Wednesday, August 14, 2019

2 Ebola Patients In Congo "Cured" With Drugs, Say Doctors

Esperance Nabintu and her one-year-old son, Ebenezer Fataki, after the two had been declared cured of Ebola, in Goma, Congo Tuesday, Aug. 13, 2019. The two were treated with new anti-Ebola drugs by top doctors who said that the disease can be cured if people seek proper care. (AP Photo/Justin Katumwa)


BY SALEH MWANAMILONGO

KINSHASA, CONGO (AP)
— Two Ebola patients who were treated with new drugs in the city of Goma in eastern Congo have been declared “cured” and returned to their home.

Top doctors fighting Ebola quickly used the case on Tuesday to press the message that people can recover from the potentially deadly disease if they seek proper care.

Ebola is dangerous but it is also curable with correct treatment, said Dr. Jean-Jacques Muyembe, director of Congo’s National Institute for Biomedical Research.

“Ebola kills quickly and Ebola heals quickly. That’s the message,” said Muyembe, at a press conference in Goma.

“These cases were detected very quickly. The husband was infected, he was at home for 10 days and his wife and son were infected,” said Muyembe. “As soon as the response teams detected these cases, they brought them here to the treatment center. We gave them treatment that is effective and here in a short time both are cured.”

Muyembe said two new drugs “are now be used to treat Ebola patients because, according to the studies and the results we obtained in the lab, these are the two drugs that are effective.”

Muyembe and other scientists announced this week that preliminary results from two trials in Congo found two drugs — made by Regeneron and the U.S. National Institutes of Health — seem to be saving lives. Researchers said more study is needed to nail down how well those two compounds work. The drugs are antibodies that block Ebola. In the trial, significantly fewer people died among those given the Regeneron drug or the NIH’s, about 30%, compared to those who received another treatment.

Esperance Nabintu rejoiced that she and her young son had survived Ebola.

“May the Lord be praised, I thank the Lord very much. I and my child were sick with Ebola, but God has just healed us.

“My brothers, we must not doubt. Ebola exists, “said Nabintu, whose husband was the second Ebola victim to die in Goma. No other Ebola death has been detected since then.

After a public announcement that Nabintu and her son, Ebenezer Fataki, 1, had recovered from Ebola, the response team accompanied the two former patients their home in the Kiziba area, where the medical team educated the residents about proper Ebola treatment.

There is less danger that Ebola will spread through Goma, the capital of North Kivu province with more than 2 million inhabitants, because about 200 contacts and suspected cases have been identified and have received proper medication, said Muyembe. He said people arriving in Goma are being monitored at the city’s entry points.

“People who come from Beni and Butembo (nearby cities where there are many Ebola cases) must be carefully examined, “said Muyembe. “All of the 200 contacts we are following are doing well. We are waiting until the end of the 21-day surveillance period. We are at day 13, so there are still 8 days to go before we can say that Goma has won against Ebola.”

Health officials have also vaccinated tens of thousands of people in Congo and surrounding countries in an attempt to stop the outbreak, but the virus has now continued to spread for more than a year. Response efforts have been repeatedly hampered by attacks on health workers and continuing mistrust among the affected communities; many people in the region don’t believe the virus is real and choose to stay at home when they fall ill, infecting those who care for them.

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Tuesday, August 13, 2019

In Africa, China Is The News

A customer pays for a copy of the Africa edition of China Daily at a newsstand in Nairobi on Dec. 14, 2012. TONY KARUMBA/AFP/GETTY IMAGES via Foreign policy


BY AUBREY HRUBY


Beijing’s infrastructure projects may grab headlines, but its efforts to shape the media are more dangerous.

Washington has long been concerned about China’s “no strings attached” infrastructure deals in African markets. These large port, rail, and road projects grab headlines and stoke fears about African government debt levels and Chinese political influence. But the real strategic threat for the United States is not bricks-and-mortar projects but rather China’s efforts to reshape African countries’ media landscape.

In just over a decade, China has dramatically expanded its media presence in Africa, urging not just African publics to “tell China’s story well” but also influencing the continent’s underlying telecommunications, data, and information standards. Given that the United States has historically held a competitive advantage in communications and media, it should pay attention.

Today, mobile devices and television have near-universal penetration in Africa’s media markets. China’s telecom investments through Huawei Technologies and ZTE, whose largest shareholder is a Chinese state-owned firm, have established more than 40 third-generation telecom networks in more than 30 African countries. And Chinese firms make a huge chunk of the cell phones sold there. Transsion Holdings, which does not operate in the United States or Europe, accounts for 30 percent of African phone sales (under its brand Tecno Mobile), ahead of second-place Samsung at 22 percent. Transsion recently announced plans to raise more than $420 million for expansion through an initial public offering on the Shanghai Stock Exchange’s STAR Market technology board.

In South Africa, meanwhile, Huawei accounts for 14.5 percent of phones sold, the second-highest share and significantly more than Apple’s 4 percent. Although much of Africa consumes media through mobile devices, TV sales are growing among the middle class, and Chinese electronics companies are aggressively pursuing that market. Konka Group has set up a factory in Egypt to serve the regional market and has partnered with Jumia as a sales platform. In South Africa, Hisense, with investment from the China-Africa Development Fund, operates production facilities in Cape Town and is the leading player in the TV market with more than 22 percent market share. By dominating how media is delivered, Chinese companies are literally acting as the window to the world for millions of Africans.

With its unmatched access to African audiences, China is also investing in the content and infrastructure for African television.

In 2012, China established CCTV Africa—renamed China Global Television Network (CGTN) Africa in 2016 and made a part of the Voice of China media group in 2018—an English-language news channel run by the Chinese state broadcaster. It was the first international investment in a $6.6 billion global plan to strengthen China’s global presence. CGTN, with a large broadcasting subsidiary in Nairobi, lacks popular appeal in African markets. But it is offered nearly everywhere.

In Kenya, China’s Pan-Africa Network Group (PANG) won the right to be one of two broadcast distributors in 2015, when the country switched from analog to digital. Not a single U.S. company competed. There were rumors of corruption in the deal, and PANG is partially owned by StarTimes, a Beijing-based media and telecommunications firm with strong ties to the Chinese government. It has subsidiaries in more than 30 African countries and was selected as the sole contractor for the “10,000 villages” program announced by Chinese President Xi Jinping at the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation in Johannesburg in 2015. This initiative will bring digital TV services to more than 10,000 villages across 25 African countries.

StarTimes, partially owned by the China Development Bank’s China-Africa Development Fund, offers middle-class consumers a full range of services in the digital TV sector. The company’s big selling point is its affordability: The most basic digital cable package in Kenya costs just about $2.50, compared with $9.50 for the South African-owned DStv. No wonder that it has 10 million subscribers across the continent, with 1.4 million in Kenya alone.

