Tuesday, September 09, 2025

We Tracked Every Overseas Trip By World Leaders Since The End Of The Cold War – Here’s What We Found



BY KYLIE MCKEE AND COLLIN J. MEISEL

Donald Trump’s return to the White House has so far seen the U.S. president travel to foreign lands to sign billion-dollar deals, attend lavish royal welcomes and attempt to forge elusive peace agreements amid conflicts and crises. And on Sept. 17, 2025, he is expected to visit the United Kingdom for a second state visit with King Charles III hosted at Windsor Castle.

Meanwhile, leaders from across the world have visited the White House during Trump’s second term. Examples include everyone from El Salvador’s president, Nayib Bukele, who visited in April, to Jordan’s King Abdullah II, who came to Washington in February. And all eyes were on the recent summit in Alaska between Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin.

Of course, this represents only a fraction of the total miles clocked by prime ministers, presidents and other heads of state and government. But what can we learn from the travel trends of world leaders?

With our colleagues at the University of Denver’s Pardee Institute for International Futures, we have meticulously cataloged every known, observed overseas trip taken by the primary heads of government and state from more than 200 countries from 1990 through 2024. Our Country and Organization Leader Travel dataset is a first-of-its-kind, publicly available dataset that allows us to thoroughly examine the causes, consequences and patterns of high-level leader diplomacy.

Even a cursory look illustrates how much the world has changed in recent decades. One of the first trips in the COLT dataset is former Czechoslovakian Prime Minister Marian Calfa’s visit to the German Democratic Republic on the day after New Year’s Day 1990. Neither country exists any longer. One of the more recent trips in COLT is a November 2024 visit to Azerbaijan by the president of Montenegro, neither of which country existed as an independent entity until 1991 and 2006, respectively.

Here are a few broader lessons we have learned so far from the more than 100,000 trips taken by world leaders in the past 35 years.

Who and where reveals geopolitical trends

The travel patterns of leaders are a powerful indicator of their priorities and perceived importance of other nations. Many leaders have made a point to get face time in the White House in the United States, for example, while far fewer have made a point of visiting the Blue House in South Korea.

One way to assess a country’s perceived power is through the balance of leader-level foreign travel to and from the country.

Again, take the U.S. for example. Our data tracks over 500 overseas trips by U.S. presidents since 1990, contrasted with more than 6,000 visits by foreign leaders to the United States. These inbound visits to the U.S. span the spectrum from major events such as the annual United Nations General Assembly in New York and formal state dinners to numerous lower-profile meetings where a foreign head of government or state may not even secure an audience with the U.S. president.

Crucially, the president’s meeting schedule and choices illuminate which international issues – such as Russia’s war in Ukraine – are paramount and which countries and leaders hold greater strategic significance.

To understand global power dynamics more broadly, consider the stark difference in net visits for the U.S. and Canada. The U.S., with 260 received visits versus only seven taken by its leader, President Joe Biden, in 2024, demonstrates a high imbalance. In contrast, Canada exhibits a much more balanced diplomatic exchange. In 2024, the Canadian prime minister, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, made 13 foreign trips – each country visited counted as a unique trip – while the country received only 12 visits from other heads of government or state. This “net visit” metric offers a compelling way to understand a country’s relative importance on the global stage.

While the power differential between the U.S. and Canada may be obvious, we can conduct similar comparisons for countries across the globe.

On the other end of the spectrum from the U.S. is Somalia. Its president has traveled abroad eight times more than all other countries have visited Somalia between 1990 and 2024 – 334 trips abroad versus 40 visits received. During that same time period, neighboring Kenya has roughly broken even, with 501 presidential trips abroad and 557 top leader visits received.

Heads of state are increasingly on the move

World leaders are also traveling significantly more than they did 35 years ago. In the 1990s, an average of 1,508 overseas trips by heads of government or state occurred annually. Since 2010, this average has surged to approximately 2,734 trips per year.

This increase in global leader travel is accompanied by notable shifts in regional representation. African leaders, for instance, now account for a larger proportion of total overseas trips. From 1990 to 1994, they composed about 20% of all world leader travel; this figure rose to roughly 30% between 2020-2024. This has coincided with Africa’s increasing economic integration and continental cooperation through the African Union.

Conversely, the relative share of international travel by Latin American leaders has declined. Their proportion of global leader travel fell from around 15% in 1990-1994 to about 10% since the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020. Like all others, Latin American leaders of today on average travel more than they once did, but other leaders from other regions are traveling even more.

Asian leaders show a similar relative decrease, dropping from roughly 25% of all world leader trips in 1990-1994 to just over 17% from 2020-2024. This trend for Asian leaders coincides with the popular narratives surrounding the “Asian century,” suggesting that for leader travel, the continent’s ascendance may primarily apply just to China. As one indication of this fact, China received 78 visits from other countries’ top leaders from 1990-2000, whereas that figure from 2010-2020 was 133, a number that would have been higher had global travel not halted during the COVID-19 pandemic.

Most leaders stick to their neighborhoods

A pivotal characteristic of contemporary global leader travel is its predominantly intraregional nature. Leaders overwhelmingly prioritize visits to countries within their own geographic areas: African leaders to other parts of Africa, European leaders to countries in Europe, and so on.

This phenomenon fits a general trend toward multipolarity, where the geopolitical landscape is no longer defined solely by the bipolar rivalry that characterized the Cold War.

While this concentrated regional diplomacy may not consistently garner front-page headlines, especially in U.S. media outlets, it is a crucial arena for achieving significant geopolitical gains such as enhanced trade and investment.

The CARICOM Summit, held in Barbados in February 2025, serves as a case in point. During the summit, Caribbean heads of government and state convened to address a range of shared regional issues, strengthen internal trade agreements, finalize cooperation accords and deliberate on broader geopolitical concerns, underscoring the critical importance of these intraregional diplomatic efforts.

Some leaders just want to have fun

Beyond the strategic imperatives of statecraft, the travel patterns of world leaders occasionally reveal a significant personal dimension. For example, Ecuadorian President Daniel Noboa made eight trips to the U.S. in 2024, with four – including family vacations – explicitly designated as personal.

Another illustrative case is that of the former Belize Prime Minister Dean Barrow, who frequently traveled to the U.S. for personal engagements, ranging from necessary medical treatments to leisure pursuits, such as prioritizing exclusive restaurants like the now-closed, once celebrity-frequented Madeo in Los Angeles.

Recently, Trump managed to mix business and pleasure, “meeting the U.K. and Scottish heads of government in between rounds of golf,” as the BBC reported.
Where leaders go tells us where we are headed

So, what can we make of Trump’s recent travel plans?

In terms of U.S. presidents, his summer itinerary was, in general, mostly more of the same than a break with the past mixing of geopolitics and the occasional side of personal interests.

This is not to say that nothing has changed, however. Were it not for the death of Pope Francis, the first overseas trips by Trump in his first and second terms in office would have been to Saudi Arabia. This may be an indication that the Gulf region plays a broader role in Trump’s geopolitical calculations than it did for past U.S. presidents. It may also simply be another idiosyncrasy of Trump.

Whatever the case, our COLT dataset offers broad perspective of the incredibly complex nature of global diplomacy. From high-stakes official visits to personal trips, understanding where leaders go, and why, is crucial to grasping the evolving landscape of international diplomacy.

READ ORIGINAL STORY HERE

Monday, September 08, 2025

AGING AFRICA: A Wave Of Longevity Is Sweeping Across The Continent

 

Alice Mary Nasanga, who is about 70 and was banished by members of her family after she was accused of witchery, sits in her home in Nabalanga, Uganda, in November. (AP Photo/David Goldman)

BY MATT SEDENSKY, ASSOCIATED PRESS

Across Africa, a stunning success story has quietly taken hold: Decades of progress have begun delivering a wave of longevity that promises to reshape the demographics of the continent. But as lifespans lengthen and villages begin to fill with the old, pensions and social safety nets are minimal, medical care is lacking and routine problems of age are so commonly unaddressed that cataracts turn to blindness and minor infections end in death.

Longer lives, time and again, come with more suffering.

