Saturday, August 17, 2019

The General Philip Effiong Son’s Exclusive: Ojukwu, His Deputy And Biafran War

Philip Effiong image via Daily Sun
SUN NEWS ONLINE INTERVIEW

Prof Philip Effiong (Jr.), son of the late General Philip Effiong, second-in-command of Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu in the defunct Biafra has given an insight into that dark side of the nation’s history. The Professor of Theatre at the Michigan State University, USA, was in Nigeria recently as guest lecturer at Centre for Memories, Enugu. He spoke to Sunday Sun on his war experience, his father’s relationship with Ojukwu; why he did not abandon Biafra, post-war healing and other issues.

Excerpts:

Prof, may we know why you’re in Enugu?


I am in Enugu to give a talk on behalf of the Centre for Memories and the title of my talk was “Post-Biafra healing: Reclaiming our shared ties”. It focused on the need to restore our ancient or pre-colonial ties; the need to reclaim them. My talk focused that we’re increasingly fragmenting ourselves; completely becoming territorial. This started in colonial times because colonialism introduced new boundaries that we didn’t have before. Before then, our boundaries were flexible and we interacted more with one another, but colonialism introduced artificial boundaries and within those countries, new boundaries; not just geographical boundaries, but religious boundaries, economic boundaries and in some countries, racial boundaries and these boundaries continue to keep us apart. My point was that if we from this area that used to be the Eastern region with all our cultural similarities can’t get together, how can we talk of getting together with other people or fighting our enemies? We need to talk about coming together the way we used to be and this is exemplified in the 1929 women revolution, which involved the whole women of Eastern Region. My grandmother participated in that revolution and you have monuments built for women in respect of that revolution in places like Ikot-Abasi; it may have started around Aba, but at the end, all the women found the need to bond together. We don’t have that anymore. You can’t ask people in the Eastern Region now to come together and deal with a crisis because we have increasingly segregated and fragmented ourselves. That’s the gist of my presentation.

How did it end?

I ended by making some suggestions. I suggested that one; we need to have a good educational system that has a strong component. This will help us to focus on ourselves; of who we are, the richness and values, and also on the richness of those around us. We spent much time looking for faults amongst ourselves. You go on social media, you find talking about those Ibibio people; those Igbo people, those Ikwere people, Calabar and all that. It’s always accusations; we don’t talk about ourselves in a noble fashion. We don’t celebrate ourselves. Strong civic components in our educational system will help us do that and we restore the values of our system that never worked like the NYSC. Even though it has not worked; it’s been corrupted over the years. We can take some of those values and reapply them in this region. We can also focus on who our real enemies are; we make enemies of ourselves. Because we do that, we don’t focus on our real enemies and they take advantage of our disunity. Also, we need to focus on the fact that nothing is impossible because if you talk to people about the possibilities of achieving these things; a lot of them we say, you know that we have states, local governments, but it doesn’t matter. Someone like Julius Nyerere in Tanzania was able to quash ethnic identity; nobody talks about ethnic identity there, yet they have up to 100 ethnic groups in Tanzania. So, if it could be done in Tanzania, why can’t we do it amongst ourselves? We also need to stop addressing problems with different voices. We speak with different voices while addressing problems in this country; we need to speak with one voice. And many people speak when the problem concerns them; when their communities or ethnic groups are threatened. That further creates divisions. If you talk to a lot of people here about what happened in Benue; they will say, well, it happened to easterners, what did Benue people do? So, we have to be more cognisant of what happened to our neighbours; if we are there for them in period of crisis, they will be there for us when there is crisis.

For the people in the old Eastern Region, don’t you think that the civil war further polarised them?

Absolutely; the war polarised us, but polarisation was also used as a tool during the civil war. Before the civil war started; 12 states were created, those states were not created with our permission. They were created by the federal side because they wanted to divide us and they successfully did so. When they created states in the former Eastern Region, it immediately isolated the Igbo from the other groups; other groups no longer increasingly see the Igbo as brothers and sisters, but as enemies because everybody now had their own domains; space, with our different territories, we tend to keep other people out instead of inviting other people in. so, it worked as a tool. It was a strategy on the part of the Federal Government. So, they exploited division and were able to fragment us.

When certain persons crossed over to the other side, Gen. Philip Effiong didn’t change side. What gave rise to his action?

Actually, he wasn’t here (on the side of Biafra) because of state or ethnicity; he was here because people were being treated in the most unjust fashion; people had been brutalised; killed and their lives and property destroyed and they were chased away from different parts of the North, including himself and his family. So, he felt obligated to protect the people against these injustices. If his goal was just to celebrate the creation of state, maybe he would have gone to the South Eastern State and try to find a home there, but he was there on principle. And what was the principle? The principle was to protect people that were being attacked, especially innocent civilians – men, women and children. That’s why he stayed until the end in the Biafra cause, which he believed in and which I also believe in.

Having been about six years old when the war started in 1967; could it be said that you were witness to history or your father told you about his experiences?
I was witness to history and also experienced the history. I have vivid memories of the war even though I was so young, but the impact of the war on me as a human being on my mind makes it impossible for me to forget what happened. It was a horrible experience; we moved from place to place several times; we lost a lot of property, I ran away from the bombs. I was privileged because of the position of my father, but in spite of the privilege, my father’s home was destroyed, my grandfather was killed, my cousin was killed; my aunt was killed. So, when I recall, I feel the pain. One of the things people need to understand is that wars don’t end because there’s a ceasefire. People forget that there is post war; so, the war may have lasted two and half years, for us, it lasted many more years and in some ways it still does because my parents were denied a means of livelihood. My father was a professional soldier; he was not a doctor; lawyer, engineer or an accountant in the army. So, when you took that from him; at the end of the war, he was completely dismissed without any benefit; he had to spend the rest of his days hustling and sometimes he was able to get something, sometimes nothing. And so was my mother; she was trying to do anything possible for us to have a living-sewing cloths, selling drinks, and in the end, they managed to feed and give us education, but it was a tough struggle, especially since my parents had worked hard to be where they were, to lose all of that was very disturbing and painful and it’s still there today.

You mean no restitution yet?

No restitution. And at some point during the war, we didn’t have a home, someone accommodated us. It might sound strange to some people; I mean if this was happing to the second-in-command’s family, imagine what had happened to some people. When my dad died, I heard my mother was given something, but that was meaningless to me because first of all, whatever they gave her I knew was not sufficient. Of what use is it giving restitution after my dad died. My dad had served in the army since 1945, so, I think he deserved his restitution when he was alive.

If you’re to talk about your father; what kind of man was he?

I’ve looked at history; I have done my research, there are many things we don’t like about our leaders today; a lot of them are thieves, a lot of them have rigged elections, a lot of them mismanaged resources, abused power, there was none of these that my dad did. First of all, I see him as a person of integrity. I also remember him telling us to always stand up for the truth. The truth will come with repercussions, but you have to stand up for what is right. And you also have to focus heavily on education. He said you must prepare your mind to be useful in the society. He also taught us to think differently, just because society says things should go a certain way, you need to rethink it; you need have a critical mind, so that there is room to change things and transform things, so that there will be improvement. So, I appreciate the lessons that I got from him. Someone might say that I am saying good things about him because he’s my father, but I don’t say good things about all my relatives.

Are there any close shaves with death or those particular things you could remember about the war?
I was here in Enugu when Enugu was shelled; I still remember the sound of the shelling, landing in Enugu. That day, we all ran away; entered a vehicle and ran to Ikot-Ekpene and that was our story during the war-running from place to place. Many times when you run, you leave most things behind, so we lost a lot of things. I remember when we were homeless after Umuahia fell and my father’s ADC’s father who was a successful businessman took us in his house and gave us space and there were refugee camps around there in Ifakala. We used to play with the kids around. My father’s ADC was Hilary Iroegbulam; he’s still in New York now. His father gave us a place; when we lived there, I really saw things that till this day continue to really shock me. We used to play with the local kids sometimes you go to the refugee camp; you see all these children their colour had changed, their hairs falling off, their stomach so distended, their legs are tiny; many times they were deaths and when we hear that a refugee child dies, we run to go and see the mother crying. They’ll just dig a small grave and bury the child there; you know I became desensitized to death. So, Ifakala had a very profound effect on me. So, when Owerri fell, we moved to Owerri – me and my brothers – sometimes we go inside the bush looking for corpses just to see and many times we see bones with the flesh rotted away; and the uniform was hanging on the skeleton, so, a lot of those things very disturbing and for a long time, I became desensitized to death and violence.

What was the relationship between Gen. Philip Effiong and his boss; Ojukwu?

My dad was seen as a soldier statesman; he was very loving and kind. As the war raged on, increasingly the laughter I saw in him was increasingly lost and after the war when he had to struggle just to survive; he wasn’t the happy person that he was after the war. It strained his relationship with the family; he was still a kind man, but he was also going through a lot of pain, otherwise, I always knew him to be a soldier and gentleman. I think that’s how he carried himself and yes; I’m his son but that’s also the kind of information I get from a lot of people. As far as Gen. Ojukwu, he was our head of state and that’s how we saw him, as a head of state, as the person in charge; as the person that had dared to speak out on our behalf when nobody else would. I remember visiting my dad once in Umuahia when we were there; he was also in Umuahia, I remember looking at him with lot of fascination because to me as a child, he was a giant of a man. So, they had a professional relationship; they were not personal friends, my father had been in the Army before him, he joined later, but due to circumstances he became governor and when my dad returned to the East, he had to submit to his authority. As it should be expected; sometimes they were not in agreement with the policy to adopt, which was normal. It happens in every government; it happens in Nigeria right now, it happens in the US, it happens everywhere. And during that war, those were desperate times; there was no easy solution to the problems. So, people would disagree even in families, we disagree with brothers and sisters, we disagree with our parents sometimes, but just because we disagree doesn’t mean that we abandon the values of the family or the meaning of the family to us or the fact that the family is a source of nourishment and nurturing. It still serves that such role even when we disagree and that was the case with Biafra. Even when there was disagreement, the fact was that we were in agreement to the fact that we had to fight to defend ourselves against a vicious enemy; it was about self-determination, it was about protection regardless of where they may have been disagreements. So, the core value of what Biafra represented was never lost.