China’s media plays are not limited to expanding or operating its own companies but also to investing in established African media companies. In Kenya, articles from Xinhua, China’s state-run news agency, fill English-language newspapers without citation. And in South Africa, companies linked to China have a 20 percent stake in Independent Media, the country’s second-largest media group, which includes 20 prominent newspapers. The outlet proved less than independent when it drew controversy by canceling a column that focused on the plight of Chinese Uighur Muslims in Xinjiang, a touchy subject for Beijing.

Incidents like this combined with the heavy subsidization of its own content and other investments indicate the seriousness with which China takes its penetration into African media, not merely as a commercial endeavor but also as an instrument of state policy. Some observers have argued that the Chinese government uses its media subsidiaries in Africa much as the Russian government uses RT in Europe; finding the cracks in Western media and filling them with alternative narratives deemed favorable to Chinese interests.

As it has been increasing its media presence on the continent, China is also shaping the careers of African journalists through high-level media cooperation initiatives and new China-Africa press centers.

Each year about 1,000 African journalists participate in training programs in China with the aim to build deeper understanding and cultural ties with the country. This is a concerning practice given China’s history of media coercion and censorship.

Monday, August 12, 2019

Early Study Results Suggest 2 Ebola Treatments Saving Lives

In this July 13, 2019 file photo, health workers wearing protective gear check on a patient isolated in a plastic cube at an Ebola treatment center in Beni, Congo. Health authorities in Congo have halted an Ebola treatment study early with good news: Two of the four experimental drugs seem to be saving lives. More than 1,800 people have died in the African country’s yearlong outbreak. (AP Photo/Jerome Delay, File)


BY LAURAN NEERGAARD

WASHINGTON (AP)
— Two of four experimental Ebola drugs being tested in Congo seem to be saving lives, international health authorities announced Monday.

The preliminary findings prompted an early halt to a major study on the drugs and a decision to prioritize their use in the African country, where a yearlong outbreak has killed more than 1,800 people.

The early results mark “some very good news,” said Dr. Anthony Fauci of the U.S. National Institutes of Health, which helped fund the study. With these drugs, “we may be able to improve the survival of people with Ebola.”

The two drugs — one developed by Regeneron Pharmaceuticals and the other by NIH researchers — are antibodies that work by blocking the virus.

While research shows there is an effective albeit experimental vaccine against Ebola — one now being used in Congo — no studies have signaled which of several potential treatments were best to try once people became sick. During the West Africa Ebola epidemic several years ago, studies showed a hint that another antibody mixture named ZMapp worked, but not clear proof.

So with the current outbreak in Congo, researchers compared ZMapp to three other drugs — Regeneron’s compound, the NIH’s called mAb114 and an antiviral drug named remdesivir.

On Friday, independent study monitors reviewed how the first several hundred patients in the Congo study were faring — and found enough difference to call an early halt to the trial. The panel determined that the Regeneron compound clearly was working better than the rest, and the NIH antibody wasn’t far behind, Fauci explained. Next, researchers will do further study to nail down how well those two compounds work.

The data is preliminary, Fauci stressed. But in the study, significantly fewer people died among those given the Regeneron drug or the NIH’s — about 30% compared to half who received ZMapp. More striking, when patients sought care early — before too much virus was in their bloodstream — mortality was just 6% with the Regeneron drug and 11% with the NIH compound, compared to about 24% for ZMapp, he said.

Among people who receive no care in the current outbreak, about three-fourths die, said Dr. Michael Ryan of the World Health Organization. All of Congo’s Ebola treatment units have access to the two drugs, he added, saying he was hopeful that the news would persuade more patients to seek care — as soon as symptoms appear.

Tackling Congo’s outbreak has been complicated both by conflict in the region and because many people don’t believe Ebola is real and choose to stay at home when they’re sick, which spurs spread of the virus.

“Getting people into care more quickly is absolutely vital,” Ryan said. “The fact that we have very clear evidence now on the effectiveness of the drugs, we need to get that message out to communities.”

Fauci said Regeneron and Ridgeback Biotherapeutics, which has licensed the NIH compound, told authorities enough doses are readily available.

One issue researchers will have to analyze: Occasionally people who receive the Ebola vaccine still become sick, including some in the treatment study, which raises the question of whether their earlier protection inflated the drugs’ survival numbers.

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The Associated Press Health and Science Department receives support from the Howard Hughes Medical Institute’s Department of Science Education. The AP is solely responsible for all content.

Sunday, August 11, 2019

Sowore And Back Road To Democracy By Owen Donbruce

Omoyele Sowere image via Leadership


LEADERSHIP


There is a lot in common between the spate of banditry that various gangs have been unleashing against the lives and property of the majority of law-abiding citizens and the latest outbreak of political disorder misguided by urban youths recruited by Omoyele Sowore in pursuit of delusions of “revolution”.

Both groups seek to reap where they have not sown. They both share the deviant desire to short-cut their way to satisfy inordinate desires to acquire wealth and power even at the expense of innocent lives, property and ultimately, stability of the nation.

On arrival in 2018, he boasted: “I am coming from New York and I have just arrived Nigeria to lead a movement to change power in the country. I have been doing activism for over 30 years, I have never done anything less than national politics. So, there is no less position. The position that is most important to Nigerians today is the position of the president. I am more than qualified. There is no need going to become a Local Government Chairman, Councilor or a Senator when I can run the country as the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria”.

His African Action Congress (AAC) special purpose vehicle easily fulfilled conditions for registration but the reality of political inconsequence was stark. Sowore came tenth in the presidential elections with 33,953 votes, far less than what an average local government contestant can record and obliterated by President Muhammadu Buhari’s 15,191,847 votes.

Sowore’s next assignment was in fulfillment of his often expressed mission, reflected in his choice of identity for his online platform, Sahara Reporters, “named less for geography than to symbolize his desire to “kick up a storm across Nigeria.” He was no less truthful about his new mission by tagging it “Revolution Now”, knowing that Cambridge online dictionary defines revolution as “a change in the way a country is governed, usually to a different political system and often using violence or war”.

The bottom line of the Sowore sinister strategy is that he is now emerging in his true colours as a mercenary of the overt and covert US based entities on whom he has been dependent for existence and sustenance of his online platform. He has now dropped all pretences of pro-democracy activism and dared to don the cape and cloak of an agent provocateur to undermine the stability of his fatherland because he has another country, US, to call his own.

If he were genuinely “pro-democracy” he would have staked his resources in raising his political profile and winning more hearts and minds across Nigeria preparatory to the 2023 elections. Instead he has been spear-heading the hostile agenda of a foreign country to “kick up a storm across Nigeria” by instigating a revolution through which his foreign masters can infiltrate our country, to exacerbate unavoidable conflicts that will erupt.

Sowore is certainly unsuitable and ill-equipped for office of a local government chairman and lacks the loyal followership of less than half the 33,000 votes he allegedly scored, considering that virtually all those who voted to him were misled and induced.

A bold indication of his pedigree and partners was again flaunted with impunity when he visited the other mercenary of the foreign agenda for dismembering Nigeria, Nnamdi Kanu, who jumped bail, betrayed his sureties and abandoned his “Biafra army” for the London haven provided by his foreign masters.