“They’re living in poverty. They’re living in pain,” says Kenneth Mugayehwenkyi, who founded Reach One Touch One Ministries to help older people. “That’s the old people that I see.”

In just 15 years, the number of people 60 and older has ballooned by an estimated 50 percent in sub-Saharan Africa, to about 67 million people. Even more dramatic growth awaits, with the World Health Organization projecting 163 million older people in the region by 2050.

Respect for older people is deeply ingrained in African cultures and the presence of an elder is a source of joy for many families and a point of pride for many villages. But on this continent known for its staggering number of the young, the challenges of growing old never before arrived in a large-scale way. Scores of interviews across a dozen African countries and a review of research and data make clear how few resources await those who reach old age and how much festering poverty disrupts their final years.

“Everything is lacking,” says Dr. Mie Rizig, a Sudanese-born neurologist at University College London who researches aging and dementia across Africa.

Falling birthrates and rising life expectancies have combined to bring the aging revolution nearly everywhere in the world. As the number of older people has multiplied, even the richest countries have stumbled to meet their needs, triggering warnings of catastrophe when the same challenges are heaped on some of the globe’s poorest places.

Rzig concedes Africa’s challenges are steep but remains hopeful it can learn from other regions’ mistakes and capitalize on what she sees as its innate advantages: Cultural values that make tending to the vulnerable second nature; a network of public health programs for communicable diseases that provide a framework for addressing problems related to aging; and an unrivaled population of young people offering economic promise and a strong ratio of potential caregivers.

“The continent has a kind of inherent power,” says Rzig, part of an Africa task force for the Davos Alzheimer’s Collaborative. “Africa could be a model for the rest of the world.”

Here in Uganda, Mugayehwenkyi has built one of the country’s only organizations dedicated solely to supporting the elderly, and this day, a Reach One Touch One team has arrived at Nakyanga’s small home on a dirt road in a village about a 90-minute drive from the capital. A 26-year-old nurse, Derrick Ssemanda, in royal blue scrubs, hustles inside and sits beside Nakyanga. The man’s catheter has been causing pain and Ssemanda pulls white surgical gloves from a camouflage backpack and gets to work changing it.

“Are you strong enough?” he asks Nakyanga.

“I’m a strong man,” he replies. “I can handle it.”

Nakyanga sweated in the fields just to grow enough to feed children who would later die of AIDS and laid the bricks and poured the cement to build a house he nearly lost to medical bills.

He has no electricity or running water. His bathroom is an outdoor pit.

To make it to this age in a place like this seemed impossible to Nakyanga. It’s made all the more an oddity by the fact that it is a country with one of the youngest populations in the world.

“You’re surrounded by young people,” Nakyanga says, “and you’re standing next to death.”

Nakyanga is thin and in tattered clothes and his hair is short and gray. His medical file is thick but he makes little chatter and offers no complaints.

Ssemanda keeps making small talk, trying to distract his patient from the procedure. He pushes a syringe’s plunger, sending an arc of saline in the air, then peels open the packaging to a new catheter, and before Nakyanga knows, it’s over, and Ssemanda rises from his seat.

The list of people clamoring for Reach One’s help is long. It is just one small aid group in one African nation, but to shadow its workers is to see themes that repeat across the continent.

The nurse bounds for the door. There are so many seniors to see.
KAMPALA, Uganda

In the packed aisles of this city’s largest market, every passageway is choked with people, but none of them are old. At an elementary school graduation, hundreds pack the audience, but no grandparents appear to be among them. Even in the pharmacies and optical shops up and down this 1.8-million-person capital’s clamorous downtown, the faces are entirely young.

Follow the frenetic streets of Uganda’s cities to the web of dirt roads pockmarked by craters and bordered by banana trees, though, and thousands of villages await, each a smattering of huts of mud and houses of crumbling cement, seas of red soil splashing with walls of green vegetation, and churches beneath humble steeples or even humbler roofs of corrugated aluminum.

In each of them, Africa’s aging revolution comes into focus, with burgeoning communities of the old. It is a reason for celebration on a continent marked by hardship, but for those rushing to keep up with this new population’s needs, it is also a reason for fear.

“We are not ready,” says Carole Osero-Agengo, who leads Africa programs for the nonprofit HelpAge International from Nairobi, Kenya. “There is development, but we don’t have an aging lens. There are programs, but they don’t cover the whole country. There are so many gaps, but those gaps are being filled so slowly.”

The shift underway across the continent is striking. Advances in nutrition, sanitation and clean water; robust responses to HIV and malaria; and dramatic declines in infant mortality have combined to bring longer lives.

From 2000 through 2020, all of the top 20 life expectancy gains across the globe were posted by African countries.

Gains in life expectancy have fueled growing populations of older people virtually everywhere in the world. But the speed at which it is happening in Africa is unprecedented.

Many rich countries took a century to see their percentage of older residents double. Uganda is expecting to quadruple its share of older people over the course of just 40 years.

Similar projections repeat across sub-Saharan Africa.

“We haven’t had the luxury of time that the developed world had to prepare,” says Dr. Ogugua Osiogbu, the head of geriatrics at National Hospital in Abuja, Nigeria, and one of the continent’s few specialists in medical care for older people.

Though the African Union and varied countries have drawn up plans to address their aging populations, implementation has been uneven. Few goals have been addressed in any substantive way and older people remain absent from most governmental priorities.

In Uganda, like elsewhere in Africa, there has been little government investment in pensions, health care and caregiving support for the country’s oldest. Little U.S. aid goes directly to groups focused on the aging population, but the destruction of the USAID program under President Donald Trump has nonetheless made things worse.

Paired with cutbacks by some European countries, the loss in aid has translated to the demise of antipoverty programs, food distribution operations and AIDS clinics, all of which benefit the elderly. Help for victims of natural disasters, which have an outsized impact on the old, have faced the chopping block, as have surveillance and response to infectious diseases, to which older people can be more susceptible.

Reach One Touch One relies strictly on donations. It has struggled to keep up as costs have risen, cutting back food deliveries from monthly to every two or three months. While it is the largest organization of its kind in Uganda, ROTOM operates in just two of the country’s 146 districts.

“It is a drop in the ocean,” says Grace Nabanoba, a field worker for the agency. “The need is so deep.”

At the time of ROTOM’s founding in 2003, Uganda counted just over 900,000 people 60 and older.

Today, there are more than 2.2 million.

Life, for many of them, is blanketed in disappointment and hardship and pain. But on a continent that, for as long as anyone has tracked lifespans, has lagged the rest of the world, the surprise of a longevity revolution is thrilling.

At a small home ROTOM operates to care for seniors, three women sit beside one another, erupting in a fit of delight when visitors appear. One woman, Veronica Nakattee, who’s unsure of her age, throws her cane to the ground in excitement. Another, an 80-something named Donanta Nanyanzi, breaks into a dance. The third woman, Dorothy Ndibanje, at 93 the oldest of the trio, stays seated, but allows a huge smile to spread across her face.

Nanyanzi and Nakattee tease Ndibanje about her toothless grin.

“I sold off my teeth,” she replies, prompting a round of laughter.

“We’re always giggling like this,” Ndibanje says. “We’re so happy to be alive!”
KITABURAZA, Uganda

In the night, when all that glows on this hilltop is the moonlight and all that moves are branches tickled by a soft breeze, the tumult returns. The old woman grows convinced her house is on fire and, panicked, drags the table, chairs and the rest of her few worldly possessions, outside. Unable to calm his mother, her son knows just one way to end it.

He locks her up.

“She yells,” the son, 62-year-old Herbert Rutabyama, says matter-of-factly. “She pounds on the door.”

Dementia’s prevalence has long been muted on this continent where lifespans have trailed the rest of the world for as long as anyone has kept track. But as the population of older people increases across Africa, experts are seeing a spike in new diagnoses, each of them bringing profound challenges to the patient and their family.

A surge of new cases of dementia is expected across Africa in the coming years as the demographic shift continues. But, already, the desperation of those caring for people living with diseases like Alzheimer’s is beginning to show.

They turn for help in a place with little to offer. In many of the languages spoken on this continent, they don’t even have a word for dementia.