Looking back, would you say the war was necessary; couldn’t it have been avoided?

Perhaps, but we didn’t fire the first shot; if we weren’t attacked, there won’t be any war. We had done very well when the first peace talk was in Aburi, Ghana and we went and everybody had the opportunity to express themselves and say what they wanted and there was an agreement and we went back and the federal side decided to revise and review some of those agreements. So, we didn’t do that, and the federal side went on to create states and certainly made Ojukwu a nonentity at that point whereas Ojukwu was the person who had stood up for the people and who the people trusted. So, the creation of states was not reassuring and not abiding by the Aburi agreement, but still, we didn’t fire the first shot and when you’re attacked, do you just stand there and be slaughtered? No, you’ll defend yourself. So, the war could have been avoided, but I have no regret that we stood up to defend ourselves. I think that’s a natural response and remember that a lot people in what used to be Biafra had already been chased away from parts of the country, especially the North; after chasing them away, they really felt infuriated that they were now coming to their homelands to attack them, so, human beings will defend themselves which was what they did.

The drumbeats of war are on again. Don’t you think we are about making the same mistakes again?

The problems we encountered in the past were never addressed. In the past, what had happened was that people had used violence to get what they want; which was the control of the resources in the Southeastern region, they used violence and got away with it, so, why are we surprised that people today are using violence to get what they want? They believe that they too will get away with it, so, because the event of the past was never truly addressed, I don’t think people should be surprised about what’s happening and today it’s just continuation and just assuming a different shape and form. We didn’t learn anything and the message of the war was that if you can use violence to get what you want, then it’s okay; that’s what’s happening today. Today, the only problem I have was that many people who are complaining about the attacks from Fulani herdsmen; their communities, their people were involved in attacking us or in supporting the attacks against us. So, they come across to me as hypocrites meaning that they really don’t have any value for human lives except their own lives and they’re only complaining now because theirs is problem of violence, but because they are being threatened by the violence.

Did your family go on exile like the Ojukwus and families of many officers on the Biafra side?

We never went to exile; that’s not true, my father couldn’t even travel; if anybody had said that, that’s absolutely false. I know that towards the end of the war; about three days before the war ended, Ojukwu family was leaving, then my younger brother and myself as well as my cousin were here and my mother who was with a child and my dad told Ojukwu that if he must leave; that he should take us. That was three days to the end of the war; so, I saw the war to the end and my dad never went anywhere. We all left on that plane; a cargo plane and his family, all his relatives, including his mother. We went to different places; there was no real plan, at some point we were in Sao Tome, we were in Lisbon, we spent some time in Ivory Coast. We went to school in one of the refugee camps that the Ivorian government had set up for Biafran children; we spent some time there and you know some Biafran refugees were sent even further, some went to Gabon, some went to Ireland. At a point, myself and my brother were sent to Ireland even though we were young; we took instructions and we flew by ourselves on that plane to Ireland from Ivory Coast. We spent about five months there; we stayed with a family and then we came back. So, there was no real exile. The person that went on exile was General Ojukwu.

Do you have relationship with Ojukwu’s children?
No, I don’t, not for any bad reasons; I just haven’t connected with them. I’ve connected with Brig. Eze’s children, Major Gen. Madiebo’s children; the opportunity hasn’t presented itself. I don’t have any animosity against anyone, there’s no reason I should.

Are there those things about your father and Biafra that he told you that people don’t know?
Most of the things he told me are in his book. I think he mentioned everything, he even mentioned when they thought he had abandoned Biafra; I think it’s in his book. At some point they thought he had abandoned Biafra.

So, what were his lowest moments during the war?

I don’t know if he had a lowest point; there was sadness all through that war; he was disturbed all through the war, it’s a war, people were dying; people were blown to pieces, there was a lot of bitterness, but I don’t know when the lowest point was. I can’t say.

Who were your father’s friends that are still alive?

I knew my dad’s friends before and during the war. I can’t say Gowon was his friend; most of his mates are dead, Wellington Bassey may have been his friend, his friend Col Trimmel is past; some were killed during the first coup, Brig. Mai Malari, Ogbemudia even though he was his Brigade Major in the First Brigade. I can say that he was his friend because Major Ogbemudia helped him escape from Kaduna. Most of the people I would say are his friends are late.

If the scenario of 1967 is recreated; will Prof Philip Effiong (Jr) fight for Biafra?

Absolutely, because as a trained soldier, and there were attempts on my life for no justifiable reason and those who tried to kill me now chase me down to my home not just to kill me but to kill my people, of course, I’ll stand up to defend them. Maybe I’ll lose my life, but that’s the right thing to do.

Is there anything you would like to add?

I’m happy we’re discussing this experience. I’m happy this is an important narrative today; there were attempts to suppress it because nobody wanted to acknowledge the war crimes committed against Biafrans, nobody wanted to acknowledge the creativity, the strength and the determination; the inventions and diligence of Biafrans. Nobody wanted to acknowledge that, they tried to suppress the story. I’m glad it’s all coming up now so that we can honour those who sacrificed so much to ensure that the rest of us be given some kind of hope to live on and to succeed.

Ekweremadu: The Stones Awaiting Other Leaders

Ike Ekweremadu. Image via PM News


BY FREDERICK NWABUFO

There is pain. There is anger. And there is collective rage in the land. Nigerians are empty of options and are seeking avenues for a purge; for catharsis. The season of retribution may be upon us sooner than we imagine.

The physical abuse of former deputy senate president Ike Ekweremadu at an Igbo forum by some young men in Germany, though condemnable, betokens the onset of nemesis.

In a video recording in circulation, while the lawmaker was being assaulted, his abusers could be heard saying: “What have you done? People are dying.’’ This is the question most Nigerians have been asking their leaders helplessly.

Ekweremadu may be a victim of constrained anger – if one is to go by the confessions of his assaulters in the video. He may not be the worst of his ilk. But situating his antecedents and the expectations of most people from the southeast, he, perhaps, set himself up for criticisms. He has been a senator since 2003. And he has been deputy-senate president for eight years. But the question is, in what way has his exalted position being of benefit to the area or the region he represents? What development has he influenced to the section?

Inland ports are an essential transportation need of the southeast, a bill to establish them has often been ignored at the senate, where Ekweremadu was the second most powerful man. Even in the 16 years of the PDP, a party the southeast bent obsequiously for, bills to have these facilities and other projects sited in the region were not considered.

I have often wondered aloud, ‘’what exactly did the PDP do for the southeast in 16 years besides empowering a few people in the neighbourhood of power?’’

However, a statement by the media office of Ekweremadu says the attack was orchestrated by members of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB). This is plausible, but does it obviate the kindler of the outburst? Though, the lawmaker had run the gauntlet in certain cases, there is an assumption that he did not and has not taken up the responsibility providence surrendered into his hands.

The citizens’ rage is not spared for any party. Some lawmakers in the APC cannot go to their constituencies without heavy security escort. The situation is progressively-degenerative; citizens are angrier now than before, seeking outlets for quick release.

Nigerians are peeved. And the parlous state of things is breeding more children of anger. Some months ago, a seething mob hauled stones at some (APC) lawmakers who visited their constituencies in Katsina. They escaped, but not unscathed.

The citizens’ rage is not spared for any party. Some lawmakers in the APC cannot go to their constituencies without heavy security escort. The situation is progressively-degenerative; citizens are angrier now than before, seeking outlets for quick release.

But I must concede that Nigerians are still too tranquilised for a mass action against the factors of their suffering.

That ‘’uprising’’ happened in Germany because the country is a ‘’liberte’’ society; not where ‘’uprisers’’ will be neutralised with live bullets. Ekweremadu went to a country where Nigerians live untamed.

Nevertheless, violence is not an instrument of change, but of destruction; it should not be found in the quarters of civilised people. Violence is not only physical. Corruption is violence. Stealing is violence. Nepotism is violence. Incompetence is a form of violence.

Leaders quench this fire.


SOURCE: PM NEWS

Arrests And Shields, Metal Poles Seized At Portland Protests

Black-clad protesters, gathered to oppose conservative groups staging an "End Domestic Terrorism" rally, hold signs in Portland, Ore., on Saturday, Aug. 17, 2019. Police have mobilized to prevent clashes between conservative groups and counter-protesters who plan to converge in the city. (AP Photo/Noah Berger)

BY GILLIAN FLACCUS

PORTLAND, ORE. (AP)
— Police arrested at least 13 people and seized metal poles, bear spray and other weapons Saturday as hundreds of far-right protesters and anti-fascist counter-demonstrators swarmed downtown Portland, Oregon.

Authorities closed bridges and streets to try to keep the rival groups apart. The city’s mayor said the situation was “potentially dangerous and volatile,” and President Donald Trump tweeted “Portland is being watched very closely.”

As of early afternoon, most of the right-wing groups had left the area via a downtown bridge. Police used officers on bikes and in riot gear to keep black-clad, helmet- and mask-wearing anti-fascist protesters — known as antifa — from following them.

But hundreds of people remained downtown and on nearby streets, and there were skirmishes throughout the day. Police declared a gathering of mostly left-wing protesters near Pioneer Courthouse Square a “civil disturbance” and told people to leave.

One person was injured and transported via ambulance, and three other people were evaluated by medics, Portland Police spokeswoman Lt. Tina Jones said. The injuries were minor, she said.

Jones said at one point there were about 1,200 on the streets, but that number had fallen to about 400 late in the afternoon.

Portland Police prepare to head towards Tom McCall Waterfront Park as right-wing groups and counterprotesters gathered in downtown Portland, Ore., on Saturday, Aug. 17, 2019. Flag-waving members of the Proud Boys and Three Percenters militia group began gathering late in the morning, some wearing body armor and helmets. Meanwhile black clad, helmet and mask-wearing anti-fascist protesters — known as antifa — were also among the several hundred people on the streets. (AP Photo/Moriah Ratner)

The events began late in the morning. Flag-waving members of the Proud Boys, Three Percenters militia group and others gathered downtown, some also wearing body armor and helmets. Police said they had seized the weapons, including shields, from multiple groups as they assembled along the Willamette River, which runs through the city.

