Tuesday, June 04, 2019

Photo Series Explores The Beauty Of First-Generation Immigrants




LONDON (POSITIVE NEWS) -- Photographer Elizabeth Okoh, who was raised in Nigeria, wanted to explore the experiences of others in the African diaspora

A five-part conceptual photographic series, African Diasporan, by Elizabeth Okoh, includes portraits of people who were brought up in Africa but who now live in London. Okoh took up photography seriously in 2017, after doing it as a hobby since her teenage years. Her models are originally from countries including Sierra Leone, Nigeria and the Gambia. Okoh did all the shoots in one day, including styling, planning and set design.

“I’m mostly inspired by my culture, immigration and living in the diaspora,” she said. “I’m interested in how other Africans experience living in the UK having been raised elsewhere, and in figuring out if there are any shared experiences.”

Okoh noted that the way she was raised in Nigeria is “very different” to how her mother is raising her younger sister here in the UK, a topic that influenced the ‘Legacy’ part of the collection.

“More African women are becoming more empowered and speaking up for what they want, so I was interested in how this influences heterosexual relationships in a culture where the man is seen as dominant with no room for negotiation,” she said of the ‘Union’ collection. ‘Duality’ explores how African men are multifaceted: “The idea of being strong but also vulnerable and attuned to their emotions.”

“In ‘Bonds’, I explore the bond between sisters and friends. My models wear very similar dresses, as it’s very common for siblings to wear dresses from the same fabric for special occasions, and in friendships, similar outfits are worn for celebrations such as weddings. The idea was to explore how this type of relationship blossoms or stagnates in a different culture with different sets of norms.”

Finally, in the ‘Womanhood’ collection, Okoh explores what it is to be female and African. “How do African women retain their culture and still exercise the agency to drive their own choices which may very much deviate from traditional ideas?”

So, what did she learn? “That, although we come from different backgrounds, most of our experiences in the diaspora are relatable. I learned that we’re all simply finding ways to become better versions of ourselves, while finding where we fit in this ‘new world’.”

Alarm As Ebola Outbreak Reaches 2,000 Cases, Picks Up Speed

Colorized transmission electron micrograph of the ovary from a nonhuman primate infected with Ebola virus. Characteristic filamentous Ebola virus particles are present between cells (bright red). Intracytoplasmic Ebola virus inclusion bodies forming crystalline arrays can be seen within ovarian stromal cells (darker red). Image: National Institute of Health


JOHANNESBURG (AP) — The deadly Ebola outbreak in eastern Congo has surpassed 2,000 cases and is picking up speed.

The number of confirmed cases reached the milestone three times as quickly as it took to reach 1,000, experts said Tuesday. The outbreak declared in August, the second-deadliest in history, has killed more than 1,300 people in a volatile region where rebel attacks and community resistance have hurt containment efforts.

The 2,000 figure is a “sad and frustrating milestone. The insecurity is holding us back,” World Health Organization spokesman Tarik Jasarevic told reporters in Geneva. Each attack keeps health workers from the crucial work of vaccinating people and tracking thousands of contacts of victims.

world’s most dangerous diseases.

Misunderstandings have been high in a region that had never experienced an Ebola outbreak until now, and years of rebel attacks have left many residents wary of outsiders, especially ones accompanied by Congolese security forces or United Nation peacekeepers.

“This outbreak will only end when communities are engaged and leading the response efforts themselves,” Nicole Fassina, Ebola coordinator with the IFRC, said in a statement. Increasing armed protection for health workers could aggravate the tensions, the statement added.

Because of the mistrust many Ebola cases are not being counted and the number of confirmed cases is likely “an underestimate and not a realistic picture of the number of cases out there,” the IRC said in a separate statement. Many people, frightened, are still dying at home instead of presenting themselves at health centers for treatment.

Amid the challenges, WHO and others have pointed out signs of progress. Notably, more than 129,000 people have received an experimental but effective Ebola vaccine in its first widespread use.

Associated Press writer Jamey Keaten in Geneva contributed.

Follow Africa news at https://twitter.com/AP_Africa

Fighting Germans And Jim Crow: Role Of Black Troops On D-Day

World War II veteran Johnnie Jones, Sr. poses for a portrait at his home in Baton Rouge, La., Tuesday, May 28, 2019. Jones, who joined the military in 1943 out of Southern University in Baton Rouge, was a warrant officer in a unit responsible for unloading equipment and supplies onto Normandy. He remembers wading ashore and one incident when he and his fellow soldiers came under fire from a German sniper. He grabbed his weapon and returned fire along with the other soldiers. It's something that still haunts his memories. (AP Photo/Gerald Herbert)

BY REBECCA SANTANA

BATON ROUGE, LA. (AP)
— It was the most massive amphibious invasion the world has ever seen, with tens of thousands of Allied troops spread out across the air and sea aiming to get a toehold in Normandy for the final assault on Nazi Germany. And while portrayals of D-Day often depict an all-white host of invaders, in fact it also included many African Americans.

Roughly 2,000 African American troops are believed to have hit the shores of Normandy in various capacities on June 6, 1944. Serving in a U.S. military still-segregated by race, they encountered discrimination both in the service and when they came home.

But on Normandy, they faced the same danger as everyone else.

The only African American combat unit that day was the 320th Barrage Balloon Battalion, whose job was to set up explosive-rigged balloons to deter German planes. Waverly Woodson Jr. was a corporal and a medic with the battalion. Although Woodson did not live to see this week’s 75th anniversary — he died in 2005 — he told The Associated Press in 1994 about how his landing craft hit a mine on the way to Omaha Beach.

“The tide brought us in, and that’s when the 88s hit us,” he said of the German 88mm guns. “They were murder. Of our 26 Navy personnel there was only one left. They raked the whole top of the ship and killed all the crew. Then they started with the mortar shells.”

Woodson was wounded in the back and groin while on the landing craft but went on to spend 30 hours on the beach tending to other wounded men before eventually collapsing, according to a letter from then-Rep. Chris Van Hollen of Maryland. Van Hollen, now a U.S. senator, is heading an effort to have Woodson posthumously awarded the Medal of Honor for his actions on D-Day. But a lack of documentation — in part because of a 1973 fire that destroyed millions of military personnel files — has stymied the effort.

Another member of the unit, William Dabney described what they encountered on D-Day in a 2009 Associated Press interview during the invasion’s 65th anniversary.