This day, the crew from Reach One Touch One is making its rounds in this western Uganda village about an hour north of the Rwandan border. Nearing the woman whose middle-of-the-night visions are so unnerving, aid worker Moses Kahigwa musters as much sunniness as is splashed outside the lush valley below.

“You look good!” he coos.

The woman, 87-year-old Alice Ndimuhara, gives him an icy glare.

“This looks good to you?” she says.

It’s just past noon and Ndimuhara hasn’t had anything to eat today. She has no money. All her limbs feel weak. Her headache never seems to go away.

If not for visitors, she would’ve just stayed in bed.

“My life is just meaningless,” she says.

Her son, Rutabyama, arrives from working in the field, wearing tall black rubber boots that are coated with mud. Sweat wets his forehead.

Don’t be fooled by his mother’s sass. This, he says, is one of her good days.

It’s been a few years since she started wandering from the house and showing other signs that something was wrong. He took her to ROTOM’s clinic and they said she had dementia. His father has been diagnosed, too.

“It’s really, really hard,” he says of managing their care.

When Ndimuhara wanders off in the daytime, her son will set out to look for her, sometimes finding she’s made it as far as the next village. But when her nighttime confusion returns, he’s unsure what to do. He puts a padlock on her door and nails her window shutters closed and resists unlatching them even when she screams and pounds.

“You know better,” the mother says when the subject comes up.

It’s not entirely uncommon. The United Nations’ chief voice on the rights of older people, Claudia Mahler, issued a report in 2022 warning of elders being locked in their rooms and tied to trees in their yards, without citing the countries in which it was common.

Even for the wealthiest people in the richest places, the solutions offered for those with dementia are inadequate, amounting to salves for a disease with no cure.

Here, though, there is basically nothing. Rutabyama believes caring for his parents is his responsibility. Even if he could afford a nursing home, the country has only a handful and the closest one is a day’s drive away.

As Africa’s longevity revolution makes itself known in a thousand ways, the problems that come with it are being dumped in a place where they have lots of company.

Elders, no longer able to walk, are trapped inside with no wheelchair. But what good would it do if sidewalks are missing, streets are cratered and homes are unnavigable shacks?

Untreated cataracts leave many blind. But how do you broach surgery when even a ride to the doctor is a quandary and even a simple pair of glasses is out of reach?

Dementia brings ostracization and accusation. But who can help if belief in witchcraft is wide, cognitive expertise is sparse and the language hasn’t even a word for the diagnosis?

Rutabyama doesn’t know the answer to those questions and doesn’t defend his choice to lock his mother up.

It is another flawed response to a question with no good answer.
NKULAGIRIRE, Uganda

Uganda is a land of verdant hillsides and fetid trash heaps, of crowded city markets and countryside chapels.

Cherubic babies, swathed tight on their mothers’ backs, turn to eager schoolchildren, who sing songs about someday becoming nurses and lawyers and teachers. Young men and women, in turn, diplomas in hand and little opportunity in sight, end up in dead-end jobs at home, or shipped off to places like Dubai, working in security or construction.

For many, to make it to old age here is to toe the line between joy and misery, to wrap oneself in vivid fabric, stand in a radiant sun and dance outside church, singing in gratitude, only to return to a darkened shack, wrinkled and stooped, and go to bed alone and hungry.

“Old age is not something to brag about here,” says 75-year-old Tereza Nabunya. “Poverty strikes when you’re old.”

Nabunya’s roof leaks. She has no tank to collect water and the nearest well is deep in the bush, about a half-mile away. She is wracked with pain and needs to see a doctor.

There is no way to pay for any of it, so she weaves a mat from papyrus leaves to try and earn some money. She figures it’ll take a week to weave and much longer to find a buyer. It will go for 3,000 shillings – less than a dollar – and will be spent as soon as it’s in her hand.

A far higher proportion of Africans work in old age than anywhere else in the world. In desperation, they dig neighbor’s gardens in exchange for food or collect firewood and try to sell it for a few shillings. There are few options. There is little help anywhere.

The government safety net is minimal and most charities are focused on the young.

“That is the tragedy of getting old in Africa,” says Dr. Zelalem Habtamu, who leads operations in Ethiopia for Cure Blindness, which does cataract surgeries on older people around the continent. “They are working on child health, they are working on maternal healthy, they are working on HIV and malaria, but it’s very rare to see the government or the NGOs working to help the elders.”

In Nabunya’s case, she turned to Reach One Touch One, which put her on its waiting list for aid. Some are on the organization’s waitlist a year or more. Others die without getting off it.

About four of 10 older Ugandans fit World Bank criteria for extreme poverty, meaning they live on less than $2.15 a day. Just 3% of older Ugandans live on more than $10 a day.

That poverty is at the heart of nearly every problem that rises with the longevity boom.

Reverence for the old is entrenched in Africa, but parents often seek household help from children just as economics force the young far away for work. Patients clamor for care, but with no insurance, they put off treatment, avoid tests, or forego doctors altogether. Elders are betrayed by their aging bodies, but poor village life dictates they must sow and reap crops, gather firewood and fetch water.

“The old people,” says 88-year-old Pafras Jjemba, “are left with nothing.”

Jjemba wears gray pants that hang loose and beaten-up black shoes with mismatched laces. He is on ROTOM’s waiting list and, right now, he has barely anything to eat.

Many older Africans worked in informal jobs and had no means to save for an age they never thought they’d reach. Across the continent, social security programs are often minimal, where they exist at all. While nearly seven in 10 people of retirement age around the world receive a pension, only about two in 10 in sub-Saharan Africa do, according to International Labour Organization estimates.

Uganda does have a public pension, known as SAGE, for Social Assistance Grants for Empowerment, though it is only open to people 80 and older and its benefits are tiny: Just 25,000 shillings (about $7) a month.

Jjemba was rejected when he applied and isn’t sure why.

It’s a story heard again and again among the country’s old. Aid workers say they see many of their clients turned away for lost IDs, wrong dates of birth in government records, and other mistakes that can take years to clear up, if ever.

And so one man survives on the pity of neighbors who give him bananas, while down the road, a woman gets by on one meager meal a day. A woman shrieks in pain over the swollen ankle she can’t afford to have looked at, while a man who clamors for a soda has gone so long without one that he can’t even recall what kind of soda he likes. In village after village, elders dream of owning a goat or having some chicken on their plate or just having enough soap.

“Sometimes,” says 84-year-old Kellen Bakeshungisa, “I want to close my eyes and not open them again.”
NYAKITABIRE, Uganda

A drought had dragged on for months. Fields of onions, potatoes and beans went dry. Hungry and desperate, the villagers sought someone to blame.

Their target? A gray-haired, slightly stooped 81-year-old woman.

The woman, Ayder Kanyomushana, said she was beaten by neighbors who believed she was a witch and responsible for the drought. The pain of the attack, they thought, would cause her to cry and her tears, in turn, would spark the rain to return.

“They almost killed me,” Kanyomushana says. “It was really terrible.”

In parts of Africa, accusations of witchcraft lead to beatings, banishment and even death, with the victims overwhelmingly older people. As the continent’s population of older people surges, some fear the problem will too.

Advocates say they see a growing number of cases where the accused is a person with dementia – a condition not widely understood on the continent. Whatever the reason a person may be targeted, though, the results can be devastating.

It’s been three years since Kanyomushana first had fingers pointed at her, but the accusations have continued to bubble up. It didn’t help that after she was beaten, the drought broke and the rain fell, cementing what some already believed true. A few months ago, a group of villagers again targeted her, uprooting and destroying her garden.

“See what we’ll do to you,” she says one boy threatened.

Reach One Touch One Ministries intervened to get Kanyomushana out of her home while they confronted villagers. They warned they would take those involved to court and that they could face prison time.

Kanyomushana isn’t sure how it all started. She wonders if it might have been a local woman she says has long hated her, jealous over the sweet potatoes she grows.

“Sometimes they just point a finger,” says Norah Makubuya, a project manager at Reach One Touch One. “They just say, ‘It’s that person.’”

