Tuesday, June 11, 2019

A Concise History Of The US Abortion Debate

19th-century advertisements for abortion-inducing items and abortion services. The Library Company of Philadelphia, CC BY-NC

BY TREVA B. LINDSEY
On Nov. 14, 1972, a controversial two-part episode of the groundbreaking television show, “Maude” aired.

Titled “Maude’s Dilemma,” the episodes chronicled the decision by the main character to have an abortion.

The landmark Supreme Court ruling in Roe v. Wade was issued two months after these episodes. The ruling affirmed the right to have an abortion during the first 12 weeks of pregnancy. “Maude’s Dilemma” brought the battle over abortion from the streets and courthouses to prime-time television.

Responses to the episodes ranged from celebration to fury, which mirrored contemporary attitudes about abortion.

In the almost 50 years since Roe v. Wade, the debate over abortion has pervaded politics in the U.S.

While many may think that the political arguments over abortion now are fresh and new, scholars of women’s, medical and legal history note that this debate has a long history in the U.S.

It began at more than a century before Roe v. Wade.

The era of ‘The Pill’

Less than 10 years before “Maude’s Dilemma” aired, the Food and Drug Administration approved the first commercially produced birth control pill, Envoid-10.

Although various forms of birth control predate the birth control pill, the FDA’s approval of Envoid-10 was a watershed in the national debate around family planning and reproductive choice.

Commonly known as “The Pill,” the wider accessibility of birth control is seen as an early victory of the nascent women’s liberation movement.

Abortion also emerged as a prominent issue within this burgeoning movement. For many feminist activists of the 1960s and 1970s, women’s right to control their own reproductive lives became inextricable from the larger platform of gender equality.

From unregulated to criminalized
From the nation’s founding through the early 1800s, pre-quickening abortions – that is, abortions before a pregnant person feels fetal movement – were fairly common and even advertised.

Women from various backgrounds sought to end unwanted pregnancies before and during this period both in the U.S. and across the world. For example, enslaved black women in the U.S. developed abortifacients – drugs that induce abortions – and abortion practices as means to stop pregnancies after rapes by, and coerced sexual encounters with, white male slave owners.

In the mid- to late-1800s, an increasing number of states passed anti-abortion laws sparked by both moral and safety concerns. Primarily motivated by fears about high risks for injury or death, medical practitioners in particular led the charge for anti-abortion laws during this era.

By 1860, the American Medical Association sought to end legal abortion. The Comstock Lawof 1873 criminalized attaining, producing or publishing information about contraception, sexually transmitted infections and diseases, and how to procure an abortion.

A spike in fears about new immigrants and newly emancipated black people reproducing at higher rates than the white population also prompted more opposition to legal abortion.

There’s an ongoing dispute about whether famous women’s activists of the 1800s such as Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony opposed abortion.

The anti-abortion movement references statements made by Anthony that appear to denounce abortion. Abortion rights advocates reject this understanding of Stanton, Anthony and other early American women’s rights activists’ views on abortion. They assert that statements about infanticide and motherhood have been misrepresented and inaccurately attributed to these activists.

These differing historical interpretations offer two distinct framings for both historical and contemporary abortion and anti-abortion activism.

Abortion in the sixties
By the turn of the 20th century, every state classified abortion as a felony, with some states including limited exceptions for medical emergencies and cases of rape and incest.

Despite the criminalization, by the 1930s, physicians performed almost a million abortions every year. This figure doesn’t account for abortions performed by non-medical practitioners or through undocumented channels and methods.

Nevertheless, the commonality of abortions didn’t become a hotly contested political issue until the women’s liberation movement and the sexual revolution of the 1960s and 1970s. These movements brought renewed interest in public discussions about reproductive rights, family planning, and access to legal and safe abortion services.

In 1962, the story of Sherri Finkbine, the local Phoenix, Arizona host of the children’s program, “Romper Room,” became national news.

Finkbine had four children, and had taken a drug, thalidomide, before she realized she was pregnant with her fifth child. Worried that the drug could cause severe birth defects, she tried to get an abortion in her home state, Arizona, but could not. She then traveled to Sweden for a legal abortion. Finkbine’s story is credited with helping to shift public opinionon abortion and was central to a growing, national call for abortion reform laws.

Two years after Finkbine’s story made headlines, the death of Gerri Santoro, a woman who died seeking an illegal abortion in Connecticut, ignited a renewed fervor among those seeking to legalize abortion.

Santoro’s death, along with many other reported deaths and injuries also sparked the founding of underground networks such as The Jane Collective to offer abortion services to those seeking to end pregnancies.

In 1967, Colorado became the first state to legalize abortion in cases of rape, incest, or if the pregnancy would cause permanent physical disability to the birth parent.

By the time “Maude’s Dilemma” aired, abortion was legal under specific circumstances in 20 states. A rapid growth in the number of pro- and anti-abortion organizations occurred in the 1960s and 1970s.

On Jan. 22, 1973, the Supreme Court’s ruling in Roe v. Wade nullified existing state laws that banned abortions and provided guidelines for abortion availability based upon trimesters and fetal viability. This ruling remains the most important legal statute for abortion access in modern U.S. history.

With numerous states recently passing bills banning abortions after six to eight weeks – a challenge to Roe’s legalization of abortions up to 12 weeks of pregnancy – it is unsurprising that many people are asking questions about both the history and future of abortion in the U.S. Due to current legal challenges, these bills are not yet in effect.

The legal battle to overturn or uphold Roe v. Wade is in full swing. Regardless of whether Roe v. Wade stands, history suggests that this will not be the last chapter in the political struggle over legal abortion.


The Most Unpopular Presidential Election Winner Ever Could Win Again In 2020

Donald Trump receives historically low favorability ratings. REUTERS/Alkis Konstantinidis


BY LIBERTY VITTERT, BRENDAN LIND
Donald Trump is the first president to ever be elected while being actively disliked by the majority of Americans. Trump was also the first person elected president who was significantly less popular than his counterpart.

Most Americans have heard of presidents losing the popular vote but winning the election. But to win while the majority of Americans oppose you? How is that possible?

At the time of the election, Trump had the highest unfavorability rating in history, with over 61% of Americans having an “unfavorable” view or “disapproving” of Trump. (There’s also an “undecided” option.)