More than two dozen local, state and federal law enforcement agencies, including the FBI, were in the city for the right-wing rally that was expected to draw people from across the country. Portland Police said all of the city’s 1,000 officers would be on duty for the gathering that was hyped on social media and elsewhere for weeks.

In the days leading up to the event, Portland Mayor Ted Wheeler said people who espoused hate or engaged in violence were “not welcome.”

In a Saturday morning tweet, Trump wrote: “Hopefully the Mayor will be able to properly do his job.”

He also wrote that “major consideration is being given to naming ANTIFA an ‘ORGANIZATION of TERROR.’”

But it wasn’t immediately clear what he meant by that as there’s no mechanism for the United States government to declare a domestic organization a terror group. The State Department maintains a list of designated foreign terrorist organizations, such as al Qaida, but there’s no comparable designation or list for American groups.

Wheeler responded to the president’s tweet in an interview with CNN, saying, “frankly, it’s not helpful.”

Wheeler added: “This is a potentially dangerous and volatile situation, and adding to that noise doesn’t do anything to support or help the efforts that are going on here in Portland.”

Not all who gathered Saturday were with right-wing groups or antifa. Also on hand were people dressed in colorful outfits and those who attended a nearby prayer service, holding signs that said slogans such as “No Trump, No NRA.”

Self-described anti-fascists had vowed to confront the rally, while leaders from the far right urged their followers to turn out in large numbers to protest the arrests of six members of right-wing groups in the run-up to the event.

Patriot Prayer’s Joey Gibson, who organized similar rallies in 2017 and 2018 that erupted in clashes, surrendered Friday on an arrest warrant for felony rioting. He was at a confrontation that broke out on May 1 outside a bar where antifa members had gathered after a May Day demonstration.

In a video he livestreamed on Facebook, Gibson accused the police of playing politics by arresting him but not the masked demonstrators who beat up conservative blogger Andy Ngo at a June 29 rally that drew national attention.

A video of that attack went viral and led the Proud Boys, who have been designated a hate group by the Southern Poverty Law Center, to organize Saturday’s event.

Police continue to investigate several incidents from clashes on May 1 and June 29 and are politically neutral, Jones said.

In addition to the Proud Boys and Three Percenters, the white nationalist American Guard also said it would have members in Portland.

The Oath Keepers, another far-right militia group, said in a statement they were pulling out of the rally because organizers have not done enough to keep white supremacist groups away.

Authorities asked residents not to call 911 unless it’s a life-threatening emergency and to stay away from the heart of downtown.

Follow Gillian Flaccus on Twitter at http://www.twitter.com/gflaccus

Trump Suspends CNN Analyst's Credentials In Another Shot At The Press

President Trump speaks to the press on the White House lawn before departing Washington, D.C.

BY EDWARD HELMORE

WASHINGTON (THE GUARDIAN)
-- The Trump administration has fired another shot in its war with the US press, suspending the credentials of Brian Karem, White House correspondent for Playboy and an analyst for CNN.

The 30-day revocation was announced on Friday and echoes hugely controversial action taken against CNN’s Jim Acosta in November 2018.

Related: ‘The president's insane’: book by CNN's Jim Acosta charts Trump war on press

Acosta, a frequent irritation to Trump, had his pass taken away after the administration claimed he used inappropriate force in resisting an intern’s attempts to take a microphone from him during a news conference given by the president.

Karem had his pass suspended after an altercation with Breitbart reporter and former Trump aide Sebastian Gorka in the White House Rose Garden in July, around a “social media summit” convened by Trump and attended by some of his most ardent supporters. Both men attracted criticism for their behaviour.

In a letter to White House press secretary Stephanie Grisham, Karem’s attorney Ted Boutrous, who also represented Acosta, described the decision as “arbitrary and unfair” and claimed the White House had not spoken to a single witness seen on video “taunting and/or threatening Mr Karem”.

Boutrous argued that the White House’s decision “violates the first amendment and due process and is yet another example of this administration’s unconstitutional campaign to punish reporters and press coverage that president Trump doesn’t like”.

He added: “The president and his administration are fostering an atmosphere of hostility and violence towards journalists that cannot be tolerated and they are illegally using the credential process to stifle freedom of the press and to disrupt the flow of vital information to the American people.”

In response, also posted online by Boutros’s law firm, Gibson, Dunn & Crutcher, Grisham describedKarem’s behaviour as “inappropriate” and repeated what he said to Gorka: “Hey brother we can talk anytime you want or go outside and have a long talk.”

In response, Gorka shouted at Karem: “You’re a punk! You’re not a journalist! You’re a punk!”

Grisham offered a seven-point justification for removing Karem’s “hard pass” – which gives reporters access to White House press briefings, which are, in fact, rarely held by this administration.

“Mr Karem’s conduct,” she said, “taken as a whole, was unacceptable and disruptive and requires a response to ensure that it does not happen again.”

In a pair of tweets early on Saturday, Karem asked: “Q: what right does one who shows no decorum have to dictate press decorum? A: None.

“Q: what legal authority does the WH press secretary have to regulate the free press? A: none.”

In Acosta’s case, a federal judge, Timothy Kelly, found the White House claim about his behaviour was “likely untrue” and ruled in favor of the reporter, ordering the White House to reinstate his pass.

Former White House press secretary Sarah Sanders argued in response “that there is no absolute first amendment right to access the White House”.

“We will also further develop rules and processes to ensure fair and orderly press conferences in the future,” Sanders said, insisting: “There must be decorum at the White House.”

Grisham’s lengthy explanation of Karem’s punishment, and the delay in implementing his ban after the incident in question, suggests the White House is hoping this banishment will not be overturned for lack of due process.

Earlier this year Acosta published a book, The Enemy of the People: A Dangerous Time to Tell the Truth in America, about his experiences covering Trump.

Karem became a CNN contributor in September 2017, shortly after clashing with Sanders at a White House briefing.

How They Destroyed Nigeria – Mbazulike Amaechi

Mbazulike Amaechi. Image via Vanguard

BY CHIMAOBI NWAIWU

Only surviving Igbo zikist opens up on: 
•Ojukwu’s blunders that caused the civil war
 •What he did to Zik, M. I. Okpra, K. O. Mbadiwe, Akanu Ibiam, other Igbo leaders
 •How Eastern Govt helped Awolowo while in Calabar prison 
•Speaks on Nigeria’s constitution, Gowon, Buhari and why Britain dislikes Igbos
 Asks ‘how can Nigeria develop when state lawmakers are puppets of governors, national legislators do the bidding of the President and many public treasury looters find their ways into govt?

First Republic Minister of Aviation Chief Mbazulike Amechi, the only surviving member of the Zikist movement spoke with Chimaobi Nwaiwu, in his Ukpor, Nnewi South Council of Anambra State home, on the events of July 29, 1966, issues that led to it and events after. How he narrowly escaped death in Lagos.

 What actually was the event of July 29, 1966 and what led to those events in Nigeria? 

The event of July 29, 1966 was the issue of the counter coup where Northern military officers staged a counter coup and in the process killed Aguiyi Ironsi who was then the Military Head of State and they proceeded to kill Igbo soldiers in the North and in the West, mainly Abeokuta and Ibadan. They also killed some civilians. Personally, I narrowly escaped the killing because the thing caught me up in Lagos.

 Let me talk about myself first. I went to Lagos, because after the military coup in January, I came back home to do my business here. But I later went back to Lagos in the course of my personal business and stayed at the Federal Palace Hotel. One morning, Mr. Albert Osakwe who was then the Nigeria Ambassador to the Congo now the Democratic Republic of Congo, rushed back to the hotel and said that he was nearly killed on the road; that soldiers blocked everywhere and that they were killing anybody who was identified to be an Igbo; that the whole Ikorodu road was full of cars they were stopping and searching, and any car bearing Eastern Region number and the owners or the drivers and people inside were identified as Igbos were killed.

 So they wanted to kill him but when they asked him who he was and he told them that he was Albert Osakwe, and one soldier said I do not like that name, it is an Igbo name kill him. So he shouted to them I am Nigerian Ambassador to Congo. So the Captain there said, Ambassador you must go back from where you are coming from; but where are you even going to in the first place, and he responded that he was going to the airport to take a flight to his base in Congo. The Captain said no, go back there is no road, the airport is closed no plane is flying. So he came back and narrated the incident. 

That was how we knew that there was a counter coup, and I tried to get away from Lagos to go home. I sent somebody to survey the situation and he came back to tell me that Ikorodu road was blocked against the Igbos. I tried to go by sea but there was no way, so that night I decided not to sleep in Federal Palace Hotel. I told the receptionist in the hotel that if anybody came to look for me that he should tell them that I had checked out, so I went out and found a place to sleep outside the hotel, but my box was in the hotel. 

When I came back the following morning in the hotel, the boys at the reception told me Oga they came for you last night by 2am; I said I suspected that they would come for me. I asked them what happen and they said we told them that you had checked out but they insisted on checking your room, so we took them to your room and they opened it and searched and confirmed that there was nobody in the room so they left, they were about six soldiers. I decided that I should leave that hotel, that I must leave Lagos that day. I went to take a cover the second night at Surelere, then the third day I decided that I must go home. 

