Monday, August 05, 2019

5 months on, Christchurch attacker inspires others

New Zealand's Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern talks to the media on Monday, Aug. 5, 2019, in Wellington, New Zealand. Ardern spoke about the El Paso massacre, the latest attack in which the gunman appears to have praised the March shootings in Christchurch, where an Australian white supremacist is charged with killing 51 worshippers at two mosques. (AP Photo/Nick Perry)

BY NKRISTEN GELINEAU

SYDNEY (AP)
— The attack on a Texas Walmart that left 22 people dead bore all the classic hallmarks of America’s cycle of mass shootings: A lone shooter. Multiple casualties. A white male accused of the crime.

But it also revealed a newer, emerging pattern: emboldened white supremacy. A racist diatribe published to the online message board 8chan. And apparent inspiration drawn from the Christchurch, New Zealand, mosque attacks earlier this year.

The El Paso massacre is the latest attack in which the gunman appears to have praised the March 15 shootings in Christchurch, where an Australian white supremacist is charged with killing 51 worshippers at two mosques.

Authorities are investigating the possibility that Saturday’s shooting in El Paso was a hate crime, and are working to determine whether a racist, anti-immigrant screed posted to the 8chan board shortly beforehand was written by the man arrested in the attack. Though he was targeting Latinos rather than Muslims, the first sentence of the online rant expressed support for the Christchurch shooter.

For decades, mass shootings have been viewed through the prism of the lethal 1999 attack on Columbine High School in Colorado by two of its students. Columbine acted as an inspiration and symbol for lone shooters for years to come. But Christchurch seems to be gaining ground as a political symbol, as the racist views espoused by the man charged with the killings, Brenton Tarrant, continue to resonate with white supremacists half a world away.

“Christchurch was a symbol from the moment that Brenton Tarrant’s manifesto appeared online,” said Michele Grossman, a professor and research chair in diversity and community resilience at Deakin University in Australia.

The difference between Christchurch and Columbine — and the shootings each may have inspired — can be seen in the attacks’ respective targets, Grossman said. The Columbine shootings were indiscriminate; in his journal before the attack, shooter Eric Harris wrote about wanting to kill humanity. The Christchurch attack had a very specific target: Muslims.

“Christchurch, looking at the manifesto, is about immediately an ‘us and them’ proposition: Our lands will never be their lands, they are invading us, they’re trying to conquer us, and we have to fight back,” Grossman said.

These recent attacks, she says, were designed to incite even more violence. “You might say that this is part and parcel of an effort to spearhead a revolutionary uprising to inspire people to say, ‘If I can do this, you can do this, too,’” Grossman said.

That concern is especially intense in Christchurch. Muti Bari was not surprised when word of the Texas massacre reached New Zealand.

Bari has lived in fear of another attack ever since the day at Linwood mosque when he hid in a bathroom as the gunman slaughtered people a few feet away. When the police arrived, Bari had to jump over the bodies of his fellow worshippers to get out.

“The ideology exists, and we know that. And it’s just unfortunate that people are acting as copycats now,” Bari said. “That’s a concern, obviously, for every Muslim living in the West.”

He added: “We feel it — that it can happen anytime, anywhere.”

Given how high profile and recent the Christchurch attack was, it’s not surprising that it might be referenced by the El Paso shooter, said Jacinta Carroll, director of national security policy at the Australian National University. Terrorists, she says, try to justify their actions through references that build a narrative for their views or actions.

Paul Spoonley, who has researched white supremacist groups in New Zealand and is writing a book on the subject, said Norway’s Anders Breivik is the mass killer who established the model for the type of attack seen in Christchurch.

Breivik, a right-wing extremist, killed 77 people in a 2011 bomb-and-shooting rampage. Each of the recent attacks has similar elements such as a manifesto and social-media use during the event, he said, and the actions are those of lone shooters with little or no contact with the organized far right.

“Christchurch is now part of the vocabulary and a reference point amongst hate groups, especially white supremacists,” Spoonley said by email.

On Monday, New Zealand Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern was asked about concerns that the Christchurch attacks are starting to be remembered as a symbol for violent white nationalists around the world. She said any effort to prevent such spread of hate has to be a cooperative one.

“What I want to make sure . is that we do what we can to create a regulatory environment where we do not see violent extremism, and violence, and terrorism circulated online,” she said. “But New Zealand can’t do that alone. These are international platforms.”

By posting a 74-page document on 8chan before the mosque attacks, the accused Christchurch gunman clearly tried to ensure his rampage — and his use of a conspiracy theory that contends elites are plotting to replace whites with nonwhite immigrants — would echo widely.