Luckily for Trump, he faced a historically unpopular opponent. Before 2016, no losing presidential candidate had had an unfavorable rating above 47%. But on election eve, Hillary Clinton’s was 52%, an unprecedented election in American history.

Pretty soon, Americans will start to hear nothing but polls, predictions and political forecasts in the news cycle for the 2020 elections. But, as a statistician and political polling expert, we think that there is one polling prediction device that will be overlooked and misunderstood: approval ratings.
Winning without the popular vote

History has been rather kind to presidents who didn’t win the popular vote. Trump is the fifth U.S. president to lose the popular vote and win the Electoral College.

All presidents have experienced a bump in popularity between election and Inauguration Day. But only Trump still found his approval rating – the percent of Americans who approve of the way the president is handling his job – below 50% upon entering office.

According to FiveThirtyEight, the day Trump stepped into the White House, he had only a 45.5% approval rating. This stands in stark contrast to Barack Obama, for example, who took office with a 68% approval rating.

Moreover, Trump has the lowest approval average in history, at only 40%. The next lowest is Harry Truman at 45.4%.

These data clearly show that Trump is the least-liked president in American history. With such unpopularity, how could he possibly win again?
Approval ratings and reelection

While election forecasting has become increasingly complex with new prediction models and techniques, there is an unsung hero of polling predictions: the approval ratings.

Introduced by George Gallup in the late 1920s, presidential approval ratings aimed to gauge the level of public support for the sitting president at any given time during his presidency.

Every single reelected president since approval rating polls began has had over a 50% approval rating when reelected, or been on an upward approval rating trend over 30 days before the election. If neither of those is satisfied, the incumbent loses.

It has been that simple.

As with any statistical analysis, the trends are more important than the raw numbers. The 2016 election was historically unprecedented in terms of favorability of the candidates, as is the political polarization of the U.S.
Look at the spread

We think that pollsters, and the general public, shouldn’t compare Trump’s approval ratings to past presidents.

What can be compared? The difference of highs and lows.
According to historical Gallup polls, Trump’s spread – the difference between the highest recorded and lowest recorded approval rating poll – has never been more than 13%.

Not a single president since this type of robust polling began, back to Franklin D. Roosevelt, has ever shown this level of consistency in approval ratings. In fact, the next-smallest spreadwas 27%, for John F. Kennedy.

Trump’s approval ratings show that he has the strongest base in historical times.

2020 by the numbers

There are still nine months to go until the first ballots will be cast in the race to the White House for 2020, and the Democratic nominee’s identity will most likely not be known for almost a year. Still, Trump’s chances of reelection are being discussed daily.

Trump’s approval ratings are unlikely to go over 50%, given his lackluster starting point. So what does he actually need to win?

A simple statistical model applied to recorded approval ratings shows Trump has been garnering higher and higher approval ratings since taking office. Put simply, his base is staying strong and even growing. This is in direct contrast to all presidents except Bill Clinton.

Past incumbent presidents followed the rule that 49% approval and above means winning reelection, and anything below meant no second term. But Trump did not start at, nor will most likely ever reach, that level of approval.

Americans may again see something that, statistically speaking, has never been seen before. Approval ratings have high correlations with predicting the next president, but with Trump, the numbers are outside any historical trends.

The most unpopular winner ever may very likely win again.

Iran Revokes New York Times Correspondent's Accreditation

In this April 28, 2009, The New York Times' correspondent based in Tehran Thomas Erdbrink walks on a sidewalk in Tehran, Iran. Iran has revoked the press accreditation for The New York Times' correspondent based in Tehran, the newspaper reported Tuesday. (AP Photo/Vahid Salemi)

BY JON GAMBRELL

DUBAI, UNITED ARAB EMIRATES (AP)
— Iran has revoked the press accreditation for The New York Times’ correspondent based in Tehran without explanation, the newspaper reported Tuesday.

While the newspaper said it remained hopeful Thomas Erdbrink soon would be allowed to work again, the revocation comes amid heightened tensions between the U.S. and Iran stemming from President Donald Trump’s withdrawal from Tehran’s nuclear deal with world powers a year ago.

Iran pulled Erdbrink’s government-required authorization to work as a journalist four months ago, the Times said. He’s been unable to work since February and the Times said it decided to go public with his situation “after recent speculation and comments on social media.”

“Officials of Iran’s Foreign Ministry have repeatedly assured the Times that Mr. Erdbrink’s credential would soon be restored but have offered no explanation for the delays or for why it was revoked,” the Times reported , quoting international editor Michael Slackman. “He added that there are some indications this will be resolved soon.”

Dutch public broadcaster NOS, which also employs Erdbrink as a correspondent, quoted him as saying that “important steps” had been taken to resolve the issue, without elaborating.

Iran’s mission to the United Nations did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

When asked about Erdbrink during a press conference on Tuesday, Iran’s judiciary spokesman Gholamhossein Esmaili said that Iran allowed many journalists into the country to work. “Regarding this person, I have no information on what has happened,” Esmaili said.

Erdbrink, a Dutch national, previously worked as a correspondent for The Washington Post, as well as with other Dutch media. He’s married to Iranian photographer Newsha Tavakolian, who is represented by the Magnum photo agency.

Tavakolian also has been barred from working, the Times reported. Magnum did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Both he and Tavakolian were the focus of “Our Man in Tehran,” a 2018 documentary about his work and life as a Western journalist in Iran. Erdbrink also has appeared in bit parts in Farsi movies as well.

Journalists in Iran can face harassment from security services, while others have been imprisoned for their work. While local journalists face the brunt of that, foreign journalists in Tehran, especially those with Western ties, have been imprisoned as well.

“Working here is like walking a tight rope,” Erdbrink said at one point in “Our Man in Tehran.”

The last major case involved Iranian-American reporter Jason Rezaian of the Washington Post, who was convicted in an internationally criticized, closed-door espionage trial in 2015. A 2016 prisoner swap negotiated between Iran and the U.S. amid the start of the nuclear deal freed Rezaian and three other Iranian-Americans in exchange for pardons or charges being dropped against seven Iranians. That deal also saw the U.S. make a $400 million cash delivery to Iran.

___

Associated Press writer Mike Corder in The Hague, Netherlands, contributed to this report.

___

Follow Jon Gambrell on Twitter at www.twitter.com/jongambrellAP .