Nigerians must always remember that we have been successfully operating a full-fledged democracy since 1999. When unpatriotic elements, devoted to the agenda of enemies of the sovereignty of our father land provoke them into so-called pro-democracy activism, confrontational street protests and “revolution”, they should ask them to form a political party and be a constructive contribution to building our democratic dispensation.

All over the world, there is no civilized and accountable alternative system of government than democracy. It is because there can be no perfection in governance that democracy provides periodic opportunities for peaceful, transparent and systematic general elections into its institutions for the people to choose their representatives.

Sowore’s oft-repeated credential is that he is an “activist”, but it only diminished his leadership qualifications beyond street protests. Sowore as president of the SUG at UNILAG got expelled twice. Today he stands expelled by the Africa Action Congress, the party he formed for his failed presidential bid. His successor as National Chairman, Leonard Nzenwa said he would not be the kind of chairman Sowore was and remarked: “We acknowledge the constitutional rights of citizens to peaceful protest against the government, but we are aware that this constitutional right does not include the right to resort to unconstitutional takeover of the government of the country or any part thereof.” Swooning from revolutionary stupor, Sowore insists “I can run this country in my sleep.” He must be very busy now!

'Let Our Voices Be Heard': March Against Immigration Raids

CORRECTS TO SAY THE RAIDS WERE WEDNESDAY, NOT TUESDAY - Children of mainly Latino immigrant parents hold signs in support of them and those individuals picked up during an immigration raid at a food processing plant, during a protest march to the Madison County Courthouse in Canton, Miss., following a Spanish Mass at Sacred Heart Catholic Church in Canton on Sunday, Aug. 11, 2019. The raids Wednesday at poultry plants in Mississippi have spurred churches that have been key to providing spiritual and emotional comfort to workers to now step up to provide material aid to jailed or out-of-work church members. (AP Photo/Rogelio V. Solis)

BY JEFF AMY

CANTON, MISS. (AP)
— The children of Sacred Heart Catholic Church streamed out into Mississippi’s heat on a blistering Sunday afternoon, carrying what they said was a message of opposition against immigration raids their parents could not.

“I will not sit in silence while my parents are taken away,” read a sign carried by two Hispanic boys. They were among a group of several dozen marchers who set out on foot from the church to the town square in Canton to protest the 680 migrant arrests at seven poultry plants in Mississippi last Wednesday.

“Imagine coming home and not finding your parents,” said Dulce Basurto-Arce, an 18-year-old community college student, describing how parents of friends were arrested. “We are marching so no other kid has to go through what we went through. Let our voices be heard!”

Basurto-Arce spoke from the steps of the same courthouse in Canton where Martin Luther King Jr. once rallied protesters against segregation in a 1966 “March Against Fear” across Mississippi.

Churches were the backbone of the civil rights movement. Today, as President Donald Trump and Republican allies continue to defend the raids, churches have emerged as the top sources of spiritual and material support to the mostly Mexican and Guatemalan workers targeted by the raids.

Some churches are going beyond comfort and material aid, with their response flaring into political opposition. The state’s Catholic, Episcopal, United Methodist and Evangelical Lutheran bishops denounced the raids in a joint statement Friday.

The bishops said they would aid the immigrant families, saying there is “an urgent and critical need at this time to avoid a worsening crisis.”

“We are called ... to speak the truth. And the truth is, this is not right,” said Bishop Brian Seage of the Episcopal Diocese of Mississippi, speaking at a news conference one day after the raids.

On Sunday, Trump administration officials defended their actions, amid emotional pleas from children to let their parents go.

Acting Customs and Border Protection Commissioner Mark Morgan acknowledged that one video of an 11-year-old sobbing was “emotional” but said the girl was quickly reunited with her mother.

“I understand that the girl is upset. And I get that,” Morgan said on CNN. “But her father committed a crime.”

Acting Homeland Security Secretary Kevin McAleenan acknowledged that the timing of the raids was “unfortunate,” coming hours before Trump visited El Paso, Texas, where a man who told authorities he was targeting Mexicans killed 22 people on Aug. 3. But McAleenan told NBC the operation had been planned for more than a year.

Hours after the officials’ televised appearances, more than 250 people filled Sacred Heart to overflowing. A few were white people there to show support, but most were Hispanic congregants who normally attend the weekly Spanish-language Mass.

Deacon Cesar Sanchez, who is originally from Mexico’s Michoacan state and is studying to be a priest in the Jackson diocese, gave a homily in Spanish in which he spoke of Jesus also being an immigrant and a refugee. He said the church is a pilgrim church and that “God is with his people.”

The Canton church has emerged as a hub of the community’s response to the raid. Its pastor, the Rev. Mike O’Brien, stood with parishioners until 4 a.m. Thursday outside the Peco Foods plant in Canton, awaiting those freed from custody that night. O’Brien said he drove several people home who had hidden from federal agents inside the plant and emerged late at night.

Those arrested and released can’t work legally and their families may face one last paycheck as income dries up. Immigration court dates may not be until 2020 because of a deep backlog. Those who face court proceedings must also pay for their own lawyers or go without, and may have court dates at locations hundreds of miles away.

“What are their children going to eat?” the Rev. Jason Coker, coordinator of the Cooperative Baptist Fellowship in Mississippi, asked last week.

In answer, churches including Sacred Heart are collecting food, diapers and money. They’re helping members meet lawyers.

Maria Rodriguez is one person looking to churches for help. She said Sunday at Sacred Heart that her husband, Gumensihdo Rodriguez-Lopez, had been seized by federal agents at Peco and is now held in Natchez, Mississippi.

As she talked, she rocked the youngest of the couple’s five children, Azael, in his stroller. “He’s sad for his father,” she said in Spanish of the fussy toddler. “Everyone is sad.”

“We really need him back because we have kids and I don’t work,” she said through a translator. “I don’t know what I’m going to do.”

Other religious groups are helping, too.

Pastor Hugo Villegas is a missionary for the Scott County Baptist Association, overseeing a Spanish-speaking mission in Morton, where two plants were raided, as well as two in the larger neighboring town of Forest. People have been droping off donations for the families at the Baptist association’s food pantry and clothes closet.

But Tere Villegas, the pastor’s wife, said few Hispanic families typically come to the pantry so they are spreading the word that aid is available. She added, English-speaking Baptists “have been helping out any way they can.”

Follow Jeff Amy at: http://twitter.com/jeffamy

Emeka Ogboh Installation Fills CMA Atrium With Sound Of Nigeria And Timely Message Of Diversity

Emeka Ogboh. Image via Cleveland

BY STEVEN LITT
CLEVELAND
The Nigerian artist Emeka Ogboh, based in Lagos and Berlin, wasn’t trying to make an overtly political statement in his large-scale installation, “Ámà: The Gathering Place,” the first work commissioned by the Cleveland Museum of Art for its big central atrium.