“The firing was furious on the beach. I was picking up dead bodies and I was looking at the mines blowing up soldiers. ... I didn’t know if I was going to make it or not,” said Dabney, then 84, who passed away last year.

Linda Hervieux detailed the exploits of the 320th in her book “Forgotten: The Untold Story of D-Day’s Black Heroes, at Home and at War.” She said the military resisted efforts to desegregate as it ramped up for World War II. Instead they kept separate units and separate facilities for black and white troops.

“This was a very expensive and inefficient way to run an army. The Army ... could have ordered its men to integrate and to treat black soldiers as fully equal partners in this war. The Army declined to do so,” she said. The Army wanted to focus on the war and didn’t want to become a social experiment, Hervieux said, but she notes that when African American soldiers were called on to fight side by side with whites, they did so without problems.

By the end of World War II, more than a million African Americans were in uniform including the famed Tuskegee Airmen and the 761st Tank Battalion. The Double V campaign launched by the Pittsburgh Courier, a prominent African American newspaper, called for a victory in the war as well as a victory at home over segregation, including in the military.

During World War II, it was unheard of for African American officers to lead white soldiers and they faced discrimination even while in the service. Black troops were often put in support units responsible for transporting supplies. But during the Normandy invasion that didn’t mean they were immune from danger.

Ninety-nine-year-old Johnnie Jones Sr., who joined the military in 1943 out of Southern University in Baton Rouge, was a warrant officer in a unit responsible for unloading equipment and supplies onto Normandy. He remembers wading ashore and coming under fire from a German sniper. He grabbed his weapon and returned fire along with the other soldiers. It’s something that still haunts his memories.

“I still see him, I see him every night,” he told the AP recently. In another incident, he remembers a soldier charging a pillbox, a selfless act that likely ended the soldier’s life. “I know he didn’t come back home. He didn’t come back home but he saved me and he saved many others.”

After defending their country in Europe, many African American troops were met with discrimination yet again at home. Jones remembers coming back the U.S. after the war’s end and having to move to the back of a bus as it crossed the Mason-Dixon line separating North from South. He recalls being harassed by police officers after returning to Louisiana.

“I couldn’t sit with the soldiers I had been on the battlefield with. I had to go to the back of the bus,” said Jones, who went on to become a lawyer and civil rights activist in Baton Rouge. “Those are the things that come back and haunt you.”

Follow Santana on Twitter at https://twitter.com/ruskygal

Biafra: This Country Never Learns

Desperately starved Biafra children from the Obafemi Awolowo orchestrated economic blockade and Yakubu Gowon's-led genocidal campaign against the Igbo Nation. Image: Hulton Deitsch Collection, January 1970.

BY OZIOMA NWADIKE


I wanted to start this article about a dead body but I dithered. Let me tell you another story. Until 3 years ago, I used to work for a corporate law firm in Lagos. It was my first job after the National Youth Service and it taught me how to be a man. I met a man Ganiyu Tam (name withheld), he was one of the finest lawyers I have ever met. He was brilliant and affable, and spoke the best English I ever heard anyone speak.

He was best mates with one of the founding partners of my firm and our paths crossed when his firm collaborated with my former employees in a Federal government debt recovery matter against an indigenous construction company. I thought Ganiyu was the greatest lawyer alive and I was always pumped whenever he had to travel down from Jos to Lagos for our court hearings. After court he would tap me on the shoulder and tell me about morality and the law and why the other lawyer’s technical submissions were unconscionable. He was a technical lawyer too but he would also tell me to look beyond technicality to the spirit of the law.

On one of those days after court, I asked him if he was from Plateau state and he said yes and for a second, his surname triggered a memory.

‘Tam Sir? Are you related to Colonel Tam from the Nzeogwu coup story?’. And he said ‘ Yes, I was barely 5 when they came to take my father away’.

Ganiyu was a child of a Nigerian Military commander who lost his life during the first coup in January 15 1966. He told me about his siblings. One of his sisters was now a judge in the Court of Appeal. I then told him that my grandfather during the last days of the Biafran war was Acting Provost Marshall of Biafra. Ganiyu said his mother had recently met with the Igbo Nigerian officer (a man who, at that time, was a regular visitor to their family home in Ikoyi), who abducted and murdered his father, and that she prayed for him and forgave him.

This is a story of love, blood, betrayal, and forgiveness. Ganiyu had no hate in his heart, though there was pain. Driving out of Ikoyi to Victoria Island, and seated side by side was the son of a murdered Northern Military Colonel and the grandson of a Biafran Provost Marshall. It was surreal. In the throes of depression and disillusionment I left the corporate law firm in Lagos and set up a criminal appellate defense law firm in Owerri, but I still always remember Ganiyu in my prayers.

Big Al and Chikezie

My grandfather Captain Alphonsus Nwadike (real name) was a Nigerian military officer who later fought on the Biafran side during the civil war. Big Al was over 6’3 tall, and remarkably handsome, and also saw action in Congo as part of the United Nations peacekeeping mission in the 60s. He was tipped off, a night before the counter coup, by his best friend Captain Usman Biu, who overheard some of the Northern soldiers saying ‘Tomorrow, Nwadike wey like to play draft, I go use dagger tear that him belly’.

Big Al left Kaduna late in the night on the eve of the counter coup. Of the military police and trained in military intelligence, he made the journey by bush paths from Kaduna to Makurdi, for days, before boarding the train to Enugu. It was later he heard that Igbo people who went to board the train from Kaduna were all murdered in cold blood at the train station and at different stops along the way.

When the Biafran war ended and Big Al returned to the village, his family and kinsmen all gathered and were throwing sand on him to make sure he wasn’t a ghost. They hadn’t seen him in months. Barely months after the war ended, Captain Usman made the trip from Jos to Owerri in a military truck filled with food and cloths. The villagers on seeing the military truck took to their heels. They didn’t want to fight another war. Big Al came out in the middle of the town’s square, thinking he was going to be rearrested again, having been detained in Enugu at the end of the war and released after a few months. Big Al looked and saw his best friend Usman Biu with a truck of food and cloths, and they held each other and cried and cried until there was no more tears.