I got one of my drivers who was a Yoruba man, he was driving my company car in Lagos; the company was Niger Pop Products Company Limited, we were processing meat, it was a meat industry. So in our branch in Lagos, we had an Israeli woman as our Manager in Lagos because we were contractors to so many airlines and other companies, supplying them processed meat, sausages and drinks. I got the boy and he got some of our boys, I told them to drive ahead of me, ten miles you come back and tell me the position and situation on the road. We were doing that and one Douglas Ngwube, a journalist and Francis Ngwube took me in his car, it was an open roof sports car so we came to Ikorodu road, at a check point and they stopped us, one of the soldiers there pointed a gun at him and asked him who are you. He told them I am Dele Martins, I work in the Federal Ministry of Information, but his name was really Francis Ngwube, but he really worked in the Ministry of Information. Then they pointed a gun at me and said, and you, who are you, and I said am the New Editor of Accra Evening News; I now started asking them why are you people pointing a gun at me, is that the way you people behave in this country, this is madness, I am going to report you to my High Commissioner, how can you point a gun at me, and a Captain nearby heard when I raised my voice and came to ask me what is it sir. I told him that your boy pointed gun at me, he asked me who I am and I told him. He asked me again who are you and I said I told you that I am the News Editor of Accra Evening News and I am going to report you to my High Commissioner, he started apologizing, saying am very sorry sir, you can go ahead, that was how I passed that place.

 So my people would drive ten miles ahead and ensure the road was clear, they came back to report. We left Lagos at 10am and got to Benin at 10pm; we went to a relation of mine, Agbasi who was a Chief Superintendent of Police at Benin. I asked him to find a way to get my car which is at Lagos Airport. So I phoned Ibekwe, a Commissioner of Police at Benin, and he sent some policemen who came and collected the car key and went to the Lagos airport and brought my car that night and we continued our journey to Onitsha and eventually got Onitsha at 2.am and the boys from Lagos said they were going back to Lagos. I refused, I felt it was late but they insisted on going back and they did and I drove home and that was how I escaped being killed in Lagos. 

But then they killed Aguiyi Ironsi at Ibadan, and many Igbo soldiers all over Nigeria. A particular friend of mine from my town, Captain Maduabum, a military friend of his in the Officers Mess where they drank, told him, Maduabum I have instruction to kill you this night as a matter fact at mid night, and he told him if they had given you instruction to kill me is right and they continued drinking in the officer Mess, so at 12 midnight a pick up drove in and they came, picked him and went and shot him truly; that was how they killed him and so many soldiers of Igbo extraction. 

At Abeokuta, one Igbo officer from Imo State said I am a soldier only one bullet, I will go; and they said okay we are not going to give you one bullet, they directed people to dig a grave and they dug a grave and buried him alive; you said it is one bullet and we are not going to give you one bullet, we are going to bury you alive and they did. These were some of the things that happened to our people. 

In Kano, in Kaduna, they brought all the Igbos in the army and killed them and they moved over to the civilians and started killing them, they went to an Igbo Union Collage at Kano and brought all the girls and marshalled the girls to the leprosy camp, forced the girls to sleep with the men there and any girl that resisted was killed. Some girls said they would rather die than be touched by the lepers and they shot them and killed them. 

So it was so brutal, it was so devilish, it was so inhuman but that was what happened. Thereafter, the Igbos, those that were able to escape started coming back home and at Benue, Makurdi, soldiers stopped the train carrying them and brought them out and threw them into the Benue River. They brought them out one after the other, shot them and threw them into River Benue, young children were thrown a live into the river; all these happened, these were the things that partly precipitated the war. 

Then Ojukwu was the Governor of East Central States, but I say it and believe it to be truth, Ojukwu made a political mistake. It was actually a correct military affair but he made a political mistake.

 “In the West, the political leaders were under consultation, in the North, the political leaders were involved in the government of Kastina, the then military governor of the Northern region, he involved the Northern politicians including Ali Mungono and Ibrahim Kassim; he involved the political leaders of the North, they were meeting, but in the East here, the political leaders like Dr. K.O. Mbadiwe, Ambassador Mbanugo who was Chairman of the Eastern Working Committee; Ojukwu put him in detention at Uyo; Dr Michael Okpara who was the Premier of the Eastern Region Ojukwu kept him in detention at Warri, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, the leader of NCNC and President of Nigeria, Ojukwu restricted his movement by serving him a restriction notice within seven miles radius of his house at Nsukka; myself, Mbazulike Amaechi, Ojukwu served me a restriction notice, restricting me within ten miles radius of my house in Ukpor; Dr Akanu Ibiam, he restricted him within seven to ten miles of his house at Afikpo, and he was ruling alone with Mojekwu. Mojekwu was always beside him and the only politician in his government.

Mojekwu is from where?

 “Mojekwu is from Umudim in Nnewi, and that was because they were relations. That was the political mistake Ojukwu made; side-lining us and threatening us with restriction notices was the greatest political mistake he made with Mojekwu by his side. 

Why did he do that? Was he trying to obey the military authorities above him or he just did not want you people around his government? 

“He did that before they started their quarrels, after killing Aguiyi Ironsi. Immediately after the coup he was appointed the military governor. He did this but in the other parts of the country, their military governors were consulting their politicians and so forth, so if we had not been restricted or imprisoned as politicians , we could have gotten in touch with our counterparts in the North. It wouldn’t have mattered how bitter the position or quarrel was, the civil war could have been avoided. “But he told the people that he had the weapons to reduce Lagos to sea level. That was his exact word; we thought he had what he claimed not knowing there were no weapons. It was ordinary boast, it was diplomacy he used, some propaganda, but the politicking did not work and the war broke out. 

“It was when the war broke out that he released all of us and by then, Gowon had released Obafemi Awolowo from Calabar prison and posted him to Lagos and made him the Vice Chairman of the Federal Executive Council and the Commissioner for Finance and Economic Matters but our politicians here were rubbished by Ojukwu’s action. Awolowo’s appointment was to get the support of the Yorubas. Although it was okay for him and his Yoruba people, the action of Awolowo did not help Ndigbo and could read as ingratitude although he had no option because it was a military government. 

“During his imprisonment at Uyo, the Eastern Region hired a house and urged the Igbo owner of a House near the prison to vacate from the house for Awolowo to live in that house. The man vacated and Awolowo lived in that house. So, every night he would sleep in that house but at day break he would go to the prison and stay and all the cooks and stewards he had were paid from Enugu by the Eastern Government. His wife was placed on a ministerial salary from Enugu and all allowances that accrued to ministers in those days were paid to her. 

“Probably he had no choice, because it was Gowon that released him from prison; it was Gowon that sent an aircraft to pick him from the airport to Lagos. So to me he had no choice than to go along with them, but if our man, Ojukwu had played his part well there would have been a way M.I Okpara would have gotten in touch with Awolowo, there would have been a way a person like me would have gotten in touch with Aminu Kano and others to soften things, because there was a link of that ideological and fraternal meet among all of us that went all round. So the war could have been avoided. 

But however, so many people were killed in the pogrom. But the question was that the leaders who would have changed things like Saduana of Sokoto was killed; Abubakar Tafawa Belewa was killed, Mai Malari, the highest Northern Military man was killed, so if you were the Northerners, won’t you react? 

We could have stopped the war through diplomacy and politics, but we were not involved. Was Gowon seeing himself as a core Northerner who must protect their interest or was he just acting as the Head of State who must first ensure the unity of the country? “At that time Gowon was a Lieutenant Colonel and he was the highest ranking officer in the army from the North. So when they called him to come and be the Head of State he could not say no, so he had no choice and nobody should blame him for any action he took because at that time he had no choice; it was the British Intelligence Service and the British Government who wanted to destroy and solve the Igbo question because they never liked Igbos. Until today Britain hates Igbos; British Government is always anti Igbo in Nigeria.

Why do you say that sir, do you have some reasons to back up that claim?

 “Yes, this is because the Igbos played great roles in nationalism that led to the agitations and politics that drove them away from Nigeria. It was Igbos that led the political agitations that saw them out of Nigeria, drove away British government from Nigeria. 

How did the events of July 29 1966 change Nigeria? 

“Yes, it changed Nigeria because since after the civil war, the military continued to rule Nigeria and they continued for 38 years and 38 years of military rule, apart from the two years of Obasanjo, was 36 years of Military rule by Northern Nigeria military men. So for them they now think that it is their perpetual right to continue to rule Nigeria, and they are ready to resist anybody who wants to take it away from them. So they disorganized the country in such a way the constitution of the country is no longer the people’s constitution. 

“I have always said it, but the bad people do not want to listen to me, that Nigeria is being run as an illegality; it is being run without a people’s constitution. The 1979 constitution was not a people’s constitution. Rotomi Williams Committee or Constituent Assembly wrote a draft constitution and forwarded it to the military, the military edited it, removed the things they wanted removed and inserted what they wanted. So it was not a constitution of the people of Nigeria. In 1999, Constituent Panel or Committee was held again and the military sat over it and edited, removed what they did not like and put what they wanted and continued to rule for a period of 38 years, they were in government and they were not doing what they were trained to do; they were doing what the military knows best, which is to fight, to destroy, to loot, to steal, to damage, to conquer, and to overrun, that is what the military particularly in Nigeria was trained to do and that is what they did in Nigeria. 

“They introduced corruption, and what took 38 years to implant in a people cannot be removed in a twinkle of an eye. They introduced corruption and corruption is getting deeper in Nigeria now. “The constitution gave governors absolute power to run the state like a sole administrator; they steal the people’s money and after stealing the money they find their way into the senate, very soon the senate will be made up of former Governors alone because all the corrupt former governors find their ways into the senate and once they are in the senate everybody keeps quiet. Even those EFCC had already started probing and in the process of prosecution, once they declare for APC and win election to the senate, they are protected; those that failed are appointed ministers and are protected, they are saints now, so the military had introduced that level of corruption that is so deep and so entrenched that it can hardly be corrected; it will be very difficult to be corrected. It is so deep in us now. “It has continued to be entrenched and now in Nigeria only the rich and super wealthy can win elections now in Nigeria, and when they win elections, they remain in power. Legislators in the state have no powers because they are puppets of the Governor. 

So how can you ever stop corruption in Nigeria? 

“At the Senate they start doing the biddings of the President because the President can also treat the Senators like the way Governors treat the state legislators; So all they care about is their pocket, the money that comes to them and not the people they claim to have gone to represent. So how can you ever stop corruption and stealing in Nigeria; it is impossible, is not easy, it is getting stronger and deeper every day, into the system.