Monday, June 10, 2019

Get Tough: Pot Industry Wants LA Crackdown On Rogue Shops

In this March 15, 2018 file photo, an undercover Los Angeles County sheriff's deputy loads two evidence bags into a van after raiding an illegal marijuana dispensary in Compton, Calif. The legal marijuana industry is urging Los Angeles City Hall to get tougher with illegal shops that are gouging into their business. Illegal pot shops are widespread throughout Los Angeles, selling cheaper products than their legal rivals because they don't pay taxes. In a letter Monday, June 10, 2019, the industry group Southern California Coalition recommended the city consider seizing cannabis inventory and cash from illegal shops that are found to be selling tainted products. (AP Photo/Jae C. Hong, File)


LOS ANGELES (AP) — The legal marijuana industry urged Los Angeles City Hall on Monday to get tougher with illegal shops that are gouging their businesses in open sight.

Illegal pot shops are widespread throughout Los Angeles and typically look like the real thing. And they’re thriving — they sell cheaper products than their legal rivals because they don’t charge hefty state and local taxes.

In a letter Monday, the industry group Southern California Coalition recommended the city consider seizing cannabis inventory and cash from illegal shops that are found to be selling tainted products.

In the legal market, marijuana, concentrates, cookies and other products must be tested by independent labs for consumer safety — a requirement that illegal shops can ignore.

The group said that the failure to seize cash and pot products from illegal shops after raids allows the business to quickly reopen.

With no testing safeguards in place in the illegal market “there’s a high probability the … cannabis products in these shops are contaminated,” the group wrote.

They urged the city “in the strongest possible terms to continue testing cannabis … in unlicensed shops.”

California’s effort to transform its longstanding illegal and medicinal marijuana markets into a unified, multibillion-dollar industry kicked off last year. But the transition has been uneven and it’s likely to take years for the legal market to find its footing.

Many communities ban marijuana sales and growing, leaving residents in those places without access to legal shops. Businesses complain about hefty tax rates that can approach 50 percent in some communities, which they say drive consumers into the tax-free illicit market. There’s on ongoing fight over home deliveries, and a promised tax windfall never arrived.

There have been problems in other states with legal marijuana. In Nevada, a court fight is underway after some businesses charged that the state system for awarding licenses is unfair. In Oregon last year, an excess of marijuana in the supply chain prompted regulators to suspend processing new applications for marijuana business licenses.

In Los Angeles, the industry group said that many legal shops are being driven toward bankruptcy because they are surrounded by rogue shops undercutting them.

Because of taxes and heavy regulatory fees, legal operators “cannot compete with illicit operators,” the group said.

The group also recommended ticketing employees at rogue shops to discourage them from returning, and having building inspectors always accompany police on raids to close down unsafe structures. They also suggested the city consider placing tax liens on illegal shops.

Copyright © The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.

Medical Pot Laws No Answer For US Opioid Deaths, Study Finds

BY CARLA K. JOHNSON
THE ASSOCIATED PRESS


In this May 20, 2019, file photo photo head of cultivation at Loving Kindness Farms Jason Roberts checks one of his marijuana plants in a grow room wearing green lights not to wake them wake them during their night cycle in Gardena, Calif. A new study shoots down the notion that medical marijuana laws can prevent opioid overdose deaths. Chelsea Shover of Stanford University School of Medicine and colleagues reported the findings Monday, June 10, in Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. (AP Photo/Richard Vogel, File)

A new study shoots down the notion that medical marijuana laws can prevent opioid overdose deaths, challenging a favorite talking point of legal pot advocates.

Researchers repeated an analysis that sparked excitement years ago. The previous work linked medical marijuana laws to slower than expected increases in state prescription opioid death rates from 1999 to 2010. The original authors speculated patients might be substituting marijuana for painkillers, but they warned against drawing conclusions.

Still, states ravaged by painkiller overdose deaths began to rethink marijuana, leading several to legalize pot for medical use.

When the new researchers included data through 2017, they found the reverse: States passing medical marijuana laws saw a 23% higher than expected rate of deaths involving prescription opioids.

Legalizing medical marijuana “is not going to be a solution to the opioid overdose crisis,” said Chelsea Shover of Stanford University School of Medicine. “It would be wonderful if that were true, but the evidence doesn’t suggest that it is.”


This Aug. 29, 2018, file photo shows an arrangement of Oxycodone pills in New York. A new study shoots down the notion that medical marijuana laws can prevent opioid overdose deaths. Chelsea Shover of Stanford University School of Medicine and colleagues reported the findings Monday, June 10, in Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. (AP Photo/Mark Lennihan, File)

Shover and colleagues reported the findings Monday in Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. It’s unlikely, they said, that medical marijuana laws caused first one big effect and then the opposite. Any beneficial link was likely coincidental all along.

“We don’t think it’s reasonable to say it was saving lives before but it’s killing people now,” Shover said.

In the opioid crisis, dozens of forces are playing out across the nation in different ways. How widely available is the overdose antidote naloxone? Who has insurance? How broadly does insurance cover addiction treatment?

What’s more, prescription pills once were involved in the largest share of overdose deaths, but that changed as heroin and then fentanyl surged. The studies on marijuana laws and opioid deaths don’t account for that.

The new study undermines recent policy changes in some states. Last week, New Mexico joined New York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania in approving marijuana for patients with opioid addiction.

“I was told my paper helped change the law in New York. I was appalled,” said Rosalie Liccardo Pacula of the Rand Drug Policy Research Center. She co-authored a 2018 study on marijuana laws and overdose deaths.

Experts agree evidence doesn’t support marijuana as a treatment for opioid addiction. Drugs like buprenorphine, morphine and naltrexone should be used instead, Pacula said.

Human Rights Group Locates North Korean Execution Sites

In this Feb. 26, 2019, file photo, South Korean protesters and North Korean defectors hold portraits of North Korean leader Kim Jong Un during a rally urging the United States to discuss North Korean human rights issues in the upcoming summit between U.S. President Donald Trump and North Korean leader Kim Jong Un near the U.S. embassy in Seoul, South Korea. The Seoul-based human rights group Transitional Justice Working Group said Tuesday, June 11, 2019, it has carried out research to identify hundreds of sites where witnesses claim North Korea has carried out public executions as it continues to aggressively use the death penalty to intimidate its citizens. (AP Photo/Lee Jin-man, File)


BY KIM TONG-HYUNG

SEOUL, SOUTH KOREA (AP)
— A human rights group said Tuesday it has identified hundreds of spots where witnesses claim North Korea carried out public executions and extrajudicial state killings as part of an arbitrary and aggressive use of the death penalty that is meant to intimidate its citizens.