But the timing and context of the work surround it with a swirl of political meanings that have local and global implications.

The installation gives pride of place in the heart of the museum for the first time to African art at a moment in which the institution — located in a majority black city — is trying harder to diversify an audience that has skewed largely white for decades.

In that sense, Ogboh’s installation neatly serves the institution’s need to make minorities, particularly blacks, feel more welcome.

Celebrating cultural pluralism

In a larger sense, Ogboh’s work celebrates globalism and cultural pluralism at a time when Western democracies —including the United States — are awash in right-wing nationalism, xenophobia, racial division and hostility to immigration.

Ogboh’s work consists of a 30-foot-tall replica of an African baobab tree, made with giant blocks of Styrofoam wrapped in earth-toned Akwete cloth, that towers over the east end of the atrium.

Arrayed on the granite floor in the center of the atrium is a circle of 14 black, rectangular loudspeakers that stand about 4 feet high. They fill the air intermittently with uplifting choral arrangements of traditional Igbo folk songs from southeastern Nigeria, Ogboh’s home region.

Visitors can sit or lie in the circle on beanbag chairs and cushioned boxes wrapped in Akwete cloth woven in colorful geometric patterns as they let the sound of Nigeria wash over them.

In the bamboo grove toward the west end of the atrium, which borders the museum’s cafe, Ogboh has installed a series of small loudspeakers amid the foliage.

The choral music flips back and forth from the bamboo grove to the center of the atrium and to speakers installed on the baobab tree, creating sonic experiences of intimacy, grandeur and ravishing beauty.

Ogboh, 42, is a rising global star whose work, focusing largely on recorded sound, has been featured in the prestigious Documenta 14 exhibition, held in Kassel, Germany, and Athens, Greece, and in displays at the Menil Collection in Houston and in Philadelphia’s Logan Square.

His show here was organized by Emily Liebert, the museum’s curator of contemporary art, and by Ugochukwu-Smooth C. Nzewi, who joined the museum in June, 2017 as its curator of African art, and its first black curator, and who left earlier this year for a post at the Museum of Modern Art in New York.

Public space at the center

Ogboh’s goal in Cleveland is to draw a comparison between the art museum’s atrium and traditional village squares in southeast Nigeria, which function as places for commerce, people-watching, relaxation and ritual ceremonies.

But Ogboh’s work has other, obvious meanings in a country whose president has described Latin American immigrants and asylum-seekers as part of an “invasion” and an “infestation,” and who described immigrants from Haiti, El Salvador and Africa as coming from “s---hole” countries.

Well, here is an artist from one of those countries, bringing a profound sense of humanity and joy into the light-washed core of the museum, one of Cleveland’s biggest public rooms.

The museum started laying plans for the Ogboh installation in 2017, before Trump’s reported epithet about Haiti, El Salvador and Africa. But the mood of division and fear stoked by the president was certainly apparent as the museum prepared to give an African artist a highly visible exhibit.

Then, as now, the decision to display Ogboh’s work so prominently affirms the role of the museum as a safehouse for cultural expression of all kinds.

Beauty of listening
That doesn’t make the institution a politically motivated island of resistance. But it makes it a place that aims to treat all people and cultures with receptivity and respect. It’s a place where the shouting can stop and, especially in the case of Ogboh’s installation, people can just listen.

In America today, that in itself can be considered a political statement.

Ogboh himself recognizes the inherent tensions in his Cleveland debut at this particular moment.

The gregarious, 6-foot-6 artist firmly declined to say anything about Trump in an interview. But he’s certainly aware of the global climate in which his career is unfolding.

“I mean, right now around the world we have nationalists and right wings rising,” he said. “It’s happening in Germany, but I think it’s not as bad as in America.”

The artist used to describe himself as a migrant or an immigrant, but lately he’s come to use the word “expatriate.”

“They shove ‘migrants’ and ‘immigrants’ down our throats,” he said, speaking of xenophobes everywhere. “So yeah, I want to be an expatriate, living outside my country, working and paying taxes and employing Germans.”

In the current climate, he said he considers his work an invitation to “be more open,” and to realize “there’s nothing wrong with movement of people.”

Ogboh’s act of resistance is to reject the idea of racial or cultural purity. He wants to celebrate exchange, appreciation, understanding.

“There is really no pure form of human culture,” he said. “We’ve been intermixing for thousands of years. So maybe this is the next new wave of the mix.”

udging by the audience reaction to Ogboh’s installation, it’s an instant hit. Visitors have enthusiastically accepted the artist’s invitation to lounge on the Akwete cushions under the big atrium skylight and bathe in 12 compositions performed by 12 Nigerian singers.

Transcending a gap

Ogboh’s recordings are vivid and vital, and they create an aural space that is contained by the museum’s architecture, but also easy to perceive as an embodiment of another place, another society.

The work transcends the gap between here and there, which is what makes it so enthralling, especially now.

It also brings a welcome artistic dimension to the entire atrium, the centerpiece of the museum’s 2013 expansion and renovation designed by architect Rafael Vinoly.

In a more utilitarian way, Ogboh’s work is portable. Its pieces and parts can be moved from time to time during the show’s run between now and Dec. 1, enabling the museum to continue to rent the space for special events.

Until then, music and textiles from Nigeria will serve as a point of entry before visitors explore galleries surrounding the atrium that are devoted to 5,000 years of art from cultures around the world.

Making such a statement at any time would be notable at the museum. But the present political and cultural circumstances in the United States make it especially important now.

Women Haters, Mediocre Men Dominate Nigeria’s Political Space — Chimamanda

VANGUARD INTERVIEW



Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie. Image via Vanguard


World-renowned writer, Chimamanda Adichie, in this exclusive conversation with Sunday Vanguard, discusses politics, belief system, identity and, of course, her obsession with feminism. This chat, which also covers other subjects, is an informative exploration through the mind of one of Africa’s greatest writers.

Aside racism, if it counts in this case, what has been your greatest challenge as an internationally recognised, award-winning African creative writer based in the US?

When my first novel was published, American readers often said they were surprised by how relatable the Nigerian characters were. An early challenge for me was getting readers to see that African stories are valid as literature as any other stories. Not that Africa is the same as anywhere else, because obviously, every place is unique, but that African stories are human stories in the way that literature is about human stories. I grew up reading books from all over the world and I was able to identify with characters from Russia to India.

Globalisation fosters cultural imperialism such that Nigerian youths do not wish to be identified with their origins but would rather be associated with the trends of the Western nations. Your books portray strong ties to African culture especially Igbo, even, in Americanah where the protagonist grew up in the West. How do you think the love for African roots can be re-established or sustained among the youths? 