Does the violence we face in many areas today in Nigeria have anything to do with the long military stay in power? 

“Of course, wait a minute, who is ruling Nigeria now; an elected civilian president; good who is he, is he not a soldier, is he not the man who overthrew the democratically elected government of Shehu Shagari in 1983. So the difference is only that in 1983, he wore khaki uniform, in 2019 he is wearing agbada but it is the same person in the true sense of it. 

So what changes are you expecting? 

“So, can’t you see what is happening, the herdsmen killings? Did Nigeria start today? These herdsmen killing people, mounting vigilante services in the states of the federation, did it ever happen in Nigeria before especially in this magnitude? Or were Nigerians not eating cow meat before now? The agenda is clear but some people who should talk and condemn what is happening now are busy making money from the government and telling you that this is the best government in Nigeria, and I pause to ask:

 how many deaths have been recorded under this regime because of the activities of the herdsmen? “Has it ever happened before in this country; did it happen under Obasanjo, did it happen under Yar’Adua or Jonathan the way it is happening now? Why is it happening now? 

Some people will go to a community, kill them and take responsibility and yet none, not even single one would be arrested and prosecuted and they are progressing to installing vigilantes in the states that are thousands of miles away from their ethnic group; to do what and yet people appointed and elected in the same government are proud to say they are representing their people in the same government that pretends nothing is happening, that communities are not sacked; that they are not seeing herdsmen that openly carry AK47 to rear cows. It is a pity for this country and some people should bury their faces in shame. This is not the country we fought for and defended against the colonial masters.

“It is just like Boko Haram, how do you think Boko Haram will be stopped; who will stop that, who are behind Boko Haram? However subjecting this country to this kind of system now will not work. Nigeria today is not Nigeria of yesterday. 

“So, the civil war could have been avoided.

 What were then the effects of the pogrom and the civil war that followed? 

Division, hatred, suspicion and corruption, and these are what are holding Nigeria backward today. How can evil be helpful in a country, more so when such evils are being perpetrated everywhere, in North west, north east, the west , middle belt, the east etc? “Look at Yoruba land now, it is being overrun by herdsmen, they kill women and men as they like, they kidnap as they like. Banditry in some places, kidnapping in some places. Insurgency in some places etc. We need peace and government should ensure we have peace. How do you react to Ohaneze, Afanifere, Pan Niger Delta Forum, PANDEF and the Middle Belt groups boycotting the meeting called by former Head of State Abdulsalami Abubakar because the Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders Association of Nigeria, MACBAN, was also invited? “Of course that was a proper thing to do. Boycotting that meeting was one of the best things they have recently done for their people. Why should they hold meeting with a terrorist organization ?

On Igbo Presidency in 2023, what do you think? 

“Before Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe breathed his last, he spoke to me, and handed to me a six inch long golden key, and told me something. That is why I say I have a key to Igbo presidency in 2023. Igbo presidency of either APC or PDP, if they will humble themselves enough, they should come to me and believe that I have the solution to that problem, nothing is impossible before God and with proper organization and strategy, it is possible.

 “Nobody will leave presidency for you, you must win it, nobody will give it to you, nobody will dash it to you; so if the Igbos are waiting for it to be given to them, it is not possible. I have heard about all the people said to be angling for the seat of the president of Nigeria, including Tinubu and others. Tinubu may have all the money, his money will have effect within a certain circle but with proper organization and strategy, somebody else can take it. The people of this country have suffered and they want a change. Igbo Presidency is possible in PDP and APC, not in a small organization like one man organization you have in Awka.

You have always said that you support one indivisible Nigeria although you do not like how Igbos are being treated in the country. But IPOB are agitating for sovereign state of Biafra, what is your position on this? 

“ I have always said it that IPOB is a nationalist radical organization that is fighting against the injustices that have been meted on Ndigbo over so many decades and still going on; they have a right to say what they are saying, and the government of Nigeria has a duty and obligation to listen to them. When a people say they want independent state of their own, the only alternative the government has is to give them a plebiscite, let the people vote and if the people want to stay aside, they stay aside. 

“In Britain, Scotland demanded independence from Great Britain, the British government ordered a plebiscite in Scotland about three or four years ago and the majority of the people said no, the matter was closed. “My sincere advice to Ndigbo is that God has kept me for a purpose and the political actors in Igbo land can hear. God has kept me for a purpose; at 90 years I am fairly physically alright; I am still fairly mentally balanced, my sight is good, my hearing is good my mental balance is good, my memory is good, I have all it takes. God has a purpose for keeping me, and if they will care let them come to me, APC or PDP, let them come to me; the Igbo people in those parties let them come to me I will tell them what to do and how we can get Igbo presidency.

SOURCE: VANGUARD

House Speaker As US Emissary: Pelosi Emerges As Force Abroad

In this Aug. 10, 2019, file photo, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi smiles during a news conference at a hotel in Tegucigalpa, Honduras. There’s an American leader whose words increasingly resonate abroad, who’s adored in foreign capitals and who sends a message just by her arrival. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi has emerged as an alternative ambassador in the Trump era. (AP Photo/Elmer Martinez)

BY LISA MASCARO

WASHINGTON (AP)
— There’s an American leader whose words resonate on the global stage. Who draws attention in foreign capitals. Who carries a message from the United States by simply arriving.

It’s not just President Donald Trump. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif., is emerging as an alternative ambassador abroad, an emissary for bedrock democratic values and the promise of stability that some see as diminishing in the Trump era.

As the president heads to the Group of Seven summit in France next week with his “America First” agenda , Pelosi has been quietly engaging the world from another point of view. She is reviving a more traditional American approach to foreign policy, in style and substance, reinforcing long-standing U.S. alliances and commitments to democracy and human rights, at a time when the old order appears to be slipping away.

“What’s really important for people to know is, we’re all in this together,” Pelosi told The Associated Press in an interview. “This isn’t about me. It’s about our country and our shared values, to show our strength of who we are and what we believe.”

Since retaking the speaker’s gavel this year, Pelosi has led large congressional delegations abroad: to assure European allies at a Munich security conference; warn Britons of the pitfalls of Brexit; assess the migrant crisis in Central America; and mark the 400th anniversary of the slave trade in Africa with members of the Congressional Black Caucus, including the immigrant congresswoman who became the subject of a Trump rally chant, “Send her back!”

Former Secretary of State Madeleine Albright said that at a time when U.S. policy is “confusing everybody in the world,” Pelosi and the members of Congress are trying to “present the best face of America.”

“Thank goodness that they’re doing this,” Albright said.

With the lawmakers, Pelosi is sending a “very clear message” to the foreign officials in the room, said Rep. Norma Torres, D-Calif., a Guatemalan American who joined the Central American trip.

“Presidents come and go. Congress will always be there,” Torres said.

The scope of Pelosi’s diplomacy often resonates with members of the president’s party, creating rare bipartisan accord.

This past week, when Trump said he hopes it works out with Hong Kong pro-democracy protesters facing retaliation from China — “I hope nobody gets killed,” he told reporters — Pelosi affirmed the U.S. commitment to human rights and urged the Hong Kong government to end the standoff. It was a sentiment shared by several top Republicans, including Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell of Kentucky.

Congressional leaders routinely play a role influencing policy abroad. While House speaker, Newt Gingrich, R-Ga., visited the former Soviet Union. More recently, when John Boehner, R-Ohio, was speaker, he invited Israel’s Benjamin Netanyahu to address a joint meeting of Congress amid opposition to the Obama administration’s nuclear deal with Iran. Pelosi, as a young lawmaker, went to China to oppose the violent crackdown on democracy protesters in Tiananmen Square.

But not since the late Republican Sen. John McCain, R-Ariz., globe-trotted the world has a U.S. lawmaker emerged with such a presence, as a protector of long-held American values, as Pelosi.

“This is what diplomacy looks like,” said Rep. Jim McGovern, D-Mass., who traveled with Pelosi this month to Guatemala, El Salvador and Honduras as the migrant crisis at the U.S.-Mexico border played out.

Trump has not been pleased with some of Pelosi’s trips.

In a stunning move this year, the president abruptly ordered the grounding of the military aircraftthat was set to take lawmakers to Belgium and Afghanistan to visit troops. The move was in retaliation for Pelosi’s decision to postpone Trump’s State of the Union address during the federal government shutdown.

Trump dismissed Pelosi’s “excursion” as a “public relations event” and suggested the lawmakers could fly on commercial aircraft to the combat zone. Congressional travel is, by law, federally funded.

Critics may see the trips as merely junkets or, worse, meddling in the administration’s foreign affairs. American politicians generally abide by a rule to leave their political differences at water’s edge. During a trip to Africa, Pelosi surprised some when she declined to answer questions about Trump’s racist tweets against members of Congress.

Sometimes more can be said diplomatically by saying little.

At the Munich security conference this year, Pelosi was embraced by European leaders at a time when Trump’s attacks on NATO were threatening the decades-old alliance of Western nations.

“She was greeted like a rock star,” said Wendy Sherman, an Obama-era ambassador and former State Department counselor under Albright. Around that time, Pelosi and McConnell invited the NATO secretary-general address to Congress.

Still, words matter and Pelosi’s interventions in Brexit rippled this past week across the United Kingdom again. She reiterated the message delivered earlier this year, in London and in a speech to the Irish Parliament, that there will be “no chance” of a U.S.-Britain trade deal passing Congress if British efforts to leave the European Union result in a hard border between Northern Ireland and Ireland, which could undermine the peace process there.

Her stand countered the one Trump’s national security adviser, John Bolton, was taking during his own visit talking up a quick trade deal.

Lawmakers who travel with Pelosi say the trips are demanding, with grueling schedules and working meals, but rewarding as she delegates others to speak for the group. Many of the trips were initially their ideas.

When the head of the Congressional Black Caucus, Rep. Karen Bass, D-Calif., asked her to Ghana, Pelosi sought out the highest ranking African American in the House, Democratic Rep. Jim Clyburn of South Carolina, to lead the group’s discussion with the country’s president.