The Seoul-based Transitional Justice Working Group said its research was based on interviews with 610 North Korean defectors who helped locate the sites with satellite imagery.

The group didn’t reveal the exact locations of the 323 sites because it’s worried that North Korea will tamper with them, but said 267 of them were located in two northeastern provinces near the border with China, the area where most of the defectors who participated in the study came from.

North Korea’s public executions tend to happen near rivers, in fields and on hills, and also at marketplaces and school grounds — places where residents and family members of those sentenced are often forced to attend the killings, the report said. The group also said it documented 25 sites where the dead were allegedly disposed of by the state and also found official locations that may have documents or other evidence related to the killings.

The Associated Press could not independently verify the report, and the group acknowledged that its findings weren’t definite because it doesn’t have direct access to North Korea and cannot visit the sites defectors told it about. Heeseok Shim, one of the report’s authors, also said interviews with defectors suggest that public executions in North Korea are becoming less frequent, although it’s unclear whether that’s because more people are being executed in secret.

The Transitional Justice Working Group is a nongovernment organization founded by human rights advocates and researchers from South Korea and four other countries. The group said the new report was made possible by funding from the Washington-based National Endowment for Democracy, which is funded by the U.S. Congress.

North Korea didn’t immediately respond to the report, but the nation bristles at outside criticism of its human rights record and claims negative assessments are part of U.S.-led pressure campaigns meant to tarnish the image of its leadership and destroy the country’s political system. In a report to the United Nations Human Rights Council in May, North Korea said it “consistently maintains the principle of ensuring scientific accuracy, objectivity and impartiality, as well as protecting human rights in dealing with criminal cases.”

A 2014 United Nations report on North Korea’s human rights conditions, however, said state authorities carry out executions, “with or without trial, publicly or secretly,” in response to political and other crimes that are often not among the most serious offenses. While public executions were more common in the 1990s, North Korea continues to carry them out for the purpose of instilling fear in the general population, the report said.

The new report said its findings show arbitrary executions and extrajudicial killings under state custody have continued under the rule of young leader Kim Jong Un despite international criticism over how North Korea supposedly applies the death penalty without due judicial process.

Almost all of the state killings documented in the report were public executions by firing squad. Public executions are almost always preceded by brief “trials” on the spot where charges are announced and sentences are issued without legal counsel for the accused, the report said. Bodies of people killed by state agents are not typically returned to the family and are often dumped in mountainous areas, buried in the ground without markers, or thrown into a gorge or ravine, it said.

The rights group said the information it gathered will be crucial if a political transition in North Korea allows for the identification of victims, the return of remains to families and investigations into human rights abuses committed by the government.

The group released an earlier report in 2017 based on a smaller number of interviews. It said the new report is better sourced.

Nigeria: Widespread Violence Ushers In President’s New Term

Nigeria’s military guard the campaign headquarters of President Muhammadu Buhari in Abuja, Nigeria, Feb. 25, 2019. © AP Photo/Jerome Delay

ABUJA (HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH)  – The Nigeria elections in 2019 that brought President Muhammadu Buhari back into office for a second term were marred by political violence, some of it by soldiers and police officers, Human Rights Watch said. Buhari should take concrete steps to address the widespread political violence, and to ensure accountability for human rights abuses by soldiers and police as he begins his second term.

The election period included persistent attacks by factions of the insurgent group Boko Haram in the northeast; increased communal violence between nomadic herdsmen and farmers spreading southward from north-central states; and a dramatic uptick in banditry, kidnapping, and killings in the northwestern states of Kaduna, Katsina, and Zamfara. Security forces have failed to respond effectively to threats to people’s lives and security.

“The lack of meaningful progress in addressing the prevalent political violence, as well as lack of accountability for rights abuses, marked Buhari’s first term in office,” said Anietie Ewang, Nigeria researcher at Human Rights Watch. “He should put these issues at the front and center of his second term agenda and urgently take concrete steps to improve respect for human rights.”

Human Rights Watch interviewed 32 people, including voters, journalists, election observers, activists, and Independent National Electoral Commission officials in Rivers and Kano states, and documented 11 deaths specifically related to violent interference in the election process during the February 23 presidential election and subsequent state elections.

The national and state elections in February, March, and April 2019 contributed to the general insecurity across the country. The politically related violence reported in many states was in contrast to the relatively peaceful 2015 elections that brought Buhari into his first term in office. According to a report by SBM Intelligence, which monitors sociopolitical and economic developments in Nigeria, 626 people were killed during the 2019 election cycle, starting with campaigns in 2018.

Kano state, in northwestern Nigeria, has the highest number of registered voters in the country. Rivers state, in the Niger Delta, receives the largest share of crude-oil-based national revenue, representing significant electoral value to any political party. The history of elections in both states is replete with violence by state security agencies and criminal elements. Human Rights Watch focused its research on both states in view of projections and reports of violence during the 2019 elections. Despite police claims of increased security measures to ensure peaceful voting, there seems to have been little or no police response to reports of threats and acts of violence by hired political thugs and soldiers against voters and election officials, Human Rights Watch found.

Voters and election officials said that policemen either fled or stood idly by, fueling allegations of complicity, as perpetrators stole election materials, disrupted voting, and harassed voters. Witnesses said that the police also shot live rounds of ammunition and used teargas to disperse people protesting voting disruptions.

Witnesses said that after a soldier was killed in the town of Abonnema, in Rivers state, on election day, soldiers shot at residents, killing an unknown number of people. They also carried out sweeping arrests and arbitrarily detained several people. “The soldiers were on a rampage, shooting at anyone around,” said a 37-year-old man who witnessed the episode. “As I made my way to flee, I saw people dive into the river, many with gunshot wounds. The next day I saw three dead bodies riddled with bullets floating in the water… I heard many more bodies were later recovered from that river.”

The army said in a statement that on election day, unidentified people attacked soldiers, killing one, and that the soldiers killed six of the attackers in response.

On March 15, the spokesperson for the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), Festus Okoye, accused soldiers of intimidation and unlawful arrest of election officials in the state. The Nigerian Army on the same day announced the creation of a committee to investigate allegations of misconduct against its personnel during the elections. The committee was given two weeks to produce its findings, but it has not published its report.