My protagonist in Americanah did not grow up in the West. I think parents and guardians have a major role to play. You can’t speak only English to your children, act as if everything traditional is evil, not teach them to be proud of their history, and then turn around and complain that they are now ‘globalized.’ By the way, there is no such thing as a globalised identity; even the most cosmopolitan people have a core sense of identity. I consider myself a person who is very comfortable in the world and I love many diverse places in the world but it is because of my sense of self. It is my comfort in my skin as an Igbo woman, a Nigerian, an African, that makes this possible. My daughter speaks Igbo and I find it curious how many fellow Igbo and fellow Nigerians are shocked by this. I want to raise her bilingual as I was also raised bilingual. To give a child the language of her people is a gift that will serve her for the rest of her life. It gives her a sense of who she is. And it’s doable because we all did it. Most Nigerians of my generation are bilingual, so why can’t our children be?

Females all over the world are beginning to speak, recognise and take a stance on their places in the society yet this is being abused by some. What are the core differences between feminism and misandry? 

 Every movement has its extremist side. Look at history, the fight for independence in different countries always had a militant side but we don’t usually say that the militant side represents the movement. I often feel that this question of feminism being misandry is a question of bad faith. It is also used as a way of closing down important conversations. Feminism is about justice. Any thinking person who observes the world and is honest knows that women have historically been excluded, reduced, oppressed in different ways. Feminism is about trying to right that wrong. If a person is pointing out ways in which men have benefited socially or politically in ways that women have not, it does not mean that person hates men. If a person talks about the alarming rate of male violence against women, it is not hating men; it is simply stating facts, facts that we should all want to change. Women may be speaking up more but that doesn’t mean that the cultural, systemic, religious and traditional norms that reduce women have changed. I believe men are part of the solution. Men have to be feminists as well. Men have to speak up about this injustice.

This is a follow-up. Can you also point out the differences between feminism and chivalry?

Chivalry is really a form of noblesse oblige. It is the idea that men treat women well, help them, etc, because men are more powerful. But the problem is that if you think of a group of people as people you help it means you will never think of them as your equals or even as people who can be in a position higher than you. Most men who think of themselves as chivalrous are the same who cannot imagine a female president or who don’t want a female boss or who believe that women become powerful only be sleeping with men. Of course, being protective of the women in your private life is perfectly fine and very different from viewing women in general as people you have to protect. We should protect people who need protection. Some women need protection. Some men also need protection. 

You are being featured in the National Geographic Magazine Landmark: Portraits of Power alongside other great women like Oprah Winfrey, and Melinda Gates among others. Is your being a symbol of power a result of the impact of your writing or feminism stance? 

It is everything I represent. My fiction writing gave me a platform that I chose to use to speak about what I care about. One of the things I care about is feminism. But it is not the only thing I care about. In my experience, my greatest fans are those who have read all my books and I deeply appreciate them. 

Buchi Emecheta, the most successful female black writer in the UK refused to be tagged a feminist even though the bulk of her works has the theme of woman, gender role-play and inequality. Being a feminist icon and an internationally recognised African female writer, what is your take on this? 

Ms. Emecheta was an icon and a great inspiration for me. The Joys of Motherhood is a novel everyone should read. She rejected the word feminist because at the time it was a politically loaded word that often referred to the concerns of middle-class white women and excluded many black women. I have chosen to use the word feminist based on the dictionary definition, because we need to reclaim that word and because we need a word to rally around in order to address sexism. By those standards, Ms. Emecheta was definitely a feminist. She stood for equality for women. 

What is your view on the portrayal of women in Nigerian politics and what are your suggestions as regards this?

 It is important for women to be seen as equally capable and as equal actors in the political space. Nigerian politics is about access, patronage and money. Unfortunately, because women have traditionally not been allowed into these spaces, it is hard for women to compete, hard for them to get ‘godfathers’ and hard for them to be taken seriously. Which is why the few women who actually run for powerful offices have to be exceptional, have to work much harder, and have to deal with a lot more backlash, while mediocre men can sail through on the wings of a godfather and on the assumption that being male means you should be a leader. I do not support the idea of a ‘women’s wing’ of political parties because it suggests that women are slightly lower on the totem pole of ability, and it casts women as people who occupy supportive roles rather than those who should compete for real power. Political parties have to support women more in real positions of power, not token positions. But the fundamental problem is how we think of women in this culture. There are still too many men and women who do not believe that women are capable of being good political leaders. So women are not groomed or encouraged to become politicians. A relative once told me that a woman cannot be governor in Nigeria. I asked why and he simply said, ‘because she’s a woman.’ But we should be asking: who is qualified? Who will not steal state money? Who will use security vote wisely? Who will care about education and healthcare? Whose policies will focus on human beings rather than the personal egos of the politician? We need to be more open-minded in our conception of political leadership. 

Women who seek power

 Studies have shown that people, both men and women, do not like women who seek power. If you observe carefully, women who seek power are scrutinized more, criticized more and their ability is doubted more. They are also often assumed not to be competent. Somebody told me some time ago that Bianca Ojukwu was not ‘qualified’ to run for Senate because she was merely the wife of a leader. Mrs. Ojukwu is an intelligent lawyer. I asked this person what qualification the men he supported had. Many of those men were barely literate. The point is that we as citizens have to constantly question our assumptions and identify our blind spots and the places where we do not think critically. 

You are an avid supporter of LGBTQ which is a practice that is being frowned upon in Africa. How do you still maintain your African/homophobic audience? 

I believe in ‘live and let live.’ I also know that not all Africans are homophobic. African societies have had gay people for centuries. If we look back at our childhoods, there was always the girl or boy who we knew was ‘different’ but we took it in stride. The problem now is that it has become politicised. We have decided to fight political battles invented by western evangelicals. Ask yourself when exactly homophobia became such a big issue in Africa. Gay people cause no harm and Nigerians say they should be killed. But we have leaders who steal and lie, who do not pay elderly pensioners, and we don’t say they should be killed, even though these leaders are responsible for the deaths of fellow citizens. To be clear I don’t support violence and don’t think anybody should be killed but I am making a point about our prejudice and misplaced priorities. How exactly does our society benefit from harassing and attacking gay people? How can we say that a fellow citizen should be killed when that citizen has equal rights as we do and has done nothing to harm anyone? If your religion says you should avoid something then please avoid it for yourself, and do not force others to live by your faith. I am sure Christians don’t want to be made to abide by Sharia and Muslims don’t want to say the Lord’s Prayer. Ancient African societies were accepting of diversity. Let’s live and let live. 

Are you considering depicting LGBTQ in any of your upcoming books? 

People are people. Gay people are people. Please read my short story ‘Apollo’ in the New Yorker. Also, read ‘The Shivering’ in my collection The Thing Around Your Neck. 

With your busy schedule, how do you balance living in two countries? 

I feel very grateful that I can live in both Nigeria and the US and so I don’t mind the challenges involved in achieving a balance. I don’t think I would be fully happy if I had to live exclusively in either place. I am private about my private life, especially because my work as a writer requires being so public. At home, I love to spend time with family and friends. I love quality time with loved ones. I love laughter, conversation and healthy food. I am not very keen on going out. My life in the US and Nigeria is focused on that.