Later, Pelosi took a photo with Rep. Ilhan Omar, D-Minn., the Somali American refugee who the Trump rally crowd wanted to send “back,” as the two passed through a historic doorway at the coastal site where enslaved Africans were bound for the middle passage to the Americas.

“So much of what we are doing carried history,” Clyburn said.

Mark Salter, a longtime aide to McCain, said while the Republican senator and the Democratic speaker disagreed on “a million things,” Pelosi, like his former boss, “believes in the ideals of this country” and fostering those ideals abroad.

“She’s a statesman and McCain would applaud it,” Salter said. “He would look at the speaker, those activities, with appreciation.”

Associated Press writers Jill Lawless in London, Francis Kokutse in Accra, Ghana, Sonia Perez D. in Guatemala City, Marcos Alemán in San Salvador, El Salvador, and Luis Alonso Lugo in Washington contributed to this report.

Doctors Warn Of Fallout From New Immigration Rule

In this Aug. 13, 2019, photo, Dr. Jasmine Saavedra, left, a pediatrician at Esperanza Health Centers in Chicago, hands newborn Alondra Marquez to her mother, Esthela Nuñez, right, after examination. Doctors and public health experts warn of poor health outcomes and rising costs they say will come from sweeping changes that would deny green cards to many immigrants who use Medicaid, as well as food stamps and other forms of public assistance. (AP Photo/Amr Alfiky)

BY SOPHIA TAREEN

CHICAGO (AP)
— Diabetics skipping regular checkups. Young asthmatics not getting preventive care. A surge in expensive emergency room visits.

Doctors and public health experts warn of poor health and rising costs they say will come from sweeping Trump administration changes that would deny green cards to many immigrants who use Medicaid, as well as food stamps and other forms of public assistance. Some advocates say they’re already seeing the fallout even before the complex 837-page rule takes effect in October.

President Donald Trump’s administration trumpeted its aggressive approach this past week as a way to keep only self-sufficient immigrants in the country, but health experts argue it could force potentially millions of low-income migrants to choose between needed services and their bid to stay legally in the U.S.

“People are going to be sicker. They’re not going to go get health care, or not until they have to go to an emergency room,” said Lisa David, president and CEO of Public Health Solutions, New York’s largest public health organization. “It’s going to cost the system a lot of money.”

Immigrants who want permanent legal status, commonly called a green card, have long been required to prove they won’t be “a public charge.” The Trump administration announced Monday that would redefine the term to mean those who are “more likely than not” to receive public benefits over a certain period. U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services will also now consider other factors, including income, education and English proficiency.

“We want to see people coming to this country who are self-sufficient,” said Ken Cuccinelli, the agency’s acting director. “That’s a core principle of the American dream. It’s deeply embedded in our history, and particularly our history related to legal immigration.”

Two California counties and attorneys general in 13 states sued, saying the changes will increase public health risks.

There are signs that is already happening in cities including Chicago, Detroit and New York, immigrant advocates say.

Within hours of the announcement, a Minnesota immigration attorney said she received a flurry of calls from worried clients about whether to leave Medicaid. A Detroit nonprofit helping Latinos and immigrants with social services said its usually jam-packed lobby was empty the day after the rules were unveiled. New York’s largest public health organization, Public Health Solutions, which serves a large immigrant population, reported a 20% drop in food stamps enrollment since the rule was first proposed in the fall.

There is precedent for such a chilling effect.

After 1996 welfare and immigration changes that limited public assistance for some immigrants, the use of benefits dropped steeply among U.S. citizen children and refugees, groups who were still eligible. Studies based on data following that change showed people disenrolled from Medicaid at rates ranging from 15% to 35%, according to Harvard University’s François-Bagnoud Center for Health and Human Rights. And, it found, this came at a high cost: Asthma-related school absences in 1996 led to $719 million in lost parental productivity.

Federico Mason, who emigrated from Mexico over two decades ago, said he is worried about the new criteria because he is low-income and doesn’t speak English well. The Chicago resident said he has no immediate plans to remove his 8- and 15-year-old sons, who are U.S. citizens, from Medicaid, but the new rule has made him more fearful about providing for his family and about applying for a green card.

“If one day I want to adjust my status, it will be more difficult because of these unfair policies that continue to discriminate against me,” he said in Spanish.

Overall, non-citizen low-income immigrants use public benefits at a much lower rate than low-income U.S.-born citizens, but there’s the possibility that millions of people could drop benefits out of fear or confusion. Estimates vary. It could be as high as 24 million people, according to the nonpartisan Fiscal Policy Institute, which includes in its count anyone in a family that has received food, health or housing support and where at least one person is a non-citizen.

Dr. Deanna Behrens, a pediatric critical-care physician in suburban Chicago who wrote public testimony opposing the rule change, said children are the most vulnerable.

She said non-citizen parents might hesitate to apply for their children who are U.S. citizens, mistakenly fearing that if their children get benefits it will destroy their own chances of getting a green card and tear their families apart. That will lead to people being unable to afford care for chronic diseases like asthma and diabetes, as well as preventative measures. Instead, they’ll rely on far more costly emergency rooms.

“This has forced the immigrant families into an impossible choice,” Behrens said.

Roughly 544,000 people apply for green cards annually, with about 382,000 falling into categories that would be subject to the new review, according to the government.

Esperanza Health Centers, which runs four Chicago-based clinics that serve low-income and largely immigrant populations, has seen an increase in the number of uninsured children. Since a draft of the new rule was released in the fall, the clinics report having 600 children without insurance, including those who have disenrolled from Medicaid. Typically, it’s about 200, according to Jessica Boland, director of behavioral health.

“We’re condemning people to having a much more unhealthy lifestyles because we believe that there is something awful about their request for what we think for most people is a right and not a privilege: health care,” said Dr. Kenneth Davis, president and CEO of Mount Sinai Health System, which covers eight hospitals in New York.

Over a dozen major patient groups, including the March of Dimes and the American Heart Association, have written fierce opposition to the rule.

The issue is personal for Dr. Jasmine Saavedra, a pediatrician who works at an Esperanza clinic in a heavily Latino Chicago neighborhood.

She is convinced that if new Trump administration criteria were in effect for her parents three decades ago, she would have had a far different future. Her parents emigrated from Mexico in the 1980s unable to speak English and with little education. While working low-wage jobs, they relied on food stamps for a short time to get by.

Her mother later quit public assistance because of the stigma, but Saavedra said there were days when her mother wouldn’t eat so her children could. She believes that helped her become a doctor and her two sisters become an accountant and a nurse.

“Maybe when certain people think about immigrant families, they do think of it as a burden on this country, the way people would tell my mom she was when she was receiving assistance,” Saavedra said. “But my parents, with no education, not speaking this language, being impoverished with a little bit assistance when they could, got us out and they have three successful daughters.”

Follow Sophia Tareen on Twitter: https://twitter.com/sophiatareen .

Associated Press video journalist Mike Householder in Detroit contributed to this report.

Hong Kong's Divide: Protests For Democracy, Rally For China

Pro-democracy protesters march in a Hong Kong street Saturday, Aug. 17, 2019. Another weekend of protests is underway in Hong Kong as Mainland Chinese police are holding drills in nearby Shenzhen, prompting speculation they could be sent in to suppress the protests. (AP Photo/Kin Cheung)

BY YANAN WANG, KELVIN CHAN

HONG KONG (AP)
— Pro-democracy protesters marched on one side of Hong Kong’s famous harbor on Saturday to demand the government heed their demands. Across the water, a pro-government rally called for an end to the often violent protests.

The dueling demonstrations highlighted the political divide in the semiautonomous Chinese territory, which for 10 weeks has been rocked by protests that show no signs of relenting.

“The government right now doesn’t listen to the people, and the police are too violent,” said Bobby Tse, a 76-year-old retiree who watched the pro-democracy march from a bridge. “It didn’t used to be like this. We didn’t have to protest every week. But now even though we have protests every week, the government still gives no response.”

At the pro-government rally, speakers on a stage said they love both Hong Kong and China and asked the protesters why they are afraid of China. Supporters gave a thumbs-up to police officers and posed for photos with them. Leo Chen, a 47-year-old driver, said he came out because he wants peace in his city of 7.4 million people.

“Before, everyone in Hong Kong helped each other, it was very harmonious,” he said. “Now to see it become like this, I’m not happy, so I’ve come out to show a little strength.”

Earlier Saturday, thousands of schoolteachers marched to the official residence of Hong Kong’s leader, Carrie Lam, to show support for the protesters, who have taken to the streets since early June and include many students.

Carrying signs that read “Protect the next generation” and umbrellas to ward off intermittent downpours, the teachers tied white ribbons to a metal fence near Government House. They said the government should answer the protesters’ demands and stop using what they called police violence to disperse demonstrators who have taken over streets and besieged and defaced government buildings.

“We want to protect our students, our youngsters, so teachers are willing to come out and speak for the youngsters, and also, to stand by them so they are not alone,” said Fung Wai-wah, president of the Hong Kong Professional Teachers’ Union, which organized the march.

The movement’s demands include Lam’s resignation, democratic elections and an independent investigation into police use of force. A rally in Victoria Park has been called for Sunday by a pro-democracy group that has organized three massive marches through central Hong Kong since June.

“Even though we’re all scared of getting arrested, we have to keep going,” said Minnie Lee, a 31-year-old logistics worker who joined the pro-democracy march. “What we are fighting for is democracy and our rights. We’re not doing anything wrong. If we stop now, things will only get worse.”

Tensions rose briefly after the march, with riot police deployed to chase down a group of pro-democracy protesters they said were assembling illegally outside their station, shining laser pointers and throwing eggs.

Officers formed a line on a nearby street, thumping their batons on their shields before charging.

But by that time, most protesters had already melted away into the city’s densely populated Mong Kok district, leaving officers to face angry local residents, who told them to leave and accused them of being members of crime gangs. The police eventually left without firing tear gas.