Banditry and the recurring cycles of deadly violence between herdsmen and farmers appear to have taken the lives of thousands. According to civil society reports, over 3,641 people have died from deadly clashes between herdsmen and farmers since 2015 and at least 262 people have been killed by bandits since the beginning of 2019 in Zamfara State alone. The government deployed 1,000 military troops to the state in response, but few of those responsible for the violence have been arrested or held to account.

The northeast conflict with Boko Haram and its splinter groups also remains one of Buhari’s pressing challenges. Although Boko Haram’s territorial control has shrunk to small pockets of villages around Lake Chad as a result of sustained government military action since 2015, the group continues to carry out attacks against civilian and military targets in the region and in neighboring Niger, Cameroon, and Chad.

In recent months, renewed fighting between Nigerian government forces and a faction of Boko Haram, known as Islamic State of West Africa Province (ISWAP), has led to secondary displacement of civilians.

Security forces have been implicated in serious abuses, including arbitrary arrests, prolonged detention without trial, torture, extrajudicial killings, rape and sexual violence against women and girls in camps for displaced people. According to the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), more than 27,000 civilians have died and about 1.8 million people have been displacedsince the beginning of the conflict in 2009.

Authorities have also failed to address impunity for killings by security forces elsewhere in the country. The authorities have yet to publish the report of the Presidential Judicial Panel set up in August 2017 to investigate the military’s compliance with human rights obligations, allegations of war crimes, and other abuses by the military.

“Nigerian voters have entrusted Buhari with another opportunity to address the nation’s serious human rights problems, including political violence,” Ewang said. “He should start by reforming the security forces to ensure strict compliance with human rights standards, and prompt investigation and prosecution of those credibly implicated in abuses.”

For more on electoral violence during the 2019 general elections, please see below.

The 2019 Election Violence

Nigeria’s elections have historically been fraught with controversy, violence, and other abuses, with the 2015 elections, widely believed to have been largely free of violence, bucking this trend. There were reports of voter intimidation and violence around the 2019 elections at both the federal and state levels, including by armed men hired by candidates and political parties and by security forces, including the national police.

Bauchi, Benue, Kano, Sokoto, Plateau, and Rivers states were particularly affected by violence during the March 9 gubernatorial elections. The Independent National Electoral Commission canceled elections in places where the elections were disrupted, and held supplementary elections later. Kano state had supplementary elections on March 23, and Rivers state on April 13.

Kano and Rivers states were probably the worst hit of the six states. They were identified by both local and international analysts ahead of the elections as holding great potential for electoral violence. Both are major political strongholds for the two leading political parties, Buhari’s ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) and the opposition People’s Democratic Party (PDP). Abdullahi Ganduje of the APC won the 2019 election in Kano, and Nyesom Wike of the PDP won in Rivers state.

In 2011, post-election violence, including killings, broke out in Kano in after the announcement of Buhari’s loss to then incumbent president, Goodluck Jonathan. Even during the relatively peaceful 2015 general elections, Rivers state recorded the highest number of incidents of violence with 16 out of the 66 incidents documented by the Independent National Electoral Commission across the country. The stakes were particularly high in both states in the run up to the 2019 elections, owing to a widely reported rivalry between the incumbent and former governors.

The political history of both Kano and Rivers states is of hotly contested elections characterized by violence, ballot box snatching, and maiming and killing both by state security agencies and by criminal elements.

Pre-Election Tensions

In Rivers state, supporters of the PDP and APC candidates for governor clashed several times between 2017 and 2019. Former Governor Musa Kwankwaso’s supporters called off a planned January 2018 visit to Kano when the State Police Command warned that the visit would undermine public peace and security. The warning came shortly after media reported that a former commissioner in the Ganduje government urged the governor’s supporters to “stone” Kwankwaso if he ever came to Kano.

In both states, witnesses described violence by criminal elements hired by parties to disrupt the voting.

Attacks on Election Commission Centers, Polling Places

Witnesses in Rivers state said that people they identified as criminal elements working for the APC and the PDP were implicated in violence at election commission centers and polling places. They hijacked voting materials, disrupted voting, and countered the activities of rival groups.

Eight people, including four election poll workers in Emuoha, Phalga, and Bonny, during the state elections said that unidentified men armed with machetes, glass bottles, rods, and sticks stormed the polling places and the election commission’s registration center. The armed men threatened to kill the officials, destroyed ballot boxes, tore up ballots and snatched tallies of results.

They assaulted and beat some election officials, the witnesses said. One person in charge of a polling place said the attackers beat and slashed a female colleague with a knife. Another official said that people they did not know called and ordered her and her colleagues to go to a certain location to sign off on election results they knew nothing about. She fled the area in fear for her safety.

Two people said that security agents in the town of Abonnema, including soldiers at the INEC center, where voting materials for polling places were distributed, did nothing to stop unidentified men suspected of being sent by the APC from harassing and intimidating voters who were trying to ensure that voting materials reached their polling places.

“PDP thugs were angry and ready to strike back,” said one 43-year-old man who witnessed the incident. “They carried guns and machetes and blocked the road into the community with logs, tables, sticks and other objects. They were prepared for battle.”

The witnesses alleged that the “PDP thugs” shot and killed a soldier who attempted to remove the barricades on the road to enable a military vehicle to enter the community.

A 33-year-old voter from Kalabiama, in the Bonny local government area, said that he witnessed a fierce battle between APC and PDP supporters at his polling place, during which military officials shot indiscriminately to disperse them, injuring many people.

Infiltration by Armed Men From Outside the Area

Seven witnesses in Gama, Dala, and Masoka areas in Kano said that armed men came into their communities a day before the supplementary elections, causing fear and apprehension all around. Two witnesses in Gama said they saw scores of men with sticks and machetes converge at Gama Tudu Primary School the day before the elections. One witness said he had reported the huge influx of armed men to the police, but that the police took no action to prevent the men from disrupting the voting at several polling places.

“We know the thugs were sponsored by the APC because the next day during the supplementary elections the thugs were targeting people attempting to vote for the PDP at polling units,” a 44-year-old voter from Gama said. “They didn’t allow people vote If they were not voting for the APC.”

Two witnesses reported that during the March 23 governorship supplementary elections in Gama, armed men controlled the voting line despite the presence of police officials. “The thugs were everywhere and controlled everything,” said a 26-year-old man. “They tried to discover who people on the queues were voting for. The environment was very tense and intimidating. Many people were discouraged and did not bother to vote because they feared for their safety.”