Morocco’s Contemporary Diplomacy As A Middle Power

King Mohammed VI



RABAT, MOROCCO (MWN) -- The 20th anniversary of the reign of King Mohammed VI of Morocco is a timely opportunity to analyze the interaction between the kingdom and its diplomatic counterparts, in particular how Morocco approaches its diplomatic relations.

The concepts of “Middle Power” and “Middle Power diplomacy,” developed by scholars out of international relations and diplomatic practice theories, help provide a conceptual framework for assessing Morocco’s contemporary diplomacy.

From Traditional to Emerging Middle Powers

The Middle Power concept has evolved significantly since the 20th century through constant diplomatic practice. Traditionally, Middle Powers comprised a narrow circle of established democracies that were industrialized and affluent, such as Australia, Canada, Denmark, New Zealand, Norway, and Sweden. These countries shared the following features: support for liberal internationalism and multilateralism, adherence to good international citizenship, active provision of development assistance, and concentrated “niche diplomacy.”

Over the past two decades, scholars have started referring to “new” or “emerging” Middle Powers, including countries like Brazil, Malaysia, Mexico, Nigeria, Qatar, and South Africa. These new Middle Powers share a commitment to multilateralism, but nevertheless hold distinct features. they are newly democratic states facing internal economic challenges, serving as intermediaries between developed and developing states through regional dominance in terms of hard power (through economic strength, military capabilities) and/or by projecting their diplomatic soft power, and holding leadership roles in regional institutions as representatives of the global South.

Key Features of Middle Power Diplomacy

Renowned scholar Gareth Evans focused on the concept of Middle Power diplomacy instead of Middle Powers. He did so in order to address the constantly evolving definition of Middle Powers. According to Evans, Middle Power diplomacy holds certain distinct features. The first is the ability to challenge the established position of stronger powers and negotiate balanced agreements through intensive bargaining and negotiation. The second is the focus on a niche diplomacy in line with their institutional capacities and credibility; instead of extending to the whole policy spectrum, their diplomacy concentrates on a specific field, sector, or country in which it operates. Third is the constant use of multilateralism to promote international policy tasks. This takes the form of reaching compromise positions to resolve disputes, forming coalitions with other states or through international organizations, and regional activism.

Each of these features face certain limits, however. For one, Middle Power diplomacy will tend to focus on more than one niche, which unravels the niche concept’s relevancy. Promoting international policy tasks through multilateralism requires Middle Power diplomacy to hold sufficient weight and credibility in the international arena to encompass the discussion over an item on the international politics agenda, or for the Middle Power country to be entrusted with advocating on behalf of other countries. Finally, Middle Power diplomacy still requires the country to have certain elements of hard power such as a sizeable economy, population, territory, and/or military, in order to ensure effectiveness over its diplomatic efforts.

To what extent then does Morocco’s contemporary diplomacy fit within the conceptual framework of Middle Power diplomacy?

Successfully Challenging a Stronger Power’s Position Through Persistent, Protracted Diplomatic Action

In March 2016, Turkey and the EU entered into a historical agreement to regulate the inflow of migrants reaching the Greek coast through Turkey. Following three years of intensive negotiations, Turkey obtained significant gains. Similarly, over the past decade, Morocco has been facing a significant increase in migration from Sub-Saharan Africa and Syria. In light of shared concerns with the EU over addressing the migration crisis, Morocco found itself in a better position to negotiate for overall assistance from the EU. The new deal not only includes satisfactory financial arrangements, but also a set of comprehensive policy measures. In other words, Morocco managed to negotiate a benefical agreement in spite of the EU’s status as a stronger power.

Likewise, Morocco was successful in increasing financial contribution from the EU for renewing the fishing and agricultural agreements between the two entities, as well as in applying preferential trade tariffs to products sourced from its Southern provinces. Moroccan diplomacy managed to successfully bargain with a stronger entity (the EU) by employing the tools of protracted negotiations, persistence, and issue linkage.

Strengthening Morocco’s Multilateral Position Through Regional Organizations

Moroccan diplomacy in recent years has increased the multilateral scope of its diplomatic action. Its growing visibility in international organizations is the result of an explicit policy to strengthen the country’s presence and influence within multilateral institutions through senior responsibility assignments. These influences have been exhibited in particular at the 72nd General Assembly of the United Nations, among others. Such action is significant in regional organizations following the return of Morocco to the African Union in January 2017 and the recent accession request to the Economic Community of West African States.

Moroccan Diplomacy in West Africa: A Quest for Leadership

When examining relations between Morocco and certain West African countries, namely Gabon, Guinea Conakry, Ivory Coast, Mali, Nigeria and Senegal, we understand how its quest for regional leadership translates into South-South economic cooperation, niche diplomacy, and the willingness to serve as an intermediary between greater and smaller powers.

Morocco’s economic diplomacy has strengthened its involvement in the African continent over the past two decades, with three main trends underlying Morocco’s foreign direct investment: significant investment inflows by large Moroccan banks as well as commodities, construction, energy, and telecom companies into West African economies; a regional connectivity strategy to promote the Casablanca airport as a transport hub for travelers to West Africa; and the reinforcement of the partnership with Nigeria (another regional Middle Power) through religious diplomacy and a gas pipeline project.

It is important to highlight that Morocco’s economic diplomacy goes beyond the achievement of an economic return or the recognition by all African states of Morocco’s sovereignty over its Southern provinces. Instead, it seeks to promote the development and stability of African citizens through mutually profitable cooperation and active solidarity. It pursues shared interests with its African counterparts. That is the only way to be perceived by other African countries as a regional leader rather than a hegemon.

Another major feature of Moroccan contemporary diplomacy is using religious or faith-based diplomacy as a tool of niche diplomacy in Sub-Saharan Africa. Such religious diplomacy when used as a soft power targets shared objectives. It answers the needs of African states by training local religious scholars, prevents religious extremism by countering the influence of Wahhabism, and consolidates the preexisting moderate Malekite religious rite in Africa.

Morocco’s diplomacy also offers its human capital and facilities to serve as an intermediary between West African countries and greater powers by advocating on their behalf on strategic issues such as migration. This effectively translated into hosting the Global Compact Initiative in Marrakech in December 2018, where the kingdom played a leading role as the rapporteur for the African agenda and then as conference chair. It also led to an agreement with the African Union to host in Rabat the new headquarter of the African Observatory for Migration and Development.

A Subtle Balance

The Middle Power concept is therefore relevant to analyze Morocco’s status in the context of international relations, and elements of Moroccan diplomacy fit well within the framework of Middle Power diplomacy. The country’s ability to strengthen leadership in the African continent whilst maintaining strong ties with Western allies will be key to consolidating its Middle Power status.

Originally published in Columbia SIPA Journal of International Affairs.

Amine Bennis is a Principal Counsel at the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development. With over 10 years of experience in a multilateral development bank and law firms, he specializes in development finance and has a passion for international relations and geopolitics. He is a graduate of the Universities of Paris II Panthéon-Assas, Sciences Po Paris, and the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy. The views expressed are personal and should not be taken as representing the position of his employer.