Big Al died in 1996, he had diabetes and couldn’t afford insulin injections regularly. He trained 2 of his sons to become university graduates, but he didn’t live long enough to see his favorite son my father, Chief Batos Chikezie Nwadike fiercely oppose Biafran separatists and be on the ballot and poll over 50,000 votes as a candidate in the 2011 Nigerian Presidential elections. I wonder what he would have thought about his son’s 3 decade activism for a Nigerian President of Igbo extraction (what he calls Igbo Presidency) and fuller inclusion of the Igbo in the Nigerian political process.

Big Al lost everything but he didn’t teach his children to hate and I have never for a single day heard my father utter a word of tribal hate. In 2003, my father as a political adviser to the late Chuba Okadigbo crisscrossed the entire nation campaigning with Muhammadu Buhari in the hope that it will one day pave the way for an Igbo President. He scoffs sometimes at my Marxist interpretation of Nigerian politics. My father believes in the Nigerian dream and wants Igbos to be a part of that tapestry.

Bruce Mayrock

About a month ago, I was driving back home in the dead of the night. On Wetheral road, Owerri, I saw a dead body. A car sped in front of me. I slowed down a bit. I almost stopped. I thought about so many things. This is Nigeria. I sped off too. Human life means nothing in Nigeria. You can get mass murdered for throwing stones. Seeing dead bodies or hearing reports of violent deaths has become routine. We are now tuned out of death. Hundreds of people die violently and only a whimper by crazed un-woke people on Twitter, disrupting more important conversations on celebrity gossips and culture wars.

Bruce Mayrock was a 20 year old American student. He saw pictures of dead bodies and kwashiorkor Biafran children and he was thoroughly repulsed. Bruce reportedly wrote articles to the United States president and other leading government figures advocating for an end to the genocide and the Biafran blockade. He thought nobody was listening. So he went to the United Nations office in New York and set himself on fire. He died from the burns on May 30, 1969. He wanted people to listen.

He was carrying a cardboard sign which he wrote ‘ You must stop the genocide… Please save 9 million Biafrans’. Bruce Mayrock is interred at a grave in Mount Ararat Cemetery, Sulfolk county, New York.

The Biafran Genocide

2 million people died in the Biafran Genocide, the overwhelming majority were children and women and not combatants. They died mostly from Nigerian war planes flying low and intently strafing civilian populations and starvation from a total blockade, the Nigerian government preventing aid organizations from bringing in food and medicine to civilians. Most people didn’t die fighting, they died trying to live.

In Nigeria, the death of 2 million people is a controversial issue. People start their arguments with ‘No matter how you feel about the Biafran war…’ How in the world do you feel about 2 million deaths? How do you feel about a genocide? We have become a nation of cowards, afraid of a dark brooding past. The effrontery to sweep a genocide under the carpet.

When Biyi Bandele’s movie adaptation of Chimamanda Adichie’s Half of Yellow Sun was due to open, the government censored it and kept delaying its release. There was some talk about an airport scene in the movie which the government wanted cut. What happened at the airport in Kano is a historical fact and was documented by the Times of London of 7th October, 1966. It was a massacre in Northern Nigeria and at the end of the Pogrom, 30 thousand people had been murdered in cold blood by civilian and military mobs.

I also recall the outrage that greeted Chinua Achebe’s release of his book — ’There was a Country’. It was unprecedented and I have never seen a thing like that. In his book, the late Bard had harsh words for the misguided Colonel Emeka Ojukwu, the quixotic January coup plotters, and the charismatic Chief Obafemi Awolowo, among others. Chief Awolowo is on record to have owned up to orchestrating the starvation policy. In view of the genocidal outcomes of the policy, there wasn’t really much to argue about. To my greatest surprise, intellectuals were falling over themselves to defend Chief Awolowo, a man of their tribe and to disparage Achebe as an Igbo ethnic jingoist. I never regained my respect for so called Nigerian intellectuals but a few. I had read ‘The Man Died’ and I knew Wole Soyinka was a witness of truth and that was enough for me.

For another insidious group, discussing the civil war is a chance to remind everyone of the atrocities committed by Biafra against other ethnic minorities within its enclave. ‘Both sides committed atrocities so can’t you see they both cancel each other.’ I remember my days in the University of Lagos and how a beautiful UK trained lecturer in discussing the Nigerian civil war, sought to wrap it up around this narrative of equal blame and atrocities on both sides.

This is not suggest that ethnic minorities did not suffer acts of discrimination, violence and deaths at the hands of renegade Biafran soldiers. But I am yet to read any serious evidence of authorized mass killings of ethnic minorities by the then Biafran government. There is often talk of forced conscription and relocations but none of that was unique to ethnic minorities in Biafra, it was equally applicable to Igbos. The real story rather is that, during the war, in Asaba, in the then Mid-Western Region, a Nigerian Military Commander, Murtala Muhammad called all the male indigenes of the town for a meeting and shot every single one of them in cold blood. And that all over Rivers, Akwa Ibom, Delta and Cross River, there are Biafran veterans, men who fought for what was their country at that time. Okokon Idem and Phillip Effiong.

I have no right to say my pain is bigger than yours. But in the Nigerian context, the atrocities on both sides talking point is often a pretext to justify and downplay the Biafran genocide. I agree though that this view is debatable.

This Country Never Learns

Following Nigerian politics in recent times, one feels like we are right back to where we started from. I have never seen this level of polarization. We have a president who in words and deeds has shown himself incapable of unifying. However, now we have even bigger problems than regurgitating gruesome tales of millions of Igbo killed over 50 years ago. We are faced with a deadly Islamic insurgency and general insecurity all across the country. The truth is that this country never learns. We never learnt from the Civil War and we are not going to learn from this Boko Haram uprising. The civil war was about an elite power tussle, disinformation, ethnic rivalry, a lack of national identity and government misrule. Boko Haram is about poverty, public distrust in government and religious extremism.

In a country that survived a genocide, hundreds of Shitte Muslims, Nigerian citizens, were murdered in cold blood for the crime of blocking the army chief from using a public road and we had a vigorous debate on whether the deaths were justified. A foolish debate. We merely replaced the Igbos with the Shittes. And the standard had fallen from murdering the head of the regional government and his family to merely blocking a public road.

How much will a national apology from the Federal government about the infanticidal turn the civil war took and a national Biafran war memorial day, go in healing old wounds. My guess is that it will aid rather than exacerbate. The sweeping under the carpet is what has allowed Nnamdi Kanu to continue to wear designer suits, living lavishly in Tel Alviv, while aligning himself with the racist right wing government of Benjamin Netanyahu, who gets a kick from murdering Palestinian children and enforcing a total blockade and an open air prison in Gaza. An irony lost on the lily levered Kanu.