Before the problems began, Kanyomushana says a piece of bark cloth – a fabric made from the pounded bark of trees – went missing from her small home. She thinks someone took it to a local witch doctor to have it looked at and determine if she’s guilty.

The witch doctor who was consulted was Fredianah Tibeijuka, who is in her 70s and says she was born with a gift to heal. In her small home, in a stout metal basket beneath a lofted bed are the tools of her trade – a jumble of twigs and roots and herbs.

“This is to help people give birth,” she says as she unscrews a jar’s pink cap. “This is to help people that have swollen body parts,” she says pinching at something else. “This stick, I burn it,” she says, an antidote to make poor people become rich.

She cannot answer why she hasn’t grown rich from the same stick and she doesn’t know why so many of those who are accused of witchery happen to be older people like her. All she is sure of is that she didn’t get it wrong in branding Kanyomushana a witch.

“I’m telling you and get it right,” she says sternly. “That woman is a witch. She is a really, really bad person. She deserves to die. I cannot help anyone who is a witch. I curse them.”

Similar stories repeat around Africa.

Leo Igwe, a 54-year-old Nigerian who started Advocacy for Alleged Witches to help those facing accusations, says more than 70% of the cases his organization receives involve older people. Igwe says witchcraft accusations are also used sometimes by families looking for an excuse to dump an elder they no longer want to be saddled with caring for.

The cases are about evenly split between men and women, but Igwe says women suffer the worst outcomes, including being mobbed, brutally injured and even killed.

Witchcraft accusations are not unique to Africa, nor to older people, and progress has been made in many parts of the continent in addressing the issue. Nonetheless, supernatural beliefs are widespread and some find them a catch-all explanation for life’s ills. Even some who are hurt by accusations find it hard to let go of their belief in the occult.

Alice Mary Nasanga, who is about 70, was banished by some members of her family after a brother claimed he survived her witchery. She says he went to money-hungry witch doctors who affirmed his accusation and that nearly everyone went along with what he said.

“He made up a story and everyone believed him,” she says.

In the next room, Nasanga’s 30-year-old son lies on a dirty concrete floor, naked and moaning. He’s steadily deteriorated since getting malaria and no longer can speak.

Nasanga says she looks at him and can’t help wondering if he might be under a spell. Witchcraft, she says, may not just be the cause of his illness but the only thing that can save him.

Data on witchcraft accusations is sparse, making it difficult to say whether the problem is any better or worse than the past. But Igwe says it tends to follow the ebbs and flows of the economy, with cases increasing during downturns, as parts of Africa are in today.

“When people are not able to meet their material needs they take a leap into the supernatural looking for the solutions,” he says. “Witchcraft becomes handy.”

As Africa becomes home to more and more older people, advocates for accused witches say they’re seeing a greater number of cases involving people with dementia. Igwe’s organization says at least 30% to 40% of the cases it handles involve cognitive issues.

Dr. Temitope Farombi, a geriatric neurologist in Ibadan, Nigeria, started a “Dementia Not Witchcraft” campaign six years ago to educate the public about the disease. She was prompted by incidents involving older people who wandered from their homes and then were attacked by someone who perceived them as a supernatural threat.

“You started seeing older adults being in harm’s way,” says the 44-year-old doctor, “and people hunting them, beating them, burning them, stoning them.”

Education is also at the heart of the work being done by Berrie Holtzhausen, the founder of Alzheimer’s Dementia Namibia. He has gone village to village and tribe to tribe in Namibia, both helping those accused of witchcraft and trying to prevent future cases by teaching people about brain disorders like dementia that may spark accusations.

Because there is so little familiarity with dementia, witchcraft becomes a go-to explanation for out-of-the-ordinary behaviors another villager might exhibit.

“Why can’t they find their way back from the river? Why are they talking to themselves at night? Why are they undressing themselves and walking between villages?” Holtzhausen says, mimicking the questions he hears. “If you are turning gray, you are a witch.”

Holtzhausen, 68, is a former pastor who began working with dementia patients about 15 years ago. The work has taken on a new dimension since he, too, was diagnosed with Alzheimer’s disease about four years ago.

He has noticed a progression of the disease since his diagnosis. One time, he walked off from a store with a pair of glasses without paying for them. Sometimes he notices himself getting angry or having bad dreams. Other times, he struggles to find a word.

Still, he plans to continue his advocacy as long as he is able.

“I think this is what’s keeping me alive,” he says.
NKULAGIRIRE, Uganda

Past a smoldering pile of trash and two bleating goats, through a doorway beginning to buckle beneath the weight of the bricks above, is a darkened room where a skeletal, 70-year-old man lies on a pillowless bed above a floor littered with trash.

The lone window’s shutters are closed but enough shards of sun make it through holes in the corroded roof to see Joseph Malagho’s ribs poke at the skin of his torso and legs like twigs inside his olive green pants. As he struggles to sit up, leaves crinkle beneath him on a soiled sheet. His mattress sags. The air is thick and stale.

Malagho has no illusions about the difficulty of growing old. But the fact that he is here at all is its own miracle.

Across Africa, millions who once faced the death sentence of an HIV infection have survived only to face something nearly as daunting: old age.

As infections have dropped markedly and antiretroviral drugs have reduced mortality, the turnaround of the AIDS crisis has helped build Africa’s longevity revolution. Lives that were expected to be cut short instead continued decades more, changing the demographics of those facing the disease and fueling the rush of people encountering health systems that were never built for old age.

Malagho isn’t sure when he was infected, but he was diagnosed about five years ago. His health has steadily declined since. He has tuberculosis now, too, and can barely stand.

He hasn’t left this room in months.

There is barely any soap for his wife to wash him with a rag. His lone source of entertainment, a small radio, has gone dead, and there’s no money for batteries. He has lost most of his teeth and can’t afford dentures, but there is little food to eat anyway.

“If there is food or not,” he says, “I don’t even care.”

He urinates into a small white bucket and his wife hurls it outside just as the first drops of rain begin to strafe the roof and start leaking to the space below.

Reach One Touch One sponsors Malagho and has dispatched a field worker, Grace Nabanoba, to check on him this day.

The organization distributes food and medicine to many of its beneficiaries and helps repair homes, install water tanks and provide basic items, like a bed for seniors who are sleeping on dirt floors. But there are limits to what it can do and Nabanoba feels helpless as she stands before Malagho.

She promises him batteries for his radio and exits the home. Sometimes, after visiting him, colleagues will ask her why she’s quiet and she’ll slink off to cry.

“Some situations,” she says, “are too hard to bear.”
MUKONO, Uganda

Maybe it’s something as simple as a urinary tract infection that has 80-year-old Erisafan Khayiki doubled over in pain. Or a kidney stone. Or something more.

The only thing certain is a truth that repeats across this continent: For a poor man like him, there are few options. And so this will be the day that he dies.

As more and more Africans reach old age, economic realities are clashing with the needs of late life. When a medical bill is too much to face or even a ride to the doctor is out of reach, a patient can begin a spiral toward a painful death.

“For so long, Africa’s population has been youthful. Over the years, medical care has improved for them. But for the old it has not,” says Dr. Lenusia Ahlijah, who is one of Ghana’s few geriatricians. “There are no trained people who understand any of the special health problems of the elderly. We have to find a solution.”

A lifetime of poverty can bring unique challenges in old age.

Some who, for years, passed up doctors when they were sick, relying on cheap, over-the-counter antibiotics, experience drug resistance. Others who have gone without treatment for hypertension end up with vision loss or vascular dementia. Untreated injuries are, in part, to blame for one in five older Ugandans having a severe disability.

Even using the bathroom is intertwined with an older person’s wealth. Forced to squat over a latrine and no longer able to support themselves, some touch the ground, and with water precious, they pass up handwashing and contract typhoid.

“Omwavu wakufa,” goes a phrase in Luganda, one of the country’s native tongues, an expression that gained popularity as COVID raged. “The poor man will die.”

Across much of Africa, older people fall into a blind spot of public health systems that prioritize infectious diseases, maternal care and children. Trained geriatricians are rare, national health care programs are limited, and clinics are rarely equipped to manage chronic conditions tied to aging. Many older people have little access to doctors and, if they see one, often forego necessary diagnostics or treatment to cut the costs.