On Monday, NATO Secretary-General Jens Stoltenberg visited Christchurch and laid a wreath at a memorial outside the Al Noor mosque, where 42 worshippers died. While there, Stoltenberg spoke about links between attacks in Christchurch, El Paso and Norway.

“These attacks are committed by lone wolves, but they are at the same time connected,” Stoltenberg said, adding: “I think it highlights that we have to fight terrorism in many different ways with many different tools.”

Tofazzal Alam, who was at the Linwood mosque when the attack began, has tried to avoid news of mass shootings ever since. Every new attack sends him right back to the horror he endured on March 15. So hearing that the El Paso shooter may have been sympathetic to the white supremacist who attacked Christchurch was particularly painful.

“We want peace all over the world,” he said. “Whether it’s New Zealand or Australia or the U.S. or Canada, we want peace.”

“I saw the disaster happening to us. It should not be happening to anybody at all.”

Associated Press reporter Nick Perry in Wellington, New Zealand, contributed to this report.

EXCLUSIVE-UK Found Sending Home Dozens Of Slavery Victims Despite Re-trafficking Fears

BY KIERAN GUILBERT

LONDON (REUTERS)
- Britain has sent home or aided the return of dozens of slaves to trafficking hotspots including Albania, Nigeria and Vietnam in recent years, raising concerns this put people at risk of being re-trafficked due to a lack of support in their home countries.

The government subjected 36 victims to "enforced returns" between 2014 and 2018, according to Home Office (interior ministry) data obtained exclusively by the Thomson Reuters Foundation under Britain's Freedom of Information (FOI) Act.

Another 41 ex-slaves were found to have undergone "voluntary returns" in this period although activists said they likely saw no other choice without the right to remain in Britain.

Anti-slavery charities said these numbers could be just the tip of the iceberg as it did not include people returned before their case was decided or after a claim was denied, or anyone exploited who did not come forward due to fear of reprisals.

"These figures are obviously deeply concerning ... we can't just be returning people to their exploiters," said Kate Roberts, UK and Europe Manager for Anti-Slavery International.

The full picture of how Britain handles people freed from modern slavery is unclear as authorities do not publish data on how many survivors have applied for asylum or how many are allowed to remain or sent home.

But several charities said Britain should monitor and ensure long-term support - from community reintegration to training and jobs - for former slaves returned to high-risk nations to reduce the risk of them falling prey once more to human traffickers.

"Whatever support exists is piecemeal, there needs to be a large-scale safe returns programme," Roberts added. "Visits must be done in country to check people will be safe, with follow-ups and measures to ensure they won't be at risk of further abuse."

She spoke in light of recent recommendations from the United Nations and the United States - made in its annual Trafficking in Persons report - calling upon Britain to provide specialist, tailored and lasting support to survivors who return home.

A Home Office spokesman said Britain was ensuring that victims of trafficking and slavery "get the support they need".

"The Voluntary Returns Service includes help with flights, travel documents, medical aid and reintegration, and the Home Office works closely with other governments and organisations to ensure safe returns," he said.

The Home Office said it funded support and reintegration help for trafficking victims in Nigeria and Vietnam, but did not provide any further details about the nature of such assistance.

"NO OTHER CHOICE"

Britain has called itself a world leader in the anti-slavery drive, but is considering the findings of a government-ordered review of a landmark 2015 Modern Slavery Act amid criticism it has not been used fully to tackle the crime and help survivors.

People who report being enslaved can access support - from healthcare and housing to legal aid - while the British government decides whether or not to recognise them as victims.

But activists said a lack of long-term follow-on support for confirmed victims left many to choose between homelessness and the risk of fresh exploitation in Britain, or an uncertain return home and threat of facing their traffickers again.

Rachel Smith from the Human Trafficking Foundation (HTF) said she feared that many survivors were giving up after waiting months or even years for a decision on asylum without the right to work, and going home in "extremely worrying circumstances".

Almost half of 1,717 confirmed non-European victims identified between 2015 and 2017 were not granted the right to stay in Britain, according to a report last month by the British Red Cross and anti-slavery charities Hestia and Ashiana.

"Regarding voluntary returns, many people will feel like they have no other choice," said Smith, HTF's project assistant.

Several concerning returns have taken place in recent years, found research last month by the HTF and the U.N. migration agency - the International Organization for Migration (IOM).

A lack of reintegration support meant one victim was unable to return to his family home because his traffickers also lived there; another was provided cash by the Home Office but this was taken by their exploiter after returning home, the study found.

"We are seeing gaps in return and reintegration arrangements which is a cause for concern since it may put human trafficking survivors at risk," said IOM UK Chief of Mission Dipti Pardeshi.