Maybe we can begin to have a conversation about true federalism and government accountability rather than using prebendalism and sectionalism as an over arching governing policy. How about a conversation about how we can create and promote a national identity and eradicate poverty. These are tough issues but in Nigeria we like easy answers. The intellectuals and urban class are complicit. My guess is that things will remain the same. Sorrow, tears and blood, dem regular trademark.


SOURCE: THE CABLE

Learning To Listen, In A Los Angeles Cafe Built For Vinyl

Zach Cowie, the bar’s creative director, pays attention to the quality of pressings, and allows in the bar’s collection only reissues transferred from original analog-tape masters. Image: Nathaniel Wood/NY Times

BY BEN RATLIFF

LOS ANGELES (THE NEW YORK TIMES)
-- Japanese-style listening bars, where D.J.’s spin carefully selected records for a hushed audience, are arriving in America. But truly appreciating them can take a little practice.

At 9:30 on a recent Monday morning, I parked on East Fourth Place in the downtown arts district, between Skid Row and the Los Angeles River. I walked into a kind of glass vestibule, then opened a door into the half-light of In Sheep’s Clothing, a listening bar. I was returning for a second visit, at an unpopular hour, because I hadn’t grasped its purpose at a popular one.

Listening bars — cafes with high-end audio equipment, where patrons listen to vinyl records, carefully selected by a bartender, from a record library behind the bar — have been an institution in Japan since the 1950s. They are a subset of the kissaten, the small and idiosyncratic coffeehouses dotting side-streets in Tokyo. Only recently have several emerged in New York City, Los Angeles and a few other places. Shakily, a culture and a lore are growing, of connoisseurship and grace and obsession.

At this early stage, the American listening bar (sometimes called a hi-fi bar) remains a social experiment, because a bar is still generally understood as a place to talk, not listen; recorded music is a compulsory extra, but generally ignored or appreciated in flickers. Even those who know something about the purpose and origin of the listening bar may not be ready for it.

At best, the listening bar raises good questions about whether there might be an unrealized public-listening or group-listening ideal in a ritual as familiar as going out for a drink. At worst, it’s pretty much like a regular bar, but with a troweling of extra noise provided by an obscure record you’re not hip enough to know, played on equipment you’re not rich enough to own, in a room that does not accommodate dancing. It can be hard to talk, much less to listen.


At In Sheep’s Clothing, in the arts district of downtown Los Angeles, patrons listen to vinyl records played on excellent equipment. Image: Nathaniel Wood/The New York Times


I’ve been dropping in to several places to see what I thought — particularly In Sheep’s Clothing, where I had the best experiences overall, but also Public Records in Gowanus, Brooklyn, Tokyo Record Bar in the West Village of Manhattan and Gold Line in the Highland Park neighborhood of Los Angeles. (Other well-known listening bars outside Japan include Bar Shiru in Oakland, Calif., and two in the Dalston area of London: Brilliant Corners and Spiritland).
The meticulousness about sound and gear extends to the menus. Tokyo Record Bar has a judicious sake list with a flavor-profile color-wheel on its menu; In Sheep’s Clothing serves sake as well as wine, rice whiskey, beer and mezcal. At Tokyo Record Bar, you can eat, too, even when it switches from a small-plate dinner menu to a more casual D.J. setting after 10:45 p.m., with oysters, sashimi and bar snacks. But the most important items in both places are the turntables, tube amplifiers and speakers.

Most proprietors of the American listening bars are candidly inspired by the kissaten, with their individually defining special interests — jazz, classical, noise and drone music, and so forth. (To a lesser extent, they draw inspiration about the ethics and philosophy of listening, and about specific audio gear, from the New York D.J. David Mancuso’s loft parties in downtown Manhattan in the 1970s and ’80s.) In Sheep’s Clothing is particularly indebted to the model of Lion, in the Shibuya district of Tokyo, where patrons sit in pewlike seating and classical records have been played, entire sides at a time, with almost ritual care for quiet patrons since the 1950s.

Most listening bars in the United States spotlight the D.J. to some degree, and are open only in the evening. In that respect, In Sheep’s Clothing, which opened last August, is an exception to two general rules. Here the D.J. is basically anonymous, and the place — about 1,000 square feet, sparsely lit and wooden-walled, with 12 tables — is open all day.

On that Monday morning I visited, the barista put on the first side of “Now That Everything’s Been Said,” the 1968 record by the City, Carole King’s short-lived Los Angeles folk-rock band. (He was using a Garrard, an audiophile turntable, not a D.J. turntable: you can’t wind a record backward on it.)

There were two other customers. I sat turned away from the bar, at a table facing the two speakers on the floor — old Klipschorns, the size of modest refrigerators. “Please keep your conversations below the music,” read a small folded card on each table. “To hear more, say less.” The coffee was good, and the music was fully present but not exactly loud. The vibe felt like a lunar tidal pull in there.

That City record was a good entry point. I had heard it; it lies somewhere between the Brill Building songwriting discipline and hippie looseness, on the way to something it hasn’t found. But here I really heard it. I understood something about the tactility and enlivening qualities of sound better than ever before: Sound can be a three-dimensional space in which to put your body, and in which your body may be acted upon and opened up, even when you are sitting still. I seemed to understand the physics of it: tones as standing waves, and me in the middle of them, one of them. Or, if you prefer the language of another sense, it was like seeing colors after knowing only grays.

As a natural consequence of hearing in that detail, I could also sense the physicality of the people making the music — their throats, hands, reflexes, sensibilities. While listening to that record, I felt, let’s say, that I knew Carole King’s mother.

I had to leave after an hour but wanted to stay for two or three, and returned a couple of months later do that, sitting at the same table at various other times of day — 10 a.m., 2 p.m., 4 p.m., 9 p.m. — to figure out how the day works there. The room is fitted with institutional furniture from the 1970s, from a two-top table to an eight-top, crescent banquettes and schoolroom chairs.

There are tall potted plants and tables with neat stacks of books mapping out the bar’s musical aesthetic: John Cage’s “Silence,” Chris DeVito’s “Coltrane on Coltrane,” Stephen Isoardi’s “The Dark Tree: Jazz and the Community Arts in Los Angeles.” The room’s goldenrod curtains stay drawn, and its interior is unremarkably brown enough that you can turn your attention to the spectacular thing going on before and around you, which is sound.