“I will not check for this,” Mugerwa says they’ll say, “I will not check for that.”

Eventually, it comes to a head.

Khayiki is sitting on his bed when a nurse ducks to enter the doorway of his tiny room. He is wincing as he clenches a thick walking stick that rests against his temple.

“I’m in pain,” he says softly.

It is beyond the nurse’s capacity to diagnose, though. He tells Khayiki he isn’t sure what is wrong and that he will have to go see a doctor at the clinic.

“There’s nothing I can do here,” the nurse says.

They agree a ride should be arranged for him to see a doctor, but act with no urgency.

As night falls, Khayiki cries out in pain. He wonders aloud if he can survive. He stirs and talks and frets so much that his wife, Maria Kimono, goes to sleep in the other room.

By morning, he is dead.

If Kimono had known this would be her husband’s last day, she wouldn’t have chastised him for not listening and wouldn’t have left him alone when his moans grew loud. She hopes he was proud of how she took care of him as he ailed, how she’d struggle to carry him outside when he asked, how she’d been faithful to him to his last day.

He had spent years working as a pump attendant at a Kampala gas station, sending back money to care for his family. In old age, even with his sight gone, he showed up to church gatherings and could be seen singing and, on occasion, dancing.

He was buried in the yard, just beyond the clothesline, near a grandchild who went before. An Anglican minister came and said prayers and friends gathered and bowed their heads.

Maybe things would have been different, Kimono says, if her husband wasn’t so poor.
MUBUSHURO, Uganda

Some things have changed as Joy Okwanjire has grown older: Ears that struggle to hear, a back that throbs in pain, and savings that have faded away.

But at least one thing remains the same: A long daily walk to gather water.

Across Africa, where most of the population has no running water, the task of collecting it from a stream, bore hole or spring typically falls to women and children.

It is a responsibility that knows no age: As the continent’s population of older people grows, so too does the number of older people fetching water on arduous daily treks.

“It is a bit difficult,” Okwanjire, who is in her 70s, says. “But I have no option.”

And so, as a thick morning fog blankets the valley below, Okwanjire departs the mud hut she calls home in this hilltop village and sets out on her daily journey.

She wears a long, emerald dress splashed with purple, sandals on her feet and carries a 10-liter plastic jug in her left hand, setting off on a narrow, slippery path bracketed by bean stalks.

The path rises and dips and Okwanjire at times extends her right arm to keep her balance. Birds chirp and a baby goat cries but their sounds are muted by a distant chainsaw.

Along she goes, down a slick, rocky hill, grabbing at the vegetation as she descends. Along she goes, past the fields where women work, through the steep drops, beside the cloudy pool that once was safe enough to drink and used to be her collection spot.

She walks for 27 minutes before arriving at a wispy stream, where she steps down to a rock ledge and nearly slips before dipping the yellow jug in the water and filling it.

Okwanjire shoves a firm, green banana in the mouth of the jug as a stopper, takes one deep breath in, and hoists the jug, placing it lengthwise atop her head. She starts back up the hill.

The hardest part of her journey has begun.

A few minutes up the steep hill, Okwanjire takes the jug from her head and puts it on the ground in front of her, lowering herself to sit in the grass.

“I’m tired,” she says.

Every few minutes it is the same, just as every day is the same. She stops again to rest, then continues the journey that she started as a child.

Many older Africans without running water rely on a relative for help, sparing them a difficult chore. Okwanjire isn’t so lucky.

“Sometimes I wish I could have someone to help me,” she says.

When Okwanjire’s husband was alive, he raised bees, and when the season was good, he could fill a 20-liter jug with honey and sell it for around 400,000 shillings ($109). He bought her dresses and was able to put meat on her plate, but those days are gone.

He died about three years ago, and the bees followed soon after.

“Old age is challenging,” she says. “There are so many things that you need.”

She took up weaving mats to try and make some money, but she only sells six or eight a year and, after materials, each one earns her about 3,000 shillings (80 cents). Sometimes she earns a little extra digging her neighbor’s gardens.

She doesn’t have enough to see a doctor much less install a water tank.

So her walk continues.

On she goes, past a bleating goat that bucks its head into her right leg, past three colorfully garbed women weeding in the field. A few drops of water escape from the jug’s mouth and rocks and twigs crunch beneath her feet. She rests here and there, but mostly she makes an arduous trip look effortless. Her steps are sure. She says she has never fallen.

“When I bend down it hurts,” she concedes, “when I get tired it hurts.”

Okwanjire conserves as best she can, spacing out how often she cleans herself, and reusing water from the utensils she washes. Still, a daily walk is needed.

The clouds part and the sun shines down as a cool breeze blows. Tall grass and ferns tickle at Okwanjire’s legs, and leaves, browned by the sun, brush against her arm.

And then, finally, her home, its façade cracked with age, comes into view.

She has made it. She puts the jug outside her front door, then doubles over, placing her hands on a chair. All told, the trek took 82 minutes.

“I’m really tired,” Okwanjire says. “Very, very tired.”

One day, she knows, she may no longer be able to walk this hill or hoist this jug. She doesn’t know what she will do. That is a problem for another day.

Tomorrow, she says, she will walk again.
MAGOGO, Uganda

A boy scales the trunk of a jackfruit tree, pawing at his prize, yellow and swollen. Down the road, another child runs beside a bicycle tire with a stick, a phalanx of kids chasing along. Sunlight shines on the young all through this country’s villages and cities, strapped to the backs of their mothers, singing in schoolyards, sailing across soccer fields.

Meanwhile, in the shadows, in crumbling houses and dim mud huts, a new population of the old blossoms.

Across Africa, young and old are divided in their visibility as resources gush toward children and many elderly are left behind. But the fates of old and young are intertwined.

“Both of them are suffering,” says Dr. Emmanuel Mugerwa, who planned to become a pediatrician before switching to geriatric care at a clinic run by Reach One Touch One. “Both of them don’t have a lot of things that they need.”

Africa is home to the world’s youngest population, filled with countries like Uganda, where a staggering half of its people are under 18 years old. While the continent’s population of older people is a tiny minority, it is fast growing. Together, these bookended age groups share much in common.

Children and people 75 and older have the highest poverty rate, according to Uganda government statistics, and they often live together. Among households with older people, an estimated one in six are “skipped generation,” with grandparents and grandchildren.

At a campus operated by ROTOM, a school is just across from a home where a dozen seniors are tended to by a single caregiver. Uniformed children pray the “Our Father” in an open-air hall on the other side of a wall from an older woman who arrived here with bruises all over that staffers say came from a daughter who beat her with a stick.

It is the final day of school before a holiday break, and two girls in pale red jumpers with periwinkle collars leave campus just as shoeless children begin kicking a ball across a damp field. The girls exit the property’s gate, walking past a boy whose cheeks are wet with tears, then up a dirt road lined with corn stalks and banana trees. On the periphery, goats graze, ducks and roosters wander and a tower of mud bricks bakes in the sun.

The girls pass chickens pecking at trash, shopkeepers sweeping their landings, men playing a dice game, and a pile of burning trash sending an acrid plume to the skies, before arriving home. In a sign of respect, they kneel before the woman who cares for them, 94-year-old Rose Liru.

The girls – 11-year-old Brenda Mungulu, Liru’s grandniece, and 9-year-old Parvin Nakawesi, her great-granddaughter – have been left by parents who no longer can care for them. They quickly change into after-school clothes and get started on their chores.

Liru says she doesn’t have the energy to mother the girls and acknowledges the twin realities of their presence: They are both a burden and a gift. She feels all the weight of being responsible for them while knowing they are also helpful around the house.

She wonders how much longer she will live and what will happen to the girls when she’s gone. For now, she is all they have in this world and will do her best for them.

“I protect them. I defend them,” she says, noting elders like her often fill in for children and grandchildren. “Old people, we are the ones who hold families together. We are the ones who pray for you. We are the ones who do good. We are the ones who are next to God.”