Members of China’s paramilitary People’s Armed Police force have been training this week across the border in Shenzhen, fueling speculation that they could be sent in to suppress the protests. Officers didn’t appear to hold major drills on Saturday, but could be seen doing jumping jacks and stretching inside a sports stadium. Dozens of army-green armored carriers and trucks were parked inside and outside the facility.

The Hong Kong police, however, have said they are capable of handling the protests.

“I can tell you we’re confident the police have the capability to maintain law and order,” Yeung Man-pun, commander of the Kowloon City district, said Friday when asked about the possibility of a deployment of mainland security forces.

Outside of Hong Kong, demonstrations were held in support of both the pro-democracy movement and China.

In Australia, at least 200 protesters descended on Sydney Town Hall, chanting “Long live China” and singing the Chinese national anthem, while a protest in support of the pro-democracy movement continued in Melbourne.

The Melbourne rally had turned ugly on Friday night, with police moving in to separate some 100 pro-China protesters from those sympathetic to Hong Kong. Saturday’s protest in the southern city was peaceful.

In Taiwan, people held a flash mob demonstration in Taipei, the island’s capital, in support of the Hong Kong protests.

Associated Press writer Ken Moritsugu, videojournalist Yves Dam Van and news assistant Phoebe Lai in Hong Kong and videojournalist Dake Kang in Shenzhen, China, contributed to this report.

Friday, August 16, 2019

GHANA MUST GO: The Ugly History Of Africa’s Most Famous Bag

Image: John McCann, Mail & Guardian


BY ISHOLA LAWAL

ACCRA (MAIL & GUARDIAN)
-- In 1983, Nigeria expelled two million undocumented West African migrants, half of whom were from Ghana. The sturdy, checked bags into which they packed their belongings have become a symbol of exclusion and intolerance. Nearly four decades later, the region is yet to confront its emotional baggage

It was the bags that made up Solomon “Acquaye” Asiedu’s mind. They were cheap, ordinary bags. They had no name and came in blue and red, in big and medium sizes, all checked. They were wanted in Lagos markets with an intensity never experienced before. Nigerian traders sold out of the bags as hundreds jostled to get as many as they could to pack their things into.

The bags had always been popular: they were big and spacious and sturdy enough for long-haul travel. But it was when people started calling them “Ghana must go” bags that the young man knew it was time to leave. The bags followed him home, as he crossed two countries to return to Ghana and, 36 years later, they still stare at him from stores on every corner — with the same cursed name. They represent a period of despair that many Ghanaians would rather forget.

“I was not ready to leave,” said Acquaye, now 67. “I had just one bag with me.”

The year was 1983, the day, January 17. Acquaye had just listened to Shehu Shagari, the Nigerian leader who favoured long hats, declare the expulsion of an estimated two million undocumented migrants living in the country. Half of them were Ghanaian. “If they don’t leave, they should be arrested and tried and sent back to their homes. Illegal immigrants, under normal circumstances, should not be given any notice whatsoever,” President Shagari said. Acquaye and millions like him with no papers were told to get out within two weeks or risk jail. “If you break a law, then you have to pay for it,” said the president.


Aerial view of the Benin-Nigeria border as expelled Ghanaians wait to leave Nigeria (Photo by Michel Setboum/Getty Images)


Two years before, Acquaye had arrived in Nigeria with zero cash and a hundred hopes. He had followed the road trail leading through Aflao in Ghana to Lomé in Togo and then onwards through the Seme border between Nigeria and the Republic of Benin. He wasn’t the only one, clicking his tongue at the memory. “That time everybody was going. There was money in Nigeria.”

There was indeed. In 1958, Nigeria struck oil as a young, soon-to-be-liberated country with a population of 100-million. First Shell, then Mobil and Agip set up shop in the country to drill oil commercially.

The oil money was steady and hopes were high that Nigeria could prosper, despite the brutal military regimes that marred that period. In the 1970s the economy exploded when oil prices soared worldwide. The golden decade had arrived and the country became Africa’s wealthiest, securing its title: Giant of Africa. By 1974, Nigeria’s oil wells were spitting out some 2.3-million barrels a day. The standard of living improved. There was an influx of people from the farms into the cities; when they travelled, robust iron boxes were generally preferred over cheap plastic sacks. The influx came not just from within Nigeria, but from across the region.

While Nigeria was booming, its closest English-speaking neighbour, Ghana, was going through quite the opposite. A deadly mix of famine and insurgency was precipitated by a crash in the price of cocoa (Ghana was the world’s largest cocoa producer in the 1960s) and the 1966 coup, which ousted independence leader Kwame Nkrumah. At the time, the country’s population hovered around the seven-million mark, but several million people decided to journey east and try their fortunes in prosperous Nigeria.

“Ghana was hell,” said Dr Mawuli Adjei, a retired English lecturer from the University of Ghana. Ghana was close to a failed state and, like Acquaye, Adjei was forced to leave. “Nothing was working in this country,” Adjei said, speaking from the garden chair of his Accra home. Money was hard to come by and when he did have it, he couldn’t use it. Food was scarce: he couldn’t buy even a tin of milk. At grocery stores, queues were common.

Recruiters from Nigeria came to Ghana looking for people who would like to teach or take up casual jobs — the jobs Nigerians themselves were unwilling to do. But Adjei, jobless even with a degree, had missed the call. Determined, he travelled on his own to the Yoruba town of Ejigbo, in Nigeria’s west and stayed with an uncle. Ejigbo felt like home — many here were also from Ghana and Adjei’s mother tongue, Ewe, flowed like wine from their mouths.

Unlike Adjei, Acquaye was uneducated. That didn’t stop him from making it in Lagos, then the capital city, where big money was rolling in. He made enough to send back to his wife and child. His first job was moulding building blocks. He landed another as a guard in Victoria Island, an elite suburb, where he opened gates for important people. He loved the calm. It was so quiet that, in some places, certain cars were not allowed to move so that they wouldn’t disturb the rich folks.

So many Ghanaians went to Nigeria that it seemed like every Ghanaian family had a relative working there. Across the 19 states that existed then — there are now 36 — primary and secondary schools were filled with Ghanaian teachers, who were well known for their thoroughness and their pankeres — the long, supple beating sticks wrapped lovingly in sticky tape for added sting. Law offices, shoe repair shops, ice cream parlours, restaurants and brothels were flooded with neighbours from the west.

Life was good. Acquaye was lucky to secure a small room meant for domestic workers in one of the mansions that lined Kofo Abayomi Street. There, he made friends with “big” men: “I even knew Captain Gowon Junior. I knew him!” Acquaye swears, jumping at the memory. Captain Isaiah Gowon is the younger brother of General Yakubu Gowon, the one-time military head of state. “He was staying at the Plateau state governor’s house and I was there as a security man.”

On the weekends, he joined the large crowds watching criminals being executed at Bar Beach. Then he ate banku, a Ghanaian specialty, and drank with friends. Even on his small salary, things were affordable. “I [would go] to Agege market to buy food for the whole week and it would not reach five naira,” he recalls incredulously.

And then came the oil crash. Global oil prices started to dip in 1982, when large consumer markets such as the United States and Canada slipped into recession and demand was low. By 1983, the price of a barrel had fallen to $29, down from $37 in 1980. At around the same time, the US began producing its own oil, further cutting demand and causing excess supply. Nigeria, its economy almost exclusively reliant on oil, was hard hit. By 1982, 90% of the country’s foreign reserves had been wiped out, according to the Washington Post.

Food prices skyrocketed and salaries became erratic. Adjei, who had taken up a job as a public teacher in Kishi, western Nigeria, felt the pinch: state governments could only pay salaries after two months. Poor policy decisions at the highest level of government only made things worse. Ghana’s nightmare was being replayed in Nigeria.

As it began to feel the crunch, Nigeria started to turn inwards. By 1982, politicians started to use words like “aliens” in their manifestos in preparation for the 1983 general elections. They blamed African migrants, especially Ghanaians, for the flailing economy. Ghanaians had taken all the jobs and brought crime to Nigeria and, if elected, they would chase them out, they promised.

It didn’t take long for this animosity to spill over into relations between Nigerians and Ghanaians. Acquaye heard stories of Ghanaians being physically harassed and tried to keep out of trouble. Even with a weakening economy, Lagos’ Victoria Island was a gift and most people were nice to him. So when the announcement came that morning of January 17, Acquaye was stunned. He doesn’t remember now how much it cost to get the legal papers, but he had not bothered about it until then — no one really had.

At first Acquaye thought he could avoid leaving. Ghana was still unstable with a military regime that was battling uprisings. He had no reason to go back. But after the announcements, the hostilities had grown. Rumours spread that the government had ordered locals to beat up any illegal Ghanaian still in the country by the January 31 deadline.

Those plastic checked bags were everywhere. Heavy-hearted, Acquaye packed some for a friend who decided to leave early to beat the crowds to the borders. By the 30th, Acquaye knew he couldn’t risk staying.

“I left there. I remember that it was the 31st I left, that was the last day. I left around 11.30 in the morning,” he said. “You’ll say you won’t go? If somebody kills you, who are you going to ask?”

The borders were a disaster, crammed with desperate people carrying chairs on their heads, dragging their checked bags and selling off whatever they couldn’t lift to make money to pay for fares that had doubled. Millions streamed out through any possible exit they could find — through Shaki, in western Nigeria, to northern Benin. Down south, at the Seme border in Lagos, stampedes would kill many. Dozens were loaded onto open haulage trucks headed for Ghana.

But Jerry Rawlings, Ghana’s military head of state, had ordered the borders with Togo closed, to desist coup plotters and insurgents, so there would be no passage for days. In response, Togo closed its border with Benin to avoid a refugee crisis. Cars stalled bumper to bumper from the Benin-Togo border to Lagos, with people caught in sweltering heat and without water. Diseases spread. The United States prepared to send in aid. The League of Red Cross Societies airlifted 500 tents, 10 000 blankets and thousands of buckets, according to the Washington Post.

There was one crucial difference: the Nigerians were rich.