Attacks on Voters, Journalists, Observers

Witnesses in Gama and Dala reported that voting was not secret because voters had to cast their ballots in full view of election officials, security agents, and criminal elements. A 25-year-old man from Dala said that after he cast his vote for the PDP, a known APC supporter in their community grabbed him by his collar and punched him in the face, knocking him unconscious and knocking out four of his teeth.

The 44-year-old Gama voter said he saw a man slap a woman when she attempted to thumbprint her ballot for the PDP candidate. “After seeing all this, any responsible person who loves himself will not go on to vote due to the magnitude of weapons and violence there,” he said. “I left quickly without voting.

A 34-year-old voter from Dala said he narrowly escaped being stabbed at his polling place because he is a known PDP supporter. His shirt and underwear were ripped, and his thumb was badly cut as he tried to ward off an attacker who wielded a knife.

Two witnesses in Gama confirmed reports that reporters of the BBC Hausa Service were not allowed at their polling places. They said they saw groups of men approach the journalists, ordering them to leave the community and threatening to seize their equipment.

A 33-year-old journalist for Freedom Radio said that men armed with swords and sticks warned her not to interview anyone except APC supporters at a polling place in Gama.

A 39-year-old local independent election observer in Gama said that when he reported to officials in polling place 001 that a woman was trying to vote with another person’s voter card, a group of about 20 men attacked him, tearing his vest. He said he had to flee the polling place.

Another election observer, 42, said that armed men with APC tags who saw him and others with phones and recording equipment in Gama threatened them with harm if they didn’t leave. “At every polling unit we visited, we had concerns for our safety, there was so much hostility we had to leave,” he said.

The APC has rejected allegations that the party sponsored anyone to disrupt elections.

Violence by Security Agents
In Rivers state, media reports of army troops’ deployment to Port Harcourt, the state capital, ahead of the elections stirred concerns about the role the military would play during the elections.

Human Rights Watch documented allegations of collusion between some security agents and suspected APC supporters to cart away ballot boxes and result sheets. Witnesses in polling places in Bonny, Abonnema, Isiokpo, and Okrika said that armed men chased voters and observers with weapons in the presence of military officials. In many cases, Human Rights Watch found military officials helped the criminal elements intimidate voters and cart away sensitive election materials.

Indiscriminate Shooting, Killing of Civilians

A 33-year-old voter said that a fight between APC supporters backed by the military and PDP supporters led to shooting by the military at a polling place in Kalabiama in Bonny during the presidential election on February 23, leaving many people injured.

Two witnesses said that after armed men killed a soldier during the presidential elections in Abonnema, soldiers retaliated by shooting allegedly at random in the vicinity. Some wounded victims drowned as they tried to swim to safety across a nearby river. Representatives of We the People, a local nongovernmental group, told Human Rights Watch that 40 people were killed and at least 52 people were injured.

A 43-year-old voter said that security agents arrested the only doctor at Abonnema’s only health facility, allegedly to prevent him from treating gunshot victims. The doctor was detained for more than three days at Bori Camp, a military base in Port Harcourt, the man said. “A hospital staff member told me that the Army officers carried the boy the doctor was treating and left him outside on the bare floor to die as they took the doctor away,” the person said. “The boy who had gunshot wounds died. I saw the dead body outside the hospital, it was there for more than one day. They accused the doctor of treating criminals.”

A 26-year-old election commission worker said that her brother was killed during the shooting. She was at the Abonnema area collation center when his friend called to tell her he had been killed. She found his body where his friends had hidden him because military officials were allegedly seizing the bodies of people their gunfire had killed.

“I stayed with the body, watching my brother… until much later, when it was safe to move him his body out,” she said. “He was only 23 years old, trying to gain admission into the university. Something inside me left the day he died.” She said he had been shot in the back.

Two community residents said that large groups of soldiers arrived in the community and went on what they called a “rampage” the following day, ransacking homes and arresting men they believed to be PDP thugs and supporters. A 43-year-old voter said the soldiers forcibly entered his house, ransacked the family’s belongings, and threatened and intimidated his wife and children. He said that he and his brother narrowly escaped arrest by escaping through their back door and hiding in the bushes.

Inadequate and Ineffective Policing
Four election commission workers assigned to run polling places in Rivers state said that police officers attached to their polling places could do little to stop armed men from disrupting the elections because police personnel had been barred from carrying firearms at polling places to ensure the integrity of the process.

A 23-year-old man in charge of a polling place in Emuoha said that when thugs attacked, one of the two police officers attached to their polling place took off his uniform and fled with voters. The polling officials also said that despite repeated calls to the local elections commission office, no backup security was sent to help them.

The polling place officials said they reported the violence but that there has been no effort by the authorities to follow up or investigate. A 26-year-old election official from Gama in Kano said that four armed agents from the Department of State Security, the country’s chief intelligence agency, and seven unarmed police officers sat in their car doing nothing to stop or arrest APC supporters as they intimidated voters at the unit.

An election observer in Kano said that at least 15 police officers who were at a polling place did not respond when he and his team of observers were threatened by thugs and ordered to leave.

Mexico Denies Trump's Claim Of Secret Concessions In Deal

People enjoy the beach near the U.S. border wall in Tijuana, Mexico, Sunday, June 9, 2019. (AP Photo/Eduardo Verdugo)


BY JILL COLVIN, COLLEEN LONG, MARIA VERZA

WASHINGTON (AP)
— Three days after U.S. President Donald Trump announced a deal with Mexico to stem the flow of migrants at the southern border, the two countries appear unable to agree on exactly what’s in it.

Stung by criticism that the agreement mostly ramps up border protection efforts already underway, Trump on Monday hinted at other, secret agreements he says will soon be revealed.

“We have fully signed and documented another very important part of the Immigration and Security deal with Mexico, one that the U.S. has been asking about getting for many years,” Trump wrote Monday, saying it would “be revealed in the not too distant future.”

Not so, said Mexican Foreign Secretary Marcelo Ebrard, holding up a paper and pointing to the previously announced details. He told reporters the two countries agreed on two actions made public Friday and said if those measures didn’t work to slow migration, they would discuss further options.

“There is no other thing beyond what I have just explained,” he said.