In houses where old and young live side by side, elders often struggled to sustain themselves even before they found themselves with another mouth to feed and school tuition to pay. A majority of older Ugandans are illiterate and, among the very oldest, the rate is staggering, with more than eight in 10 people 85 and older unable to read or write. Though school is not free here, it is a point of pride for elders to educate their young.

Felista Kemitaare, whose home is off a steep rocky path before a panorama of lush hills, is one such woman. At 78, she has been thrust back into parenthood, caring for an 11-year-old granddaughter. She rarely has enough food and, of the little bit she is able to grow, she must sell some to help pay for her granddaughter’s tuition.

Today, a ROTOM field nurse, Winnie Katwesigye, has arrived to check on Kemitaare, who sits below a poster of the late Pope Francis, the light from the doorway shining on her face. Her beans are not growing well and her aches and pains are getting worse.

“I have no choice,” she says, “but to be a strong woman.”

She grabs a walking stick in her right hand and heads barefoot up the steep hill to her garden, where she takes a hoe, swatting at the earth. It is too early to harvest, but she is desperate, so she begins pulling anemic potatoes from the ground, some as small as shooter marbles, some about the size of a small plum, tossing them in a green plastic dish. She lifts her torso slowly and walks back down the hill taking tentative steps.

Norah Makubuya, a ROTOM project manager, says she tries to teach adult children in the community just how difficult it is for those forced to become parents again in old age.

“Their burden,” she says of the adult children, “becomes their parents’ burden.”
LONGER LIVES
Celebration and concern mix as more Africans reach old age

Friday, September 05, 2025

An Arkansas Group’s Effort To Build A White Ethnostate Forms Part Of A Wider US Movement Inspired By White Supremacy

White supremacist Craig Cobb stands in an empty lot he owns in Leith, N.D., on Aug. 26, 2013. Cobb tried unsuccessfully to turn the town into an all-white enclave. AP Photo/Kevin Cederstrom

BY PAUL J. BECKER
ASSOCIATE PROFESSOR OF SOCIOLOGY
UNIVERSITY OF DAYTON

In October 2023, a group calling itself Return to the Land established its first “Whites only community” in the Ozark Mountains of Arkansas. They followed that with a second enclave nearby in 2025.

The group, which describes itself as a “private membership association” that helps groups form “European heritage communities,” plans to build four more sites, including another location in the Ozarks and two in Appalachia.

Return to the Land believes that by calling themselves a private membership association they can create a white ethnostate – a type of state in which residence is limited to white people – and legally exclude people based on race, religion and sexual orientation.

If you read the words of Eric Orwoll, the group’s co-founder, its mission is clear: “You want a white nation? Build a white town … it can be done. We’re doing it.”

As a scholar of right-wing extremism, I have examined several groups calling for a white homeland in America. The creation of a white ethnostate is often seen as an ultimate goal of such white nationalism, which argues that white people form part of a genetically and culturally superior race deserving of protection and preservation. While Return to the Land doesn’t identify as white nationalists, their statements often align with the ideology.

White ethnostates, big and small

One of the best-known plans for a white ethnostate is the Northwest Imperative, popularized by white nationalists during the 1970s and ’80s. The plan involved certain citizens taking 10% of the United States – the states of Washington, Oregon, Idaho, Wyoming and Montana – and excluding all nonwhite people from living there.

Proponents of the plan argued that these states were already majority white and contained large tracts of undeveloped land, making the territory ideal for white-only settlement. High-profile extremists of the time such as Richard Butler, Robert Mathews and David Lane supported the plan.

Still today, groups such as the Northwest Front, a white nationalist group founded in 2009 and located in the Pacific Northwest, continue to promote variations of this idea.

While the Pacific Northwest has a long history with right-wing extremist organizing, the proponents of whites-only communities have also targeted areas of the Northeast as possible locations for a white ethnostate.

In 2018, for example, Tom Kawczynski, town manager of Jackman, Maine, was fired when his views came to light, including views that have been characterized as “pro-white.”

More recently, in 2023, the People’s Initiative of New England, a splinter group of the neo-Nazi organization National Socialist Club-131, introduced themselves on the online platform Substack. There, the group laid out its goal of establishing the six states of New England – Connecticut, Maine, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Rhode Island and Vermont – as white-only.

The goal of gaining control of multiple states is unrealistic, of course, at least peacefully. Therefore, a popular alternative, along the lines of Return to the Land’s actions, is to establish smaller all-white communities.

In 2013, media outlets reported that neo-Nazi Craig Cobb was buying land in the small town of Leith, North Dakota, to build a white nationalist community. The town rallied to oppose this attempt.

Later that year, Cobb was charged with seven felonies related to confronting residents with a gun. He was sentenced to probation for four years and deeded the property back to the town in 2014.

And in 2021, leaked Telegram chats revealed that Christopher Pohlhaus, a former U.S. Marine and founder of the neo-Nazi group Blood Tribe, wanted to establish a whites-only community in Springfield, Maine. Pohlhaus was developing a military training facility as part of these efforts when media coverage led him to sell the property and move out of state.

The danger of a white ethnostate

These various attempts to develop a white ethnostate are not simply individual, isolated cases. They form part of a larger movement toward achieving white nationalism.

A major part of white nationalism today is focused on anti-immigrant hatred. That has spurred major acts of extreme violence such as the 2019 murders of 23 people in El Paso, Texas, the majority of whom were Hispanic.

The “great replacement theory,” a conspiracy theory popular among white nationalists, argues that various policies are leading to the destruction of the white race. This theory inspired the 2022 mass killing of 10 Black Americans in a supermarket in Buffalo, New York.

The shooter selected the supermarket because of its location in a predominantly Black neighborhood and left behind a white supremacy manifesto.

Communities across the U.S. have successfully resisted the establishment of white ethnostates.

The residents of Leith, North Dakota, did this by creating a website informing people about what was happening in their community. Public outcry also met Pohlhaus in Maine.

As for Return to the Land, Arkansas Attorney General Tim Griffin said in July 2025 that his office is reviewing the group’s actions and whether they violate the law.

“Racism has no place in a free society,” he said, “but from a legal perspective, we have not seen anything that would indicate any state or federal laws have been broken.”

READ ORIGINAL STORY HERE

Thursday, September 04, 2025

Civil Servant Exodus: How Employees Wrestle With Whether To Stay, Speak Up Or Go

People protest federal cuts outside the Colorado State Capitol in Denver on May 6, 2025. Helen H. Richardson/MediaNews Group/The Denver Post via Getty Images

BY JAIME L. KUCINSKAS AND YVONNE ZYLAN

For many Americans, work is not just about earning a paycheck. It is a centerpiece of their lives, and they want their job to be meaningful.

Decades of research suggest this is true for most federal civil servants, who aim to serve not only their organizations and their missions, but also the public and the nation. Over the course of President Donald Trump’s first administration, from 2017-21, we spoke with dozens of federal civil servants. They described their jobs as a calling aligned with their ideals – to serve the government, uphold democracy and serve the public.

Turbulent change during Trump’s first term, however, tested many workers. Over a quarter of the civil servants we spoke with ultimately left the federal government.

Since the start of his second term, Trump has attempted a far more sweeping overhaul of the federal bureaucracy. More than 50,000 federal workers have been fired or targeted for layoffs. The U.S. Agency for International Development was shuttered, for example, and more than 80% of employees have been fired from AmeriCorps and the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau. Another 154,000 federal workers accepted the government’s buyout offers, which are structured as “deferred resignations.”

Yet there are similarities with Trump’s first term, such as his and his appointees’ attacks on civil servants’ loyalty and the administration’s efforts to punish dissent.

Our interviews from Trump’s first term – the basis for the 2025 book “The Loyalty Trap” – may give insight into what civil servants are experiencing today. In some ways, their concerns are unique to government work. Yet they also face a challenge many workers confront during dramatic changes at their organization, regardless of their field: whether to stay or go.

Nonpartisan workforce

The federal civil service is composed primarily of career professionals who work for a mission-driven agency, not just a specific administration. These employees consider themselves nonpartisan, prepared to serve presidents from either party.

