers. With that 300 naira, he ventured into another business as a sole proprietor. He began by buying and selling motorcycle spare parts from Boulos Industries, which was the major product that was a new innovation motorcycle business then. Cosmas would buy many and remove the address of the Boulos from the carton so that people would not find out where he bought them from. What a marketing! This semi-business monopoly skyrocketed his capital to 3000 naira within a short period of one week. Obviously, a business man with this whooping capital must be a wealthy man then.

Gradually, success started smiling at Cosmos Maduka and this propelled him to get married at the age of 19. He married Charity, a beautiful and industrious woman who later joined him in the business. No wonder there’s a saying that ‘behind every successful man, there’s a woman.’

Shortly after he got married, he started importing products, but was struck with a great misfortune when he received the wrong consignment which incurred him several debts. To make matters worse, his landlord nearly ejected him out because he was unable to renew his rent. The ugly situation left him with nothing. At this juncture, Cosmas Maduka started all over again. With nothing in hand, Cosmas had to start all over again.

IAS again came to his rescue. How? He went into another business. This one was checking of people’s weight for just 10k charges. Gradually, it became a life of grass to grace. From this another phase of humble beginning, many doors of bigger and mightier business opened.

The initiative now is going down the drain in that the Igbo youths these days want to be well educated and search for greener pastures either here or abroad. “After a period of time, their masters are required to financially set them up in their own businesses and guide them until they can stand on their own two feet”. Yemi Osinbajo, former Vice President of Nigeria, spoke virtually to participants of a National Summit organized in Awka. A programme convened to understudy the Igbo Apprenticeship model which is said to have produced several multi millionaires in the South Eastern region.

He made some salient points while speaking on the model popularly known as ‘Igba boi’ in Igbo language, Osinbajo stressed on the need to encourage the system for a better wealth creation. IAS has become the most popular indigenous informal economic institution recognised globally.

The Former Vice President gave more meaningful appraisal on the scheme’s full potential and its benefit for the Nigerian economy. The IAS has what similar apprenticeship schemes in many parts of the world like Germany and India have.

My take:

The IAS model is now slowly going down the drain in that the Igbo youths these days wants to be well educated and to search for greener pastures either here or abroad. Some have taken the dreaded path of social vices making quick money through fraud, cybercrime and others. They no longer want to emulate their founding masters who have become billionaires.

With Igbo apprenticeship system, you can agree with me that efficient economic equilibrium where inequalities are severely mitigated. Everything the world is complaining about inequality and the rich getting richer, the Igbo apprenticeship system handles it well. Whatever an Igbo man sells, be it water, sand or faeces, he makes money out of it diligently.

Take it or argue it. The Igbo man’s native land remains the best place to be. Aku ha kpatara na-eru uno (Whatever they make in the city gets home). That’s why every other festive period, Christmas precisely, they all travel to their native lands to celebrate with their loved ones and relatives, do some catch-ups for business come the following new year. As the cycle goes for igba boi, they as well look for the next person to take to the city and train.

Hospitality business booms and most times the owners are product of IAS. Except these days of insecurity in the southeastern States, most people seldom travel to their native homes for fear of being kidnapped. Kidnapping recently has been the social bug biting everybody badly including businesses.

I ask? What’s the cause of this incessant societal vice?

Could it be traced to bad economy or unemployment of youths? Greed or tough times and hunger?

IAS contributes largely to the economy. Igbos are only in strange land referred to as “abroad.” Anywhere outside their native lands is tagged abroad by an Igbo man in the village. They are only there for greener pastures and to boost economy. For real, Igbo man is not selective of what job to do inasmuch as it puts food on the table, he is healthy and sane to do it. He makes money from whatever legitimate business he does.

I just like the Igbo saying “Onye ndidi na-eri azu okpo” meaning a patient man eats the fastest fish “. This describes how patient and strong-willed an Igbo man is. When it comes to being industrious, you can’t take it from them throughout their years as apprentices. In the long run, they strive to become great and with the virtue, patience and perseverance, they succeed.

Give an Igbo man ten thousand naira for a startup in business, in ten years he will turn that money to ten million naira.

An Igbo man is simply described as ” Egbe belu , Ugo belu, Onye si ibe ya ebela nku kwa ya” literally means ” Live and let live. This propels peace amongst them.

For me I strongly believe that the Igbo Apprenticeship System is the best business framework in the world at large and Nigeria particular. If only the trainee can get some formal education so as to be able to tackle the bookkeeping aspect of it. It takes intelligence to acquire informal business interns. If it’s been implemented by all, it will definitely reduce unemployment among the teeming youths. A model that gives fund at the end of the training is a very good one.

I will forever say that IAS is a gain to the economy in that the Igbo Apprenticeship System has had significant positive impact on the economic, social and environmental development of South Eastern Nigeria. When it comes to individual infrastructural development, I give it to Igbo multi billionaires whom IAS has given solace to attain enviable economic heights. How about their conglomerate businesses clustered all over the globe ranging from manufacturing, services and imports?

All kudos to Igbo Apprenticeship system.

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