During daytime hours, with not too many other people there — some screenwriters at their laptops, some bros holding a real-estate meeting, couples on dates — I had similarly strong experiences with Charles Mingus’s “Mingus Plays Piano,” the French folk singer Emmanuelle Parrenin’s “Belle Virginie,” and the ice-cream minimalism of Seigen Ono’s self-titled first album.

None of these records have ever been hits or canonical; they’re all off to the side. Sometimes, here, off to the side can become predictable: You could begin to discern an index for newly unearthed hits of outsider-electronic or crypto-New-Age or imaginary-vernacular music — often things recently unearthed by chic reissue labels: Richard Horowitz’s “Eros in Arabia,” Laurie Spiegel’s “The Expanding Universe,” and most of all, Hiroshi Yoshimura’s ultraminimal “Nine Postcards,” which is to In Sheep’s Clothing as “Crazy In Love” or “Start Me Up” is to a sports bar. Stay long enough and you will hear it.

As with any listening bar, you can find snob appeal at In Sheep’s Clothing, if that’s what you want. But an experience with sound in a properly immersive way erases the problem of records as background décor or as fetish objects.

There are about 600 records behind the bar — 200 for day, 400 for night. Zach Cowie, the bar’s creative director, told me a bartender can pretty much put anything on at the appropriate time of day and it’ll work; you’re always hearing Mr. Cowie’s ideas about music, which tilt toward introspection. The range is pretty capacious, but will likely catch you with something you didn’t know.

Mr. Cowie pays attention to the quality of pressings, and allows in the bar’s collection only reissues transferred from original analog-tape masters, as opposed to vinyl records made from digital masters, which are essentially CDs on vinyl. This means that the inherent continuity in the analog process (as opposed to the chopped, discrete sound-wave in digital) travels all the way: from the original recording technology through the storage medium through the playback gear, and then even through the purposeful, undistracted way the record was put on by the bartender that Monday morning, whose name was Dane. (I asked, as one would ask a park ranger on top of a significant mountain.)

Before putting the record on, he cleaned it with a Hunt EDA record brush, then let it run for a full side, as per the practice at Lion, from beginning to end. That act could be described as analog, too — as is any conscious move toward continuity.

Mr. Cowie’s day job is as a music supervisor for films and TV shows, including “Master of None” and “Forever.” He has a vested interest in smuggling great music into people’s lives; he wants to surprise them and discreetly expand their frames of reference. I asked him to diagnose my experience with the City record.

Across a couple of days, we talked about unplugging, records as gateways, the possibility of a self-governing quiet place for listening, the depressingly appeasing quality of algorithmic choices, the stimulation of curiosity. And finally he told me: “That was your first time hearing a single-ended triode amplifier through a pair of very efficient loudspeakers.”

“Efficient” means the speakers don’t require a lot of power to be very loud. And his diagnosis may well be correct. But you don’t have to know any of that, really, and Mr. Cowie or Dane or whoever else won’t tell you unless you ask.

Vinyl records these days amount to one of two extremes: either dusty, embarrassing garbage or advanced-level consumables. If a record isn’t something so valueless you can’t give it away, it’s the signifier of taste and an ambitious, highly tailored social life. To turn that social life into a business, in a town like New York or Los Angeles, can easily result in a situation in which elite whiskey and Instagram moments are more important than communicative potential of the records themselves.

This is why In Sheep’s Clothing remains a work in progress. Sometimes the waiters shush people. It doesn’t always go down well. (I didn’t see it happen while I was there, but read Yelp for some accounts.)

It is a listening place, not a D.J. place. Spiritland, Brilliant Corners, Gold Line and many others let the visiting D.J. rule the spot; Gold Line requires that D.J.s use its library of 8,000 records behind its bar, which have been collected by Chris Manak, a.k.a. Peanut Butter Wolf — the D.J., producer, supreme record-collector and founder of the record label Stones Throw, whose offices are next door.

I love D.J.s: They comprise about a third of my living heroes. But when you remove their star power from the equation, which is precisely the situation when the waiter at your cafe or bar is putting on the records, you are forced to confront the music. The website for In Sheep’s Clothing has no information about guest D.J. appearances, and no pictures of the bar, just facts about its sound setup. It looks like the tech specifications on a band’s contract rider.

A cafe — and most bars, for that matter — should be as good a place to be alone as with friends, and In Sheep’s Clothing does not make it hard for you to be alone. It is not like a hi-fi shop or an elite record store. No cryptically insecure male proprietor cut me a withering look. Nobody bothered me, and I was not subjected to advertising. I didn’t pay a cover charge or do anything more compromising than eat breakfast.

I did not experience the usual American cafe-feeling of needing to be productive. In fact, I wondered whether this represented the best possible use for cafes: a total break in your waking hours. A cleaned window. An open window!

Nighttime, on the other hand, is a different story. My first visit to Sheep’s Clothing had been late on a Friday, with friends. The room was full. I was stunned by the first song I recognized: Caetano Veloso’s “Jóia,” just multitracked voice and percussion, a poem juxtaposing modern and preindustrial Brazil. What kind of bar plays something so calm and spacious and unresolving during party hours?

I talked to my friends loud enough to be heard, because everyone else around us was doing the same, and I had a nice drink (an Amaro Nonino), and I don’t remember much about listening.

On another night visit, more astonishing music: Joe Henderson’s “The Elements,” Kraftwerk’s “Autobahn,” Gil Scott-Heron’s “Pieces of a Man.” But my friends and I were talking about whether we believed in magic, which naturally became the focus of the evening. A guy at the table next to ours, out with his pals, left looking defeated — he’d had an argument with his wife earlier that night and he really wasn’t up for sitting still and letting the music work on him.

I understand. Night is dynamic and complicated: so complicated that it turns great record collections and stupendous sound systems into background. If a listening bar is open during the day, you’d be crazy not to go there then. By all means, come back at night with friends. But you may not reap the full promise of the place, the reason it exists at all.