DETENTION AS DETERRENT?

About 7,000 suspected slavery victims were uncovered in Britain last year - up a third on 2017 - with British, Albanian, Vietnamese, Chinese and Romanian the most common nationalities.

Most of the ex-slaves who were subjected to enforced returns or left voluntarily since 2014 came from Albania, Vietnam, the Philippines, Nigeria, China and Romania, the FOI data revealed.

A separate Thomson Reuters Foundation FOI request last year found Britain had refused asylum to at least 275 ex-child slaves from nations such as Vietnam and Afghanistan since 2012, raising fears many could have been sent home and re-trafficked.

"The Vietnamese will continue to be exploited ... without a comprehensive, long-term reintegration program that provides a legitimate way to repay their debts and support their families," said Mimi Vu, an independent Vietnam-based trafficking analyst.

A report last month by data project After Exploitation found that about 73 suspected slavery victims decided to go home voluntarily from 2016 to 2018 before their case was ruled upon.

After Exploitation also found that more than 500 possible slaves were detained by the government in 2018 - in breach of Home Office guidelines - and said detention could be being used in order to pressure suspected victims to go home.

"For some victims, returning home is a positive step," said Maya Esslemont, director of After Exploitation.

"However, for many others, the risk of re-trafficking, reprisals from trafficking gangs, and being shunned by family and community due to stigma makes returning a dangerous option." (Reporting by Kieran Guilbert, Additional Reporting by Amber Milne, Editing by Katy Migiro and Belinda Goldsmith. Please credit the Thomson Reuters Foundation, the charitable arm of Thomson Reuters, that covers humanitarian news, women's and LGBT+ rights, human trafficking, property rights, and climate change. Visit http://news.trust.org)

Sunday, August 04, 2019

Fighting Gun Culture: An Interview With Shannon Watts

Shannon Watts via LARB

GREG LAGAMBINA INTERVIEWS SHANNON WHITES

IN HER NEW BOOK, Fight Like a Mother: How a Grassroots Movement Took on the Gun Lobby and Why Women Will Change the World, Shannon Watts runs down a litany of commonly shared myths about guns and gun ownership and efficiently dispels the most common ones with facts and statistics. Knowing the numbers about guns is one of the most effective ways to disarm your opponent on any number of issues. Watts founded the group Moms Demand Action, and facts are her ammunition.

No matter how many times Watts reminds you that we live in a country where guns outnumber people, it’s the figure that we are about to surpass 400 million guns in a country with 330 million people that really startles. Instead of mocking those who offer “thoughts and prayers” — in place of legislation — in the aftermath of every single gun massacre, Watts would rather quote scripture back to the penitent: “Faith, by itself, if it is not accompanied by action, is dead” (James 2:17).

GREGG LAGAMBINA: In the book, you write of your experience waking up to the news of the shooting at Sandy Hook Elementary School in Newtown, Connecticut, that killed 26 people, including 20 children aged seven and under. It was what motivated you to start a conversation on Facebook that quickly gained traction and nearly seven years later has evolved into Moms Demand Action. Before this particular massacre, was there any indication that you would someday devote your life to activism of any kind?

SHANNON WATTS: Yes. I can remember being in college when the massacre at Luby’s Cafeteria in Killeen, Texas, happened. It was one of the first horrific shootings — at least, in my lifetime — and I lived in Texas. It was the age when 24-hour media had just started and to see the tragedy — people bloodied, people being pulled out of the restaurant, and the stories of the bystanders — it just seemed so horrific to me that this could happen in our country. I was in my early 20s, and it made me feel very unsafe. Then, when Columbine happened, I was a young mom with kids under the age of five. Each time, I was thinking that someone was going to do something. Then, it was Virginia Tech, but I was a busy working mom. Then, it was the Gabby Giffords shooting at a Safeway in Tucson when I thought, “Okay. This is when someone will act. Because this is a colleague, this is one of their own [in Congress].” And, again, no one did anything.

When Sandy Hook happened, I really didn’t think anyone would do anything because they hadn’t in the past. I thought, “Well, then I have to do something.” Now, to be clear, I didn’t think I was going to start the largest grassroots movement for gun violence prevention. I just thought that I wanted to join something like Mothers Against Drunk Driving but for gun safety, but I looked online and nothing like that existed. I just started a Facebook page thinking I would have a conversation with other women and moms.

The book is called Fight Like a Mother; your organization is called Moms Demand Action — what is it about mothers that makes them particularly effective activists, especially when it comes to gun violence?