When a new administration takes over, whether Democratic or Republican, it installs political appointees to lead the agencies that execute federal law. These agencies help develop federal regulations, enforce laws and regulations, provide services and carry out policies. Career civil servants expect to carry out appointees’ instructions, and are under legal and ethical obligations to do so.

The ethical code and oath of office civil that servants swear to upon starting their positions require them to uphold the Constitution, laws and ethical principles, and to “faithfully discharge the duties of [their] office.” They may not “use public office for private gain” and are required to report any “waste, fraud, abuse, and corruption.”

Federal employees expect significant changes in policy direction and describe it as part of the job. As one State Department worker told us in 2018:

“The president is elected by the people and can define his or her own foreign policy, and our job as career officers of the State Department is to enact that person’s policy. So I have no problem — I have my own moral questions about what the president’s foreign policy choices are – but from a commitment and service oath that I’ve taken to work at the State Department, it is my job to implement the intent of the president and the Secretary of State.”

Loyalty trap

Under the first Trump administration, however, many interviewees described a new level of abrupt change and politicization, where personal loyalty to the president seemed prioritized over their agencies’ missions and norms.

Civil servants must abide by the Hatch Act, which forbids some kinds of political activities, like hosting fundraisers – rules meant to shield them from political pressure and keep promotions merit-based. During the first term, however, Trump officials repeatedly violated the Hatch Act, according to a 2021 federal probe.

In this environment during the first Trump administration, “Loyalty [was] to not question,” said a senior officer at the Environmental Protection Agency. Amid increasing mistrust and suspicion, she believed that “whenever you raised a question in this environment, you were thought to be leaking as well.” This cut against some civil servants’ understanding that it was their job, as longtime agency workers and experts, to provide the best advice possible.

Emphasis on personal loyalty was difficult for some of them to reconcile with loyalty to the missions of their agencies or to the public interest, particularly as many policies took a sharp turn. By January 2021, around three-quarters of the regulations, guidance documents and agency memos the Trump administration issued that were challenged in court had been invalidated or withdrawn, according to research at New York University.

Some civil servants working to bolster democracy around the world and at home, for example, were disturbed by shifts in foreign policy. The president frequently praised authoritarian leaders with poor human rights records – such as Vladimir Putin of Russia, Kim Jung Un of North Korea and Reçep Tayyip Erdogan of Turkey – while giving the cold shoulder to allies in Europe.

“The thrust of U.S. foreign policy has generally followed a pretty predictable path,” observed one longtime member of the State Department, who had worked under both Republican and Democratic administrations. “This administration has come in and has basically disregarded the overall imperative that we have to promote democracy and to promote transparency.”

Around 80% of our interviewees said they were experiencing moral dissonance as a result of the sense that their own values, job standards and political leaders’ expectations did not align. These workers were experiencing what we call a “loyalty trap”: the sense of being caught between following higher-ups’ directives and complying with other professional and ethical obligations.

Eyeing the exits

German economist Albert Hirschman’s 1970 book, “Exit, Voice, and Loyalty,” helps explain what workers do when they believe their organization is in decline. Hirschman argued that loyalty to an organization can delay a worker’s decision to leave and motivate them to speak up and push for improvement.

Other studies since then have also examined how loyalty shapes workers’ decisions. Research on industries from journalism to mining and taxi operations suggests that when employees feel they have no opportunity to voice dissent and influence the group’s direction, even the most loyal workers may eventually decide to exit.

However, loyalty to the mission of an organization can shape a worker’s decision in complex ways. Sociologist Elizabeth A. Hoffman, for example, studied workers in conventional versus cooperative, employee-owned businesses. She found that employees in a cooperative food distribution company – who expressed strong allegiance to the company and their co-workers – were more likely to mention exiting in response to grievances than their counterparts in a conventional company. She concluded that the cooperative’s workers’ greater “zeal” for the group’s mission actually made them more likely to consider leaving when they felt frustrated or betrayed.

These findings echo themes among civil servants we spoke with who wound up leaving the government – people who valued public service but doubted their power to use their voice to do work as they saw fit.

Civil servants’ exits can be costly for them and their families – but also for their governments, as public administration scholars have found in countries around the world. Experienced workers’ departure can result in the loss of institutional knowledge, and they are often replaced with political loyalists. A 2023 review of almost 100 studies – including research from more than 150 countries – concluded that governments where employees were hired based on their education and work experience, not their politics, had less corruption, more efficiency and greater public trust.

Under the current U.S. administration – which is openly punishing dissent among civil servants – we expect an even greater number of employees to contemplate departure.

READ ORIGINAL STORY HERE

When It Comes To Neo-Nazis, We Can’t Legislate Our Way To Safety

Neo-Nazi leader Thomas Sewell (centre) speaks to media outside court. Con Chronis/AAP

BY GREG BARTON
CHAIR IN GLOBAL ISLAMIC POLITICS,
ALFRED DEAKIN INSTITUTE FOR
CITENZENSHIP AND GLOBALIZATION,
DEAKIN UNIVERSITY

What sort of legislation do we need to stop neo-Nazis marching through our streets and threatening our social cohesion?

It certainly makes sense to consider incremental changes such as banning the Nazi swastika and the wearing of full-face masks when protesting.

But really, the question is not what sort of legislation we need. The question is what sort of legislature - sort of parliament - will keep us safe?

It is reasonable to adjust laws to respond to changing threats, but we need to recognise we can’t legislate our way to safety. Australia already has some of the most extensive counterterrorism legislation in the world. Any changes we make now will bring – at best – incremental gains. And nothing we do is without cost and risk. If we succumb to the temptation to broaden the meaning of terrorism in the law, we will almost certainly weaken our counterterrorism apparatus and discredit it in the process.

Lessons from Germany

Instead of focusing on improving legislation, our focus needs to be on strengthening democracy. The experience of two leading Western democracies serve as salient reminders of the challenge we’re facing.

Probably no Western democracy has done more to counter Nazi and neo-Nazi ideas and their expression than modern Germany. If ever tighter legislation was going to keep us safe from the rise of fascism, it would have done so in Germany.

Sadly, that is not the case. Germany faces a massive problem of neo-Nazi recruitment in the ranks of the uniformed services and across German society, despite all the carefully constructed barriers against it.

Even more worrying is the rise of support for far-right politics in Germany. Every year the extremist Alternative Für Deutschland (AfD) party steadily gains ground, and were it not for the “firewall” designed to keep parties such as the AfD out of governing coalitions, the strength of its popular support would surely have earned it a place in government by now.

In fact, it is looking increasingly difficult to see how AfD can be kept out of power in Germany. And while it denies its clear neo-Nazi heritage, the party openly campaigns on ideas associated with white supremacists and “Germany for Germans”.

An alternative: strengthening democracy

Even more worrying than the case of Germany is that of the United States and the great Republican elephant in the room. In his first term as president, Donald Trump’s administration was divided and reluctant to implement his radical agenda. But in his second presidency, a very different administration team is working with a worrying sense of sycophantic purpose to bring about a radical reinvention of US politics and the end of US democracy as we have known it.

The Republican Party in Congress no longer works to block the president’s radical agenda. Instead, we are witnessing the implementation at scale and at a rapid pace of the radical Project 2025 plans that were carefully drawn up before Trump’s remarkable electoral victory.

The fact that court after court has declared his actions illegal does little to impede the project. The flood-the-zone strategy is clearly working and the guardrails of tradition and public expectation have shown themselves to be disturbingly weak or non-existent.

The nature of this radical agenda is seen most sharply in the ideas, and now fully implemented policy, of Trump’s homeland security advisor Stephen Miller. He has been behind the expansion and aggressive implementation of the Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) campaign of arrest and deportation. It may not be legal for unidentified, masked ICE officers to profile Latino and other brown Americans then violently apprehend them and bundle them into unmarked vans, and disappear them to remote detention sites for weeks at a time. But that is exactly what ICE is doing.

It would be inaccurate to call Miller a neo-Nazi. But what is not debatable is that he is openly supporting, and implementing, white supremacist “great replacement” ideas without any sense of shame or any level of accountability. Trump’s so-called Big Beautiful Bill expanded the ICE budget to the point it is larger than all but a few of the world’s national militaries.