Chris Manak — a.k.a. Peanut Butter Wolf, a D.J., producer, supreme record-collector and founder of the record label Stones Throw — at Gold Line in the Highland Park neighborhood of Los Angeles.Credit: Robb Klassen

Monday, June 03, 2019

Hotel Investor: Trump Evaded Taxes In Panama

This Wednesday, Feb. 28, 2018, file photo shows the Trump Ocean Club International Hotel and Tower on the waterfront in Panama City. The majority owner of the former Trump-branded hotel in Panama alleged in a court filing on Monday, June 3, 2019, that the U.S. president's company misrepresented finances of the building to evade taxes in the country. (AP Photo/Arnulfo Franco, File)

BY BERNARD CONDON

NEW YORK (AP)
— The majority owner of a former Trump-branded hotel in Panama alleged in a court filing on Monday that the U.S. president’s company misrepresented finances of the building to evade taxes in the country.

A filing in New York federal court by property owner Orestes Fintiklis alleges that President Donald Trump’s hotel management company evaded income and social security taxes when it managed the former Trump Ocean Club International Hotel & Tower. The new accusations are part of protracted, bitter dispute between Trump’s company and Fintiklis, the majority owner of the 70-story, seaside, sail-shaped building.

The filing says that Trump’s company misrepresented salaries paid to employees and other financial records of the hotel to cut its tax bill on fees it was collecting for managing the hotel, slash its social security payments and hand over less to owner Fintiklis. The filing does not state how much in taxes the Trump company allegedly should have paid.

The Trump Organization said that it did not evade any taxes and, if anything, Fintiklis is to blame on tax matters.

“To the extent any taxes were to be withheld, it was the responsibility of the condominium that owns the hotel. The Trump Organization’s only role was to manage the property,” Trump Organization spokeswoman Kimberly Benza said in an emailed statement. “We look forward to taking the depositions of Mr. Fintiklis’ and his partners and unmasking their fraud.”

The filing in U.S. District Court for the Southern District of New York follows a ruling by judicial officials in Panama early last year against Trump’s company in favor of Fintiklis. A few months later, Trump’s name was removed from the facade and building management turned over to U.S. hotelier Marriott International.

The dispute started in October 2017 after Fintiklis’ company, Ithaca Capital Group, took control of 202 of the hotel’s condos. Fintiklis then pushed to terminate Trump’s 20-year contract managing the building, alleging “gross negligence and potentially fraudulent conduct,” including “looted” bank accounts. The Trump Organization disputed its termination as illegitimate and refused to hand over the property.

Perk Up: California Says Coffee Cancer Risk Insignificant

This March 29, 2018 file photo shows steamed milk floating atop a cup of coffee at a cafe in Los Angeles. California has officially concluded coffee does not pose a "significant" cancer risk. State regulators gave final approval Monday, June 3, 2019 to a rule that means coffee won't have to carry ominous warnings that the beverage may be bad for you. (AP Photo/Richard Vogel, File)

BY BRIAN MELLEY

LOS ANGELES (AP)
— California officially gave its blessing to coffee Monday, declaring the beverage does not pose a “significant” cancer risk.

The rule, proposed a year ago by regulators, means coffee won’t have to carry ominous warnings that the beverage may be bad for you.

The state took the rare move after a Los Angeles judge found Starbucks Corp. and other companies failed to show that benefits from drinking coffee outweighed risks from a byproduct of the roasting process.

That ruling put the industry in jeopardy of hefty civil penalties and in the position of either developing a process to remove the chemical or warning consumers about the risk of cancer.

The chemical in question, acrylamide, is on a list that California says causes cancer, though other groups classify it as a “probable” carcinogen.

Under a law passed more than three decades ago by California voters, products that contain chemicals that cause cancer or birth defects must warn consumers about those risks.

The Office of Environmental Health Hazard Assessment, which implements the law, concluded there was no significant risk after a World Health Organization review of more than 1,000 studies and found inadequate evidence that coffee causes cancer. Further, it concluded coffee reduces the risk of some types of cancer.

“Coffee is a complex mixture of hundreds of chemicals that includes both carcinogens and anti-carcinogens,” said Sam Delson, a spokesman for the agency. “The overall effect of coffee consumption is not associated with any significant cancer risk.”

It was the first time the state has declared such a brew of chemicals safe despite the presence of carcinogens, Delson said.

The coffee industry cheered the rule.

“This is a great day for science and coffee lovers,” said William Murray, president and chief executive of the National Coffee Association USA. “With this news, coffee drinkers around the world can wake up and enjoy the smell and taste of their coffee without hesitation.”

The Council for Education and Research on Toxics, which successfully sued the coffee industry in a case that has dragged on more than eight years in Los Angeles Superior Court, will challenge the validity of the state’s regulation in court, said attorney Raphael Metzger.

Metzger, who represents the small nonprofit in its lawsuit against Starbucks and about 90 coffee companies, said the regulation was adopted in violation of state law and disregards the statutes the agency is supposed to implement. He said the regulation can’t be applied retroactively to nullify the judge’s ruling.

Los Angeles Judge Dismisses All Riot Charges Against 3 Members Of Reputed White Nationalist Group

Robert Paul Rundo, of Huntington Beach, holds down and punches a counter-protester at a political rally at Bolsa Chica State Beach on March 25, 2017, federal authorities say, as fellow alleged RAM members watch. (Photo via Department of Justice)


LOS ANGELES (ORANGE COUNTY REGISTER) — A Los Angeles federal judge Monday dismissed all charges against three reputed members of a Southern California white nationalist group suspected of having incited brawls at political rallies.
U.S. District Judge Carmac J. Carney granted a defense motion dismissing charges against Robert Rundo, Robert Boman and Aaron Eason on grounds that the federal riots act — under which they were charged — “is unconstitutionally overbroad in violation of the First Amendment.”
A fourth defendant, Tyler Laube, pleaded guilty in November in Los Angeles to a single count of conspiracy to violate the federal Anti-Riot Act of 1968. The status of his case is not immediately clear.
“We are disappointed in the court’s ruling and we are reviewing possible grounds for appeal,” said Ciaran McEvoy, a spokesman for the U.S. Attorney’s Office in Los Angeles.
Carney wrote in his ruling that the act goes well beyond criminalizing the behavior of those acting in the midst of a riot.
“It also criminalizes acts taken long before any crowd gathers,” or acts that have only a slight connection to violence, according to Carney.
“No violence even need to occur,” the judge wrote. “A defendant could be convicted for renting a car with a credit card, posting about a political rally on Facebook, or texting friends about when to meet up.”
As part of their case against Eason, for example, prosecutors alleged that the defendant used a credit card to rent a van to drive to an April 2017 “Patriots Day” free-speech rally in Berkeley that turned violent. Videos posted online show Eason and other RAM members next to a “Defend America” sign with hands taped for fighting and faces partially covered by skeleton masks, federal authorities further alleged.
Carney also determined that the defendants’ actions fell under protected speech.
“It is easy to champion free speech when it advocates a viewpoint with which we agree,” the judge wrote. “It is much harder when the speech promotes ideas that we find abhorrent.”
The four suspected members of the so-called Rise Above Movement were indicted by a Los Angeles grand jury in November for allegedly inciting violence against counter-protesters, journalists and others at rallies throughout the state, including 2017 events in Huntington Beach, Berkeley and San Bernardino.
Eason, 39, of Anza in Riverside County; Laube, 22, of Redondo Beach; Rundo, 29, of Huntington Beach; and Boman, 25, of Torrance were charged with one count each of conspiracy to commit rioting and travel with intent to riot. Each of the two counts carry sentences of up to five years in federal prison, according to the U.S. Attorney’s Office.
In October, federal authorities arrested four other suspected RAM members, including alleged RAM founder Ben Daley, 26, of Redondo Beach. He and three others pleaded guilty in federal court in Virginia to the conspiracy count in connection with their suspected roles in the deadly 2017 far-right rally in Charlottesville, Va.