South Africa: SA, Nigeria In Talks Over Expulsion Of South Africans

South Africa International Relations Minister Naledi Pandor. Image: ENCA

BY 7TH SPACE

International Relations Minister Naledi Pandor says South Africa is in contact with Nigerian authorities regarding calls by a student organisation in Nigeria, calling for the expulsion of South Africans and protests at South African owned businesses.

The protests are said to be in response to alleged killings of Nigerians by South Africans.

“As you are aware, these allegations are devoid of truth, reckless and unwarranted. We find these statements most unfortunate as they don't reflect the strong relations that exist between the people and the Government of South Africa and Nigeria.

“The two countries enjoy strong bilateral relations, which were forged over many years during our struggle for liberation in South Africa and in this democratic era, fully supported by the people and Government of Nigeria,” said the Minister.

The Minister made the remarks at her department’s monthly media briefing on international matters. She was joined by Police Minister Bheki Cele.

Pandor said the Acting High Commissioner to Nigeria, Bobby Moroe has had several meetings with the police and other senior government officials in Nigeria.

“We have also had contact from the highest level of the Nigerian government, we have been assured that authorities in Nigeria are taking these calls for protests seriously. They have also assured us that South African citizens and their property in Nigeria will be protected,” she said.

The statements referred to, appear to result from the unfortunate passing of Elizabeth Ndubuisi-Chukwu, the Deputy Director-General of the Chartered Insurance Institute of Nigeria, in June 2019.

The South African Police Service is still investigating the incident.

“We believe no one should abuse this unfortunate tragedy to generate negative sentiments about South Africa and we express our condolences to Mrs. Ndubuisi-Chukwu's family; friends and the people of Nigeria,” said the Minister.

Pandor’s remarks comes just a week after police tactically withdrew from an intelligence-driven operation targeting counterfeit goods in the Joburg CBD.

Among those arrested for attacking the police at the operation were South African citizens and some foreign nationals.

Addressing the briefing on Sunday, Minister Cele said police target all criminality regardless of the perpetrator's nationality.

“We deal with everything that is criminality. We deal with any and everybody that commits crime without looking at the nationality of that particular person.

“Criminality is criminality regardless of who commits it,” said Minister Cele.

It is worth mentioning that, daily, Nigerian nationals travel to South Africa for a multiplicity of reasons ranging from business, tourism and academic purposes.

Similarly, South Africans have chosen Nigeria as their preferred destination for investment and other activities of interest. Nigeria is home to approximately 120 South African companies, amongst which are MTN, Shoprite, Multichoice, SAA, and Game.

All these companies have over the years contributed towards job creation and social responsibility programmes for Nigerian nationals, both young and old.

“We are, therefore, very pleased that our strong relations were able to place South African business on a firm footing in Nigeria, and also paved the way for further investments by Nigerian business in South Africa.”

Pandor said she hopes - with the support of the High Commission in Nigeria - to invite to South Africa some of the leaders of student organisations, leading the calls for protests against South African businesses in Nigeria.

“I hope their visit will help them to develop a different view from that which they have about South Africa,” said the Minister. – SAnews.gov.za

BOOK REVIEW: Edna O’Brien’s Lonely Girls

THE ATLANTIC




The setting of her new novel is terror-ridden Nigeria, a world away from her native Ireland, but the psychic territory is familiar.

The novel is short and spare, and its title, Girl, sounds abstract, even generic. The setting of the story is unspecified, though it’s clear enough. It’s Nigeria, and more or less now, during the reign of terror of the Islamist insurgency group Boko Haram, here referred to simply as the Jihadis. The girl of the title, however, does have a name, Maryam, and so do many of the other suffering girls and boys and men and women whose stories are told in passing in this mournful book—people rousted from their homes or, like Maryam, from their schools; people captured or set wandering in an unforgiving landscape. Their oppressors and even their putative saviors in the government and the army remain anonymous. The beleaguered and the beset-upon are the ones who count in Girl, as always in the stories Edna O’Brien has been telling for the past six decades. “We were at the rim of existence and we knew it,” Maryam says at one point, and that scary place, where a girl is alone with herself and a dubious future, has ever been O’Brien’s favored territory—her unnameable home.

When she made her sensational debut as a novelist, with The Country Girls (1960), O’Brien was telling the story of girls much like herself, growing up in the beauty and superstition and stifling piety of Ireland’s west country and trying to fight their way to another sort of life. That novel, which was a wee bit franker about the sexual longings of nice Irish Catholic girls than her countrymen were used to, was promptly banned in Ireland, as were its two sequels—The Lonely Girl (1962) and Girls in Their Married Bliss (1964)—and, for good measure, her next three novels as well. (Years later, she discovered that her own mother had redacted her personal copy of The Country Girls, blacking out offending words and phrases.) Like her contemporary Philip Roth, who later became a fast friend, O’Brien wrote about the messiness of sex and the paradoxes of cultural identity in ways that seemed to get under people’s skin, in language so luxuriant and intimate that you couldn’t deny the power of the feelings being described. And like Roth, she never quite cast off the whiff of scandal that clung to her earliest fiction. She learned, as he did, to wear it with a certain bemused pride.

O’Brien scandalizes by other means now. Her two most recent novels, The Little Red Chairs (2015) and Girl, find her taking on subjects that a writer of her years and stature might sensibly avoid as too grim: Serbian war crimes in The Little Red Chairs, and now the barbarities of Boko Haram. In Girl she even makes the daring choice to tell this terrible tale in the protagonist’s own words—an 88-year-old Irish woman speaking in the voice of a barely pubescent Nigerian girl. (Maryam isn’t quite sure how old she is.)

That choice feels natural because, despite the obvious contrasts in circumstances, this girl isn’t so different from O’Brien’s young Irish heroines. She lives in a world that’s testing her, daring her to survive. And she survives, in part, by the act of writing about her ordeals. In a scrupulously hidden diary, she enters the stark details of what she endures, records the nightmares she has while sleeping and awake. “From dream to waking and back again,” she writes. “I cannot tell the difference.” Her matter-of-factness is heartbreaking, as she describes a brutal kidnapping, genital mutilation, repeated rapes, a forced marriage, a painful childbirth, a terrified flight through the forest, the puzzling remoteness of family and friends and officials, the anguish of believing that her baby is dead—and, ever present, chaos, hunger, fear, and self-doubt. The story her furtive diary entries tell has a stunned, muted tone, the flat affect of someone in shock.

This is Maryam’s voice, in Girl’s first sentences: “I was a girl once, but not any more. I smell. Blood dried and crusted all over me, and my wrapper in shreds. My insides, a morass. Hurtled through this forest that I saw, that first awful night, when I and my friends were snatched from the school.” It’s the deadened, illusionless voice of innocence abruptly lost, quickened here and there by little verbal sparks like morass and hurtled, signal flares of the soul. O’Brien has often written about women who are victims, but her women, even the very young ones like Maryam, are never only victims. They’re always fighting, often with no weapon but language, to keep hold of themselves and find a way home.