The international community condemned Nigeria’s decision to expel foreigners, but Adjei is convinced it was long coming; that Nigeria’s leaders considered it an overdue and necessary payback.

When he was 14 and in elementary school, back in 1969, he had witnessed the then-Ghanaian prime minister, Kofi Busia, invoke the Aliens Compliance Order and deport an estimated 2.5-million undocumented African migrants, the majority of whom were Nigerians.

The Nigerians had grown annoyingly enterprising, their business acumen sharper, to the detriment of Ghanaian businesses. Even in Ghana’s instability, Nigerian traders managed to have everything — and at cheaper prices — Adjei said.

The resulting fear shook the Nigerians affected. Most had intermarried, and traced their roots back to trade relationships between the two regions, even before colonial rule.

There was one crucial difference between the Nigerians expelled from Ghana in 1969 and the Ghanaians expelled from Nigeria in 1983: the Nigerians had money, said Green Ndume, a Nigerian media entrepreneur who has lived in Ghana for a decade. “I’ve interacted with those who were affected. Unlike the artisans and teachers expelled in Nigeria, they were rich. They were traders in kola nut who made big money and built houses. They left their houses or sold them cheaply.”

Nonetheless, in their haste to flee, the Nigerian deportees suffered. “I saw what it was. They were stuck at the Aflao [Togo] border. People died there and it was a humanitarian issue,” Adjei said. The government’s announcement had emboldened ordinary Ghanaians, who taunted the foreigners. Even before the deadline, Adjei remembered chants of: “Go home, go home! What are you still doing here?”

The deadlock in 1983 was finally broken by Ghana which reopened its borders and sent ships to Cotonou in Benin to reduce the numbers travelling by road. Many fell into the sea because of the sheer volume of people scrambling for a place on the ships.

Squeezed into one of those ships, Acquaye looked around, marking fallen faces and identifying people he knew. “All my friends [were there]. I saw my brother too. I didn’t even know he was in Nigeria, we met in the ship.”

He went back to farming and raised six more kids through Ghana’s bad times. Nowadays, he prefers to remember the exodus in 1983 with grace. “What will you do?” he asks. “The person who owns his thing is ready to take it from you, you don’t have anything to say, you just give him.”

Adjei is not so forgiving, not for what Ghana did and not for how Nigeria returned the favour. He had left his teaching job in 1984 as Nigeria crumbled and headed to Libya to teach English. A year later, then military ruler, General Muhammadu Buhari (Nigeria’s current president) announced another expulsion — this time, of all foreigners, including those who had residence permits. About 700 000 were again forced out.

It was another stab in the back for a Ghana that was already doubled over. In neighbouring Côte d’Ivoire, where Ghanaians had once migrated to en masse, the phrase tombé comme le Ghana (fallen like Ghana) became a common idiom. The country’s economy suffered some more before a steep climb up after interventions from the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank.

The tit-for-tat expulsions haunted relations between Ghana and Nigeria for many years. They still do. Even though Nigerian music plays on Ghanaian radio stations every morning, Ghanaian actors are a Nollywood staple and trade between the two countries is in ruddy health, Nigeria has never officially apologised to Ghana for 1983 and 1985 and Ghana has never apologised for 1969.

Adjei blames bad leaders who, he said, in their failure to deliver, whip up nationalist sentiments and use foreigners as scapegoats, even though there is little evidence to suggest that the absence of foreigners leads to a healthier economy. “What they did was unethical, illegal and just some kind of populist nonsense and they got the population behind them,” he said. “It’s very easy because the majority of citizens are so vulnerable, easy to manipulate and they buy into these things and say ‘Yes, we’re suffering because these people are here.’”

The Nigerian anti-foreigner directives happened despite the Economic Community of West African States’ (ECOWAS) protocols, introduced the decade before, that allowed for some form of free movement for West Africans in the region, provided they have the right paperwork. But that’s not the point, argues Adjei: paperwork is foreign to the region, where people have, for centuries, moved around unencumbered by the often-arbitrary borders imposed by colonial powers.

Ghana’s banning order, meanwhile, was a betrayal of Nkrumah’s lauded pan-Africanism, he says.

For a younger generation, the tension is often expressed in friendly social media banter, and in debates on which country has the better accent or cooks the better jollof rice — a West African delicacy. The young ones do not remember much about the expulsions, apart from what their parents have told them, nor do they feel particularly vindictive. But the thoughts of “Ghana must go” linger. “[Nigeria] chased us away, and now we’re doing better,” a young, Accra-based journalist said matter-of-factly.

As Nigeria battles insurgents and a crumbling economy, present-day Ghana is stable — boosted by revenue from gold, cocoa and oil. Its electricity has attracted more foreign investors and more West Africans, including an estimated two million Nigerians (on the other hand, about 500 000 Ghanaians currently live in Nigeria). On almost every street is a store displaying Nigeria’s green and white flag, while markets in Makola and Kumasi vibrate with Yoruba and Igbo, Nigerian languages.

But, like a song stuck on replay, anti-Nigerian sentiments are building up a second time. In Kumasi, stores owned by Nigerians were forcefully shut last August for not complying with harsh national laws. The laws disregard ECOWAS agreements that encourage free trade.

In reality, said Ndume, the Nigerian media entrepreneur living in Ghana, it is because “locals feel like Nigerians are taking over, so they come up and ask Nigerians to leave their market”. Many point out that non-Africans, including Lebanese, Indians and Chinese who trade in the country, are treated less harshly.

Nigerians living in Ghana complain of being targeted and blamed for rising crime levels. A bad international reputation only gets worse: recently, a kidnapping case was linked to a Nigerian convict. Between 2018 and now, 723 Nigerians have been deported from Ghana for prostitution and “Yahoo Yahoo” or cybercrime.

Meanwhile, Ghana, keen on attracting a different group of people — not Africans, but from the black diaspora — continues to promote its Year of Return celebrations. This is a marketing stunt that plays on the brutal history of slavery; 2019 makes it 400 years since the first boat packed with enslaved Africans left the coasts of Ghana.

Acquaye hasn’t visited Nigeria since he left in 1983. He hasn’t had cause to and he doubts he ever will. But he treasures the memories regardless, he says, wandering away from the noise of the school where he now works as a security guard and down a hilly path from where he can see Accra sprawled over hilltops in the distance.

He has seen Ghana at its lowest, felt the rejection of being alien in Nigeria and is now baffled at the news of the Nigerian traders facing trouble in Kumasi. “If something is here and I meet it, I will buy. This is not force. To say you’re spoiling my market because you’re not from Ghana? Ah! How can one person sell everything?” he asks, his hands spread out, questioning.

He shakes his head, turns and lumbers back up the hill, past the stores still selling Ghana Must Go bags and back towards the school.

Samson Siasia: FIFA Bans Former Nigeria Coach For Life





GOAL

The ex-Super Eagles star and handler was slapped with a life ban for agreeing to receive bribes for match fixing

Fifa has banned former Nigeria coach Samson Siasia from all football activity for life after being found guilty of accepting to receive bribes in order to manipulate matches.

Siasia who led Nigeria U20 and Nigeria U23 teams to second-place finishes at the 2015 Fifa U20 World Cup and the 2008 Beijing Olympics was also fined CHF 50,000.

According to the world’s football ruling body, the 52-year-old breached the 2009 edition of the Fifa Code of Ethics after investigations began on February 11 this year.

“The adjudicatory chamber of the independent Ethics Committee has found Mr Samson Siasia, a former official of the Nigeria Football Federation, guilty of having accepted that he would receive bribes in relation to the manipulation of matches in violation of the Fifa Code of Ethics,” wrote Fifa in a statement.

“This large-scale investigation was conducted by Fifa via its competent departments and in cooperation with the relevant stakeholders and authorities.

“In its decision, the adjudicatory chamber found that Mr Siasia had breached art. 11 (Bribery) of the 2009 edition of the Fifa Code of Ethics and banned him for life from all football-related activities (administrative, sports or any other) at both national and international level. In addition, a fine in the amount of CHF 50,000 has been imposed on Mr Siasia.

“The decision was notified to Mr Siasia today, the date on which the ban comes into force.”

Siasia is the second Nigerian tactician after Salisu Yusuf to have been punished as a result of involvement in bribery.

Chinese Investments In Nigerian Oil Hit $16B




BY 
IRINA SLAV 

OIL PRICE
Chinese investments in the oil and gas industry of Nigeria have reached US$16 billion, according to a senior NNPC official, but the industry needs even more to advance its production growth agenda.

Vanguard quotes NNPC’s Group Managing Director Malla Mele Kyari as saying “To have investment of $16bn in Nigeria is clearly an indication of your confidence in us. We have a target to grow production to 3m barrels per day by 2023, to do that, we need partners like you. You can count on us because we have common interest.”

The comments were addressed to the management of CNOOC, the third-largest state oil major in China and a company focused on overseas investments. These have become essential for China as domestic production declines due to natural depletion and challenges surrounding the development of new reservoirs, including shale plays.

Nigeria is a natural focus for investments despite problems with militant groups that have in the past few years caused several force majeure closures of pipelines and export terminals.

Earlier this year, Nigeria’s oil operations were disrupted several times due to fires, shutdowns, force majeure, and protests. In April and May, a key oil pipeline and a logistics base in Nigeria’s oil-rich Niger Delta were rocked by a shutdown and protests in the latest incident that disrupted the Nigerian oil industry.

Shell declared a force majeure on Bonny Light exports, while exports of Amenam, operated by France’s Total, were also under force majeure in April.

Nigeria is one of OPEC’s largest producers, with the June average at 1.855 million bpd, according to the secondary sources that OPEC uses for its monthly oil market updates. The country was against the OPEC production cuts agreed last December because it needed to recover its production after a truce agreed with some militant groups in the Niger Delta. Eventually, however, it agreed to join the cuts.

Better Parenting Starts With Knowing What Works. We Tested A Project In 8 African Countries

BY INGE VALLANCE AND GENEVIEVE HAUPT RONNIE Raising adolescents can be difficult under the best of circumstances. On top of that, some famil...