The episode revealed the complicated political dynamics at play as Trump and Mexican President Andrés Manuel López Obrador tussle over who made out best in the agreement hashed out under Trump’s threat of new tariffs on Mexico. Trump appeared eager to declare his negotiation tactics successful, even as he tried to hype the deal with made-for-TV drama and invented measures, sparking questions and confusion. Mexico’s leaders showed they weren’t willing to play along.

The White House did not respond to inquiries about Trump’s tweets.

But the president appeared to be making a reference to talks over how Mexico handles Central American migrants who travel through the country to claim asylum in the U.S.

The Trump administration has been trying to pressure Mexico to enter into a “safe third country” agreement, which would deem Mexico a safe place for migrants and make it harder for asylum seekers who pass through the country to wait until they reach American soil to file a claim.

But the deal announced Friday made no mention of the issue.

A senior administration official, speaking on condition of anonymity to share details of closed-door talks, said Mexico had expressed openness to the idea during negotiations, and said the two countries would continue to discuss the issue over the coming months.

Mexico has been insistent that it has not agreed to the provision, which would require approval from local lawmakers.

Instead, Ebrard said during a press conference in Mexico City Monday, if the deal announced Friday does not begin to drive down migrant numbers in the next 45 days, officials will open up new discussions in which the U.S. will again push for the safe third country measure and Mexico will propose establishing a regional refuge system in conjunction with the United Nations and the governments of Guatemala, Panama and Brazil — three countries that are often starting points for migrants headed to the U.S.

“They wanted something else totally different ... to be signed,” Ebrard said Monday. “But that is what there is here. There is no other thing.” As for Trump’s tweets hyping a secret measure? Ebrard said he’d provided a full account for transparency’s sake.

Mexico fears that being designated a safe third country would only add to the number of asylum applications it receives. Those numbers have climbed dramatically in recent years and the government has admitted it does not have the resources to keep up.

As a practical matter, Mexico would have difficulty integrating thousands of additional migrants into a barely growing economy, making them targets to expand the ranks of Mexican organized crime groups.

Over the weekend, Trump also claimed another new element of the deal, tweeting that Mexico had “AGREED TO IMMEDIATELY BEGIN BUYING LARGE QUANTITIES OF AGRICULTURAL PRODUCT FROM OUR GREAT PATRIOT FARMERS!” The administration has yet to reveal the details of any such provision, and Mexican officials say no agreement on farm goods was reached as part of the talks.

Ebrard told reporters the talks had focused on migration, not commerce, and hypothesized that Trump was calculating an economic boost resulting from his decision not to implement the tariffs.

“We do not have a specific agreement on products of that nature,” he said.

Trump has spent the days since Friday’s announcement defending the scope of the deal.

That includes a commitment by Mexico to deploy its new National Guard to the country’s southern border with Guatemala — something the country already intended to do before Trump’s latest threat. It also includes an agreement to publicly support the expansion of a program under which some asylum seekers are returned to Mexico as they wait out their cases. U.S. officials had been working to expand the program, which has led to the return of about 11,000 to Mexico without Mexico’s public embrace.

Trump and other administration officials, however, say Mexico made major concessions and have credited his threat to slap a 5% tax on all Mexican goods if the country didn’t immediately agree to do more to stem the flow of Central American migrants across the U.S. southern border. Without the threat, Trump has insisted, Mexico never would have acted.

“It was all done because of the tariffs and because of the relationship that we have with Mexico,” he told reporters Monday, following a call-in interview with CNBC Monday morning in which he said officials had “talked about it for months and months and months,” but couldn’t reach agreement until the threat.

Verza reported from Mexico City.

Government: 95 Dead In latest Massacre To Hit Central Mali

Unknown assailants killed at least 95 people in an ethnic Dogon village overnight.;

BY BABA AHMED

BAMAKO, MALI (AP)
— Unknown assailants killed at least 95 people in an ethnic Dogon village overnight in the latest massacre to destabilize central Mali, a government official said Monday.

There was no immediate claim of responsibility for the attack, though tensions have been high since an ethnic Dogon militia was accused of carrying out a larger massacre in an ethnic Peuhl village in March.

Youssouf Toloba, who leads the Dogon militia known as Dan Na Ambassagou, has denied that his fighters carried out the March bloodshed that left at least 157 people dead. Some Peuhl leaders, however, have vowed to carry out reprisal attacks.

Amadou Sangho, spokesman for the Interior Security ministry, said another 19 people were missing after the Dogon village of Sobane was attacked around 3 a.m. on Monday. The village is in the commune of Sangha, the heart of the Dogon militia blamed for the March attack that has been the deadliest so far.

The latest attackers are suspected “terrorists,” Mali’s government said in a statement later Monday. “This carnage” also left homes burned and animals killed, the statement said. Security reinforcements were deployed to track the perpetrators, it said.

Intercommunal violence has risen steadily in central Mali over the last several years, exacerbated by the presence of Islamic extremists who have moved south from their strongholds in the arid north.

The Peuhl are accused of working alongside jihadists from the Islamic State of Greater Sahara organization to attack Dogon villages and prevent residents from cultivating their land.

The Peuhl in turn have alleged that the Dogons are collaborating with Mali’s military though there is no conclusive sign of state support.

Human Rights Watch has said the Dan Na Ambassagou militia has been implicated in scores of deadly attacks over the past year and Mali’s president has vowed to eliminate it.

Mali’s government must address the arming of ethnic self-defense groups and the proliferation of arms in central Mali or “there is a high risk of further escalation that could lead to the commission of atrocity crimes,” the United Nations secretary-general said in his latest report on Mali late last month.

The unrest in central Mali has displaced some 60,000 people, Secretary-General Antonio Guterres wrote, adding that he was “appalled” by the surge in violence and its effect on civilians.

Follow Africa news at https://twitter.com/AP_Africa

Awolowo Wanted A Great Nigeria — Awolowo Dosumu

Olatukunbo Awolowo-Dosunmu. Image via Youtube.


BY BOLA BADMUS, SEGU

LAGOS (TRIBUNE)
-- Chairman of the African Newspapers of Nigeria (ANN) Plc, Dr Olatokunbo Awolowo Dosumu, said on Sunday that the intention of her father, the sage, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, was to make the country great.

She also pointed out that approach to achieving such greatness for the country was to develop the individuals by providing the basic necessities of life.