The campaigning ahead of the 2025 federal elections in Australia saw some political actors promoting a narrative based on the politics of fear. They were spectacularly unsuccessful, and that that should give us confidence in our democratic system.

But we cannot afford to take it for granted that we will not quickly face the sort of problems currently seen in Germany and the US. Australia has a long history of institutionalised racism, from the frontier wars through the decades of the white Australia policy, and the demonising of asylum seekers arriving by boat.

At the same time our social cohesion holds strong. Each week, thousands take to the street to protest peacefully. So far, the extremist elements who would seek to take advantage of this have gained little traction.

As ugly and pathetic as the sight of neo-Nazis grandstanding in public places is, we must not let their attention-seeking define our framing of the problem. In an open society, there will always be fringe elements saying and doing things that lie on the very edge of the law and that challenge mainstream sensibilities.

In the weeks before the recent anti-immigration marches, Australians of colour experienced the chilling fear that can come from these kinds of political stunts.

But the real risk in Australia comes not from the shrill voices of fascist extremists prancing in public places. Rather, it comes from a slide into the wholesale demonising of migrants in our public discourse. If we can address this, not only will we see fewer Australians drawn to the ugly intolerance and open racism of neo-Nazism, we will be doing the one thing that can really make us safer: strengthening our democracy.

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Tuesday, September 02, 2025

China’s WWII Anniversary Parade Rekindles Cross-Strait Battle Over War Narrative − And Fears In Taiwan Of Future Conflict

Chinese nationalist leader Chiang Kai-shek, U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt and British Prime Minister Winston Churchill at the Cairo Conference in November 1943. Keystone/Getty Images

BY MEDREDITH OYEN
ASSOCIATE PROFESSOR OF HISTORY
A ND ASIAN STUDIES, UNIVERSITY OF
MARYLAND, BALTIMORE COUNTY

World War II casts a very long shadow in East Asia. Eighty years after ending with Japan’s surrender to Allied forces on Sept. 2, 1945, the conflict continues to stir debate over the past, in the context of today’s geopolitical tensions.

China’s high-profile military parade commemorating the conclusion of what Beijing calls the “War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression” is a case in point.

In the run-up to the Sept. 3, 2025, event, the Chinese Communist Party has been criticized in Tokyo for stoking anti-Japanese sentiment and in the U.S. for downplaying America’s role while playing up Russia’s.

But as an expert on Taiwan-China relations, I’m interested in the battle over the narrative between Taipei and Beijing. During World War II, China’s communists and nationalists became uneasy internal allies, putting their civil war on pause to unite against Japan. Afterward, the communists prevailed and the nationalists fled to Taiwan, where they set up their own government – one the mainland has never recognized. Months of bickering over the commemorations shine a light on how both sides view their respective roles in defeating Japan – and what the show of military force by Beijing signals today.

To whom did Japan surrender?

A peculiarity of the current commemorations is that Japan did not actually surrender to Communist China, or technically to China at all. On Sept. 9, 1945, a week after agreeing to the terms laid out by the Allied forces, Japan, at a ceremony in Nanjing, formally surrendered to China’s National Revolutionary Army – the military wing of the nationalist Kuomintang led by Chiang Kai-shek.

And this gets to the heart of why many in Taiwan – where the nationalists fled at the conclusion of China’s civil war in 1949 – are unhappy with Beijing’s projection of Communist China as the victors against Japan.

By the time that war in East Asia took hold, in 1937, China was a decade into its own civil war between the nationalists under Chiang Kai-shek and Mao Zedong’s communists.

The nationalists and communists fell into an uneasy truce with the creation of the second united front in 1937. But the role of both sides in fighting the Japanese has long been the source of disagreement.

The nationalist army bore the brunt of conventional warfare. But it was criticized for being disorganized and too dependent on men forced into service. Those soldiers were often ill-trained and underfed.

To the communists, the army – and its failings – were the product of the corrupt government under Chiang. And it was largely responsible for China’s inept response to Japan’s initial advances.

n Beijing’s telling today, it was the communist forces, which relied more on guerrilla tactics, that helped push back the Japanese.

Conversely, the nationalists cast events during World War II very differently. China’s nationalist administration under Chiang was the first government in the world to fight a fascist power.

For eight or even 14 years, depending on whether you date the start of the conflict to 1937 or 1931, the nationalist army fought hard and sacrificed a lot as it put up the bulk of the resistance against Japan. To Taiwan’s Chinese nationalists, the Chinese communist contribution was minimal.

Worse, to them, the communists took the opportunity of Japan’s invasion to further their own position against the nationalists. Indeed, when the civil war began again after Japan’s defeat, Mao’s communists had the upper hand, leading to the nationalists’ retreat to Taiwan four years later.

From Japanese to Chinese rule

The status of Taiwan at the end of World War II presents another wrinkle. By then, the island had been under Japanese colonial control since 1895. Indeed, a second surrender ceremony took place on Oct. 25, 1945, when the Japanese forces in Taiwan surrendered to a nationalist official who had come over from the mainland.

What followed was a period of Chinese nationalist takeover of Taiwan and a corresponding Japanese retreat – it took several years for all Japanese officials and families to be repatriated to Japan.

Meanwhile, the nationalist Kuomintang that came into Taiwan were not terribly well received by the local population, many of whom were hoping for independence and resisted a Chinese nationalist, authoritarian takeover.

Complicating matters was that a 1943 agreement between the leaders of the Allied nations in Cairo declared that in the event of Japan’s defeat, Formosa, as Taiwan was then called, would be returned to the Republic of China.

But now you had two claimants to being “China” – the communists on the mainland and the nationalists on Taiwan. Either way, the Cairo Declaration served the interests of the “One-China” principle – under which both Beijing and Taipei view Taiwan as part of unified China, but differ over which is the country’s legitimate government – over that of those seeking the island’s formal independence from the mainland.

From the past to the future

The conflicting war narratives from Communist China, pro-unification nationalists in Taiwan and those seeking the island’s independence have been present since the end of World War II – and they tend to flare up around commemorations and anniversaries.

They did so, for example, when China held a big military celebration in 2015 to commemorate the 70th anniversary of Japan’s surrender.

This year’s event seeks to do a couple of things. First, Beijing is using it to reshape the memory of the Chinese Communist Party’s role in the world as a result of World War II.

The war is seen as a critical moment in Chinese history – not just in the context of defeating Japan and its role in the subsequent founding of the People’s Republic, but because in Asia it marked the end of the colonial era. During the war, foreign powers in China gave up their concessions and ended a century of partial colonial control over port cities such as Shanghai.

The war also marked China’s emergence as a major player on the world scene. As a result of its contributions in World War II, China gained a role on the United Nations Security Council. The Republic of China on Taiwan maintained that seat and that vote until 1971, when U.N. recognition finally shifted to the People’s Republic of China.

In recent years, promoting a prominent role in defeating fascism and shaping the postwar world order has been particularly important as China looks to carve out a space for itself in a multipolar world and show an alternative to a world dominated by the United States and Western Europe.

For these reasons, Beijing is keen to keep focus on its preferred narrative, highlighting communist contributions to the war effort.

But given Beijing’s adherence to the one-party principle, Taiwan – as part of China – could not be ignored. So, invites to Taiwanese officials to the commemorative events were sent out.

Representatives from the pro-independence ruling Democratic People’s Party and the main opposition party, the pro-unification Kuomintang, have largely declined to attend. The executive government has said that no current government officials in Taiwan should attend the military parade. Nonetheless, on Sept. 2, former Kuomintang chairperson Hung Hsiu-chu announced that she would be in Beijing for the event.

For its part, Taiwan has opted for more low-key commemorations of the end of Japanese rule of the island.

Many Taiwanese are much more concerned about current events than those of 80 years ago. The anniversary comes at a time of increased tension across the Taiwan Strait. Echoing concern over Chinese military might and potential intent, earlier this year “Zero Day Attack” – a new series depicting a future, fictionalized invasion of the island by the People’s Republic of China – dropped and has since become hugely popular.

Its streaming launch date in Japan was Aug. 15 – the 80th anniversary of the announcement of Japan’s surrender in World War II.

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