Imo Assembly Sacks LG Chairmen, Councillors, Boards’ Members

Imo State House of Assembly building.


BY UROWAYINO WARAMI

Owerri (VANGUARD)
— Imo State House of Assembly yesterday, suspended indefinitly, chairmen of the 27 local government areas of the state, councillors, as well as all the boards’ appointments made by the immediate past governor, Rochas Okorocha.

Affected also in the indefinite suspension were all the recently-named universities, polytechnics and colleges of education.

The House, among other things, also mentioned that the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, EFCC, be invited with a view to unravelling the true financial status of Imo State as well as its debt profile.

It further ordered that the former Speaker, Acho Ihim, be stripped of his privileges, alleging that he derailed the House.

The reasons for their action were heaped on what some of them claimed to be “bad leadership of the former Speaker, Ihim, which stifled our voices

.” Recall that the same Imo State lawmakers, at different levels, approved and participated in the last appointments drama, approvals and local government council elections.

Vanguard was told that the last minute dramatic indefinite suspensions were made by the core loyalists to Governor Okorocha.

Vanguard learned that the action of Imo House of Assembly came after adopting a motion moved by Mike Iheanetu(Aboh Mbaise state constituency), demanding for the immediate dissolution of the last minute appointments and boards by the Okorocha government.

In another motion, which was moved by the member representing Ezinihitte Mbaise, Bruno Ukoha and adopted, he called for the indefinite suspension of the council bosses and their vice chairmen.

Clyburn Walks Back Impeachment Comments

House Majority Whip Jim Clyburn's comments stand in contrast to what he said Sunday, when he suggested it was only a matter of time before House Democrats began impeachment proceedings against Trump. Image: Alex Wong/Getty

BY HEATHER CAYGLE, SARAH FERRIS

WASHINGTON (POLITICO)
-- House Majority Whip Jim Clyburn on Monday walked back remarks suggesting that Democrats will impeach President Donald Trump, reversing course to say he’s “farther” from backing impeachment than most of his caucus.

Clyburn’s comments came after a private leadership meeting Monday evening in which Speaker Nancy Pelosi reiterated that she didn’t support launching impeachment proceedings right now despite a growing push within the caucus.

“I’m probably farther away from impeachment than anybody in our caucus,” Clyburn (D-S.C.) told reporters Monday night. “We will not get out in front of our committees. We’ll see what the committees come up with. I’ve said that forever.”

Asked by POLITICO whether he thought impeachment proceedings were inevitable, Clyburn simply said no.

The No. 3 Democrat’s comments stand in contrast to what he said Sunday, suggesting it was only a matter of time before House Democrats began impeachment proceedings against Trump.

“That’s exactly what I feel, I think we’ve already begun it,” Clyburn told CNN’s Jake Tapper when asked whether House Democrats would try to remove the president from office.

Clyburn went on to say that his caucus was still pursuing a methodical series of steps — including several committee probes, a slew of subpoenas, upcoming contempt votes and multiple court cases — with no timeframe for when that might culminate in official impeachment proceedings.

Other top Democrats were already distancing themselves from Clyburn’s remarks over the weekend, even before he seemed to soften his stance on the issue.

“Jim Clyburn is a well-respected member of Congress, someone whose shoulders that we all stand on, and I’ll let him speak for himself,” said Rep. Hakeem Jeffries (D-N.Y.), chairman of the House Democratic Caucus . “My position has not changed, which is we’re going to continue to proceed aggressively and methodically.”

Asked about Clyburn’s assertion that the House would eventually turn to impeachment, House Majority Leader Steny Hoyer (D-Md.) declined to comment.

“We’re not getting into that,” Hoyer said Monday night.

Rep. Katie Hill (D-Calif.), the freshman leadership representative, said: “I would say it may be” inevitable. “I wouldn’t say definitely. But I definitely think that there’s a good chance.”

The Democratic Conference Vice Chairwoman, Rep. Katherine Clark (D-Mass.), dismissed the idea that Democratic leaders were sending mixed messages to their caucus.

“I think we have one clear shared goal, and that is to get this president out of office as soon as possible,” Clark said. But she drew a clear contrast with Clyburn’s comments on Sunday.

“I certainly understand people’s thoughts about this, but I think it’s important to remember impeachment is a tool, not an end goal itself.”

Still, Democratic leaders are taking aggressive action against the Trump administration, including scheduling a floor vote next week to hold Attorney General William Barr and former White House counsel Don McGahn in contempt.

The vote, which Hoyer (D-Md.) announced during a closed-door leadership meeting on Monday, will also include sweeping authority authorizing committees to take legal action against Trump administration officials who defy Democrats’ subpoenas in the future.

The floor vote could appease some of the growing angst within the caucus as a gush of Democrats — including some senior lawmakers close to Pelosi — announced their support for impeachment last week after the first public statement from special counsel Robert Mueller on his two-year investigation.

Mueller said he was barred from considering whether to charge Trump with a crime because of longstanding Justice Department policy and implied that the only recourse to hold the president accountable was impeachment.

But it’s unclear how long Pelosi and her lieutenants can hold the line against impeachment, especially with Mueller saying last week that he didn’t want to testify about his report in front of Congress.