Awolowo Dosumu said this while speaking as guest speaker during the God in My Life Series, organised by the Touchbearers Society of the Diocese of Lagos West, Archbishop Vining Memorial Church Cathedral, Ikeja, with the theme: ‘God in My Life.’

This was just as she described her entrance into partisan politics as an error but blessings also due to lessons she learnt in her foray.

“All that Papa was all about was that this country must be great and that for it to be great, individuals must be developed.

“By developing them, you have to provide good education, affordable but effective healthcare services, good housing and an enabling environment,” she said.

Ambassador Awolowo Dosumu, who recalled many instances of her life and her encounter with Jesus Christ when she came to know Him at the age of 45, also spoke about the establishment of the Awolowo Foundation, which she described as God’s property and favour.

“I knew in my heart that Papa’s legacy belongs to God. It’s God’s property.

“I was able to understand him and empathise with him. I saw that it was a mission that God had ordained him to do, and that was what informed the establishment of Obafemi Awolowo Foundation,” she said.

Speaking on her foray into partisan politics in the 90s, Ambassador Awolowo Dosumu described such as an error but blessings where lessons were learnt, even as she noted that political environment was hostile.

She said: “My entry into partisan politics was an error, but also a blessing because I learnt a lot therefrom.

“I learnt that trying to do the right thing is an offence due to the fact that it brings some people out. The environment was hostile for anything noble.

“It doesn’t matter if you are trying to mind your business, you will be forced out if it doesn’t go down well with them.

“When I was in politics, some people supported while others unexpectedly opposed.”

Speaking further, the chairman, African Newspapers of Nigeria (ANN) Plc called on Christians to be in politics considering the country’s current situation, saying the country was in a situation where the citizens needed to make a choice and not about staying with the multitude.

“There is no neutral zone because our country is in a situation where we all have to make a choice.

“As Christians, we are expected to stand up and stand out. To live is to choose but to choose well, you must know who you are and what you stand for,” she said.

Personalities that were in attendance include retired Bishop of Kwara Diocese, Rt. Reverend Olusegun Adeyemi; Diocesan Bishop of Lagos West (Anglican Communion), Rt. Reverend James Odedeji; Seni Adio (SAN), her former class teacher, Mrs Frances Adebajo; Professor Babajide Alo, Mrs Omotosho, among others.

Church Agency Helps Provide Relief To People Fleeing Violence In Nigeria

In a file photo, people walk amid rubble after a bombing Jan. 17, 2017, at a camp for displaced people in Rann, Nigeria. (Credit: CNS photo/MSF handout via Reuters.)

BY CRUX STAFF

YAOUNDÉ, CAMEROON (CRUX CATHOLIC MEDIA)
-- As the security situation in Nigeria continues to get worse, the country is struggling to deal with the large numbers of internally displaced persons.

The Islamist militant group Boko Haram - which means “Western education is forbidden” - is still active in the northeast of the country, and a new extremist faction pledging allegiance to the Islamic State group has made a deadly resurgence in recent months, overrunning military bases in the northeast and raising questions about how much support Nigeria’s troops receive from the government.

Deadly clashes between largely Christian farmers and largely Muslim herders over increasingly scarce land also have wracked central Nigeria.

This violence, along with floods and other natural disasters, have forced over 2 million people from their homes in the country. International law makes a distinction between Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs), who stay within their country of origin, and refugees, who flee to another country.

“Some 2.5 million people are now displaced. In Nigeria specifically, 7.1 million people are in need of urgent, life-saving humanitarian assistance,” Jerry Farrell told Crux.

Farrell is the deputy country representative for emergency response and recovery in North Eastern Nigeria for Catholic Relief Services, the international development arm of the U.S. bishops.

“The harsh conditions make life very difficult for displaced people. Sickness and disease can be triggered by lack of access to clean drinking water, hygienic latrines and nutritious meals, particularly for infants and children. Extremely high temperatures and arid conditions also contribute to the challenges for IDPs living in camps often built of makeshift shelters. Access to sufficient land for farming and shelter are also very challenging,” he explained.

Farrell said Catholic Relief Services has been trying to help by “providing access to clean drinking water, latrines and by promoting the importance of hygiene. In IDP communities where CRS operates, committees manage waste and often make compost for use by farmers.”

He noted that in the areas where CRS works, outbreaks of cholera have been minimized, “unlike many other areas of northeast Nigeria.”

He said his agency has also been providing emergency shelters especially designed for the harsh conditions of the Sahel region, the semi-arid area between the Sahara and sub-Saharan regions of Africa, and “drawing up agreements with landowners who are sheltering displaced communities so that IDPs are guaranteed a plot to attempt to rebuild their lives and livelihoods.”

In addition, CRS has been “piloting innovative nutritional programs that teach mothers how to produce a homemade-style Plumpy’Nut [an emergency supplement for severe malnutrition] to feed to their malnourished children. This program has shown impressive results and is being scaled up in northeast Nigeria.”

CRS also uses electronic vouchers for purchase of food and household items, giving beneficiaries more choice and strengthening local markets.

“The impact has been that thousands of displaced civilians and members of affected host communities in Northeast Nigeria are beginning to rebuild their lives and livelihoods with CRS’s support,” Farrell told Crux.

Nigeria’s President Muhammadu Buhari began his second term in office at the end of May and has pledged to bring security to the country of over 190 million, which is almost evenly split between Christians and Muslims.

The crisis affecting Northeast Nigeria is also hitting the other countries in the Lake Chad region: Chad, Cameroon, and Niger. Boko Haram and other militant groups often slip across porous borders, making tracking and fighting them difficult.

According to the UN’s International Organization for Migration, as of Feb. 20, 2019, the four countries were hosting an estimated 4.38 million IDPs, refugees, and other displaced people. The UN agency said 80 percent of the affected population were located in Nigeria, while 10 percent were in Cameroon, 6 percent in Niger and 4 percent in Chad.

International donors in October 2018 pledged over $2.17 billion to help fight the humanitarian crisis in the Lake Chad region.

The UN Refugee Agency UNHCR is working with the authorities to help displaced people and returning refugees regain a sense of normal life, but there are still areas where it is difficult for aid workers to access because of security concerns.

This article incorporated material from the Associated Press.

Better Parenting Starts With Knowing What Works. We Tested A Project In 8 African Countries

BY INGE VALLANCE AND GENEVIEVE HAUPT RONNIE Raising adolescents can be difficult under the best of circumstances. On top of that, some famil...