Girl isn’t the book to read for the history of Boko Haram and its long assault on the peaceful citizens of Nigeria, or for a nuanced analysis of the country’s volatile politics. Scott MacEachern’s Searching for Boko Haram: A History of Violence in Central Africa (2018) does those jobs admirably, and The Chibok Girls: The Boko Haram Kidnappings and Islamist Militancy in Nigeria (2016), by the Nigerian novelist Helon Habila, supplies more detail about the 2014 schoolgirl abductions on which O’Brien’s novel is loosely based. Girl is the book to read for the sights and sounds and, yes, smells of some Nigerians’ harrowing experiences, and for a general sense of what it’s like to live in a world of radical, deadly unpredictability. Everything in Girl seems to happen suddenly, out of the blue or in the darkness of deep night. The novel hurtles, as its heroine is hurtled, from one thing to another and another and another, with deranging, near-hallucinatory speed.

The random-seeming quality of the storytelling is something new for O’Brien, whose usual pace is more measured and contemplative. The effect is disorienting, and it’s meant to be. I can’t think of another writer who so late in her career has so thoroughly reimagined herself and the practice of her art. She appears to have decided that the only way to do justice to her subject is this helter-skelter narrative style, in which events have no apparent logic, dreams and realit, and other voices, telling different stories or reciting learned myths and legends, keep bobbing up in the choppy course of Maryam’s tale.

We hear, in his own words, how a little boy named John-John was captured by the Jihadis; in her own words, how a schoolmate of Maryam’s made her escape; how an “oldish” man named Daran found his way to a crowded refugee camp; how the grandfather of a pilgrim called Esau slew a bull; and many other snatches of story, song, and even scripture, all recorded by the wandering girl Maryam as they were told to her. The rhythm of Girl is intermittent and fearsomely strong; reading this novel is like riding the rapids.

And that, it seems to me, is what living in one of the world’s too-numerous war-ravaged places must be like. The violence is awful, but just as awful, in a way, is the day-to-day accommodation to relentless illogic and unreason—the creeping sense, at every moment, of certain disruption and displacement, sudden exile and loss. Girl captures that sort of existential dread as well as any war novel I know. Early on, Maryam describes the day of her kidnapping: “We enter dense jungle, trees of all kinds, meshed together, taking us into their vile embrace. Nature had gone amok here.” That feeling of wrongness in nature is entirely new to her. Later, we learn that she had won a prize at school for an essay about trees, which did not seem then to embrace her vilely. Quite the contrary: “In our country we depend on trees for our lives,” she wrote.

For shelter in rain and for shade in sun. For food of many kinds. They are our second home … But the most important aspect of the tree is the Tree Spirit. Ancestors who have died live there and govern lives. They ward off evil. If these sacred trees are harmed or lopped or burnt, ancestors get very angry and sometimes take revenge. Crops fail and people go hungry. “Don’t step on the spirits,” my brother Yusuf would say when we did spells in there, tiptoeing over the bony roots that wound and knitted together. It was always at evening time. Birds did not roost there, but at certain times sang some song that was both inexplicably sweet and melancholy.

She dreams of this essay, at a moment when the very trees—her second home—have turned alien to her, malign. And when she wakes, in the Jihadis’ camp, she tells her diary: “I will never get out. I am here forever. I am asking God to please give me no more dreams. Make me blank. Empty me of all that was.”

This is a vision of hell: a girl, hardly begun in her life, wishing to be emptied of all that was. O’Brien has always been singularly alert to that sort of bleak emotion, especially when the despair is visited upon the young. It’s no more of a stretch for her to imagine the feelings of a Nigerian teenager than it was for her 16 years ago to find her way into the mind of another girl undone by war, in her play Iphigenia, adapted from Euripides. Is the experience of a contemporary African girl really less accessible to a European writer of the 21st century than the Trojan War and the worldview of the ancient Greeks? Iphigenia discovers in the course of the play that her father, King Agamemnon, means to sacrifice her in order to appease the gods and, he hopes, reverse the flagging fortunes of the restive military he commands. That’s a girl whose world has turned on her. Iphigenia naturally pleads with her father at first: “Do not destroy me before my time … I love the light … do not despatch me down to the netherworld … hell is dark and creepy and I have no friends there … I am your child … I basked in your love.” But by the inevitable end, she’s telling her mother, “One must not love life too much.” She’s been emptied.

War does that to people, and war, O’Brien knows, is a constant in history. Not all conflicts are the same, but their effects on the human spirit have a terrible sameness. It would be a shame if her attempt to assume the voice of an African girl were to be seen only, or even primarily, as an act of cultural appropriation. O’Brien’s understanding of, and sympathy for, girls in trouble transcends culture—the place she’s made for them in her fiction is practically a country of its own. But if Girl earns her a scolding from some quarters, or even stirs up a bit of a scandal, that’s something she has spent her whole long career learning to live with. She’ll survive, in that room of her own where the words come to her, out on the rim with all her lonely girls.

Friday, August 09, 2019

Family Came To America To Escape Violence; Father Gunned Down In Dayton Mass Shooting




BY CHRISTIAN HAUSER

DAYTON, OHIO (WKRC)
- Saeed Saleh's wife, Zaid Essayas, still cannot believe her husband is gone.

Saleh, his wife and their daughter came to America to escape oppression and violence in Africa, only for Saleh to be gunned down in the place he thought his family would be safe.

"I wish he would have come back among the wounded, and if he had come wounded, I would have been happy," a family friend translated for Essayas.

Last Saturday was a rare night out for the husband and father.

"He said he was going to go and meet his friend and he'll be back shortly and then never came back," Essayas said.

She hasn't been able to find the words to tell their daughter she'll never see her father again.

"She keeps asking her, 'Where is my dad? Give him a call. Isn't he finished working?'" Essayas said.

Saleh fled Eritrea in east Africa for a refugee camp in Sudan. That's where he met Zaid. From there, the two went to Libya then Malta. That’s where their daughter, Randa, was born. Then, they came to the United States as refugees.

"She says that her husband was a very loving person, gets along with everybody and he's always helped other people, and he was a very down-to-earth person," Essayas said.

Dayton attorney Buzz Portune says the family celebrated a milestone in March.

"It's so meaningful to be able to present these to these families who have fled oppression, fled terror and come to the United States seeking refuge, seeking a new life. And to be able to present a new green card to an applicant, to me, is a recognition that you are now part of this country," Portune said.

Portune has been working with Catholic Social Services to help families like Saleh's get their green cards.

"He was an impressive man, and it is just so sad and so tragic that he came here. He and his family now have to endure what happened to him," Portune said.


SOURCE: LOCAL 12-WKRC

Nigeria’s Federal Police Force Has Failed, But What Does History Say About Local Forces?

The Dogarai police system was reformed in 1907 to become the Native Authority Police Force. Wikimedia Commons BY SAHEED BALOGUN AMUSA PROFES...