More than 50 House Democrats have come out in favor of impeachment in recent weeks, and some less-senior members of Pelosi’s leadership team — including Rep. David Cicilline, who leads the caucus’ messaging arm — are still pushing to open an impeachment inquiry.

35 Dead As Sudan Troops Move Against Democracy Protesters

Burning tires set by protesters produce black smoke on road 60, near Khartoum's army headquarters, in Khartoum, Sudan, Monday, June 3, 2019. Sudanese protest leaders say at least 13 people have been killed in the military's assault on the sit-in outside the military headquarters in the capital, Khartoum. The protesters have announced they are suspending talks with the military regarding the creation of a transitional government. (AP Photo)

BY BASSAM HATOUM, SAMY MAGDY

KHARTOUM, SUDAN (AP)
— Sudan’s ruling military moved to crush the protest movement opposing its grip on power as security forces overran the main sit-in site in the capital Monday, unleashing furious volleys of gunfire, burning down tents and killing at least 35 people, witnesses and protest leaders said.

With the assault, the generals signaled an end of their tolerance of the pro-democracy demonstrators, who for months have been camped outside the military’s headquarters as the two sides negotiated over who would run the country after the April ouster of longtime strongman Omar al-Bashir.


After they succeeded in forcing the military to remove al-Bashir, the protesters had stayed in the streets, demanding the generals move to the background and allow civilians to lead the transition.

The dispersal of the sit-in now risks escalating violence even further. Scattered by the bloody assault, protesters vowed to keep up their campaign, suspending talks and calling for a general strike and civil disobedience. They urged nighttime marches across the country.

“This is a critical point in our revolution. The military council has chosen escalation and confrontation,” said Mohammed Yousef al-Mustafa, a spokesman for the Sudanese Professionals’ Association, which has spearheaded the protests.

“Those are criminals who should have been treated like al-Bashir,” he said. “Now the situation is either them or us, there is no other way.”

The ruling military council said in a statement that security forces had been trying to clear an area adjacent to the protest camp when those it was chasing fled into the sit-in site, leading to the shooting deaths and injuries.

But activists said the assault appeared to be a coordinated move, with other forces attacking similar sit-ins in Khartoum’s sister city of Omdurman and the eastern city of al-Qadarif.

The attack came on the day before the Eid holiday that ends Ramadan, the holy month when Muslims fast during daylight hours. Large numbers of troops from the military, police and Rapid Support Forces — an elite unit that during the anti-al-Bashir protests had vowed to protect the sit-in — moved in on the gathering after overnight rains, activists said.

“They are surrounding the sit-in from all directions,” one activist, Amal al-Zein, said early in the assault, in which the forces burned tents and arrested those trying to flee.

An Associated Press journalist heard gunshots and explosions, and saw buses and soldiers on foot blocking roads leading to the protest site. In online videos, protesters were seen running and ducking as barrages of gunfire echoed. Smoke rose from tires set ablaze by the protesters.

Demonstrators stood behind low barricades of bricks and dug-up pavement, and some threw stones before being driven back by walls of blue-clad security forces carrying sticks. One video showed police swarming around a protester sprawled on the ground, beating him with sticks. In another video, residents opened their doors to shelter those who ran.

The Sudan Doctors’ Committee said the death toll had risen to at least 35 early Tuesday with the killing of five people in the city’s Bahri district. The group said it was difficult to count deaths in areas outside the military complex in Khartoum. Hundreds of people were wounded, many by gunfire, the group said.

Medical personnel and wounded were trapped in clinics as troops overran the area.

“Wounded people are lying on the ground in the reception area as there are not enough beds,” said Dr. Azza al-Kamel of the Royal Care hospital.

Hundreds were arrested, according to al-Zein and another activist, Hisham Shalabi. Photos posted online showed dozens of men and women lined up on the pavement, sitting or lying face down, under guard by troops.

The assault ended the sit-in at the heart of the movement that echoed the 2011 Arab Spring uprisings — although Sudan’s sought to learn from the mistakes of other protesters. Its leaders insisted that the removal of al-Bashir after 30 years in power was not enough. Tens of thousands remained in place in Khartoum and other camps around the country, demanding a fast transition to civilian rule.

The negotiations had imposed a degree of peace. But tensions mounted in recent weeks as the talks yielded little progress. The talks focus on the makeup of a transitional “sovereignty council” that would run the country for the next three years. Protesters demand the military have only limited involvement in the council, but the ruling generals have resisted relinquishing power.

Just over a week ago, Gen. Abdel-Fattah Burhan, the head of the military council that is ruling Sudan, met with his two top allies, the president of Egypt and the crown prince of the United Arab Emirates. Those leaders backed al-Bashir’s removal and have given strong support to the military council. They also deeply oppose movements such as those that swept the region in 2011.

The military council urged protest leaders to resume talks as soon as possible in order to “achieve the desired transformation.”

Until now, negotiations over the transition had kept a tenuous level of peace. But after Monday’s attack, protest leaders suspended the talks with the military council and called for a general strike and “total civil disobedience.”

In addition to calling for the nighttime marches, the Sudanese Professionals’ Association also called for closing off main roads to “paralyze public life” across the country.

The Forces for Declaration of Freedom and Change, which represents the protesters in the negotiations, called for toppling the military council and more street protests.

U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres condemned the crackdown and called for authorities to allow an independent investigation, said his spokesman Stephane Dujarric. “There was use of excessive force by the security force on civilians,” Dujarric said.

The U.N. human rights chief, Michelle Bachelet, expressed alarm at reports that live ammunition was used in the attack, including “next to, and even inside, medical facilities.”

The embassies of the United States and Britain also expressed concern.

Amnesty International urged the U.N. Security Council to consider imposing sanctions on members of Sudan’s ruling military council.

The military “has completely destroyed the trust of the Sudanese people and crushed the people’s hope for a new era of respect for human rights and respect for the right to protest without fear,” said Sarah Jackson, Amnesty International’s deputy regional director for East Africa.

Associated Press writer Bassam Hatoum reported this story in Khartoum and AP writer Samy Magdy reported from Cairo.

Better Parenting Starts With Knowing What Works. We Tested A Project In 8 African Countries

BY INGE VALLANCE AND GENEVIEVE HAUPT RONNIE Raising adolescents can be difficult under the best of circumstances. On top of that, some famil...