I think that’s a great question, because so many of our volunteers come to us not necessarily because they have been impacted by gun violence. One in three Americans has been affected, whether it’s homicide or suicide, but many of our volunteers come to us because they have had the experience of sending their toddler or their five-year-old to school and hear about how they spent their day hiding from a pretend active shooter in the bathroom of their classrooms, as though these shootings are acts of nature and not manmade acts of cowardice. Parents realize this is preventable and senseless and an absurd way to live. So they decide they will get involved and that can be out of fear, anger, compassion — it’s all of it.

I knew intuitively that mothers would be the yin to the gun lobby’s yang. The gun lobby has convinced a vocal minority of gun extremists that their guns will be taken away, but we’re afraid our children will be taken away. But what I’ve come to realize and learn is that it’s not just the mass shootings or the school shootings that we have to address and care about, it’s gun violence in city centers. Black men are 10 times more likely to be shot and killed in this country than white men. Gun suicides are an epidemic in rural communities. We have to care about all of it and address all of it.

You write that you “fully support the Second Amendment,” which might surprise some of your detractors as well as your supporters. What do you mean by “fully support”?

Many of our volunteers are gun owners, or married to them. We even have a group of volunteers in the Midwest who call themselves CamoMoms because they hunt together. This is about the responsibilities that go along with gun rights, which the NRA has eroded for decades. Things like a background check on every gun sale, keeping guns away from dangerous people like domestic abusers, allowing judges to issue temporary restraining orders if someone who is armed appears to be a danger to themselves or others. These are common sense solutions to gun violence that are overwhelmingly supported by Americans — 90 percent of average Americans, about 80 percent of gun owners, and 74 percent of NRA members. It’s really the NRA leadership that has become so incredibly extreme.

How can we claim to live in a representative democracy when 90 percent of the population is supportive of a specific action to potentially reduce gun violence and no one in Congress will lift a finger to turn that overwhelming support into legislation?
That’s such an important point. When I think back to Sandy Hook and the reason I got off the sidelines, so many people were saying, “If Congress doesn’t do anything after Sandy Hook, we’re sunk. It’s hopeless.”

I was one of those people.

Yes, but it wasn’t true! We did not have a political movement around this issue then. We didn’t have any political power. And building a grassroots movement takes time. It takes years. It takes election cycles. That’s what we’ve spent the last six years doing — creating that political power. If you look at the midterm elections, we outspent and outmaneuvered the NRA. We elected over 1,000 gun-sense candidates across the country, we flipped the makeup of seven state legislatures, we elected my former colleague Lucy McBath — an activist from Moms Demand Action is now a congresswoman from Georgia. So, it is doable.

Every social issue has its own dynamics. In terms of gun violence prevention, there has been this silent majority that had not made this a priority because there hadn’t been a movement to educate and encourage them to do something. If you look at a CNN poll that was out just a couple of weeks ago, it showed that the third most important issue to Democratic voters in 2020 is guns. And by that, we mean gun safety. That is a sea change in American politics. This is no longer polarizing — it gets people out to the polls. It used to be considered a third-rail issue, and now you suddenly have all of these presidential candidates competing to see who can be the best on this issue.

But I understand what you’re saying. How do you change it, how do you keep gun lobbyists from writing our nation’s gun laws? It’s twofold. One, we need to show how toxic the NRA’s agenda is. I always say that our job for the last six years is to shine a flashlight under the refrigerator and force the cockroaches to run out. We’ve shown the insidiousness of their efforts and their agenda. The second piece of it is to educate voters and to get them to vote on this issue, to ask who their candidates are and whether they have A ratings from the NRA and to really go into the polls with this issue in mind. The NRA is weaker than it has ever been, and we’re stronger than we’ve ever been. That’s how we start to see this dynamic shift.

When Lindsey Graham said a couple of weeks ago that the Second Amendment isn’t a “suicide pact,” he was talking about how we need to look at red flag laws at a national level. Pat Toomey, another Republican said, “I’m confident there is legislation that will get 60 votes if it gets to the floor.” Brian Fitzpatrick, a Republican congressman, voted for HR8 and bills that also had gun violence prevention policies in it. Kirsten Gillibrand used to be an A-rated NRA supporter and now she has an F. Tim Ryan took all the money he got from the gun lobby and gave it to gun-violence prevention organizations. We can’t un-elect everyone who opposes us, but we can change hearts and minds.

What about money? In this country, money is more powerful than opinion and maybe even voting.

It is powerful, and if you look at the NRA’s ROI on elections since 2010, it hasn’t been good. They have been losing races. They lost twice in Alabama and spent millions, first on whoever it was before Roy Moore, and then Moore. They lost badly in Pennsylvania. There are so many different races you can point to where the NRA made a big bet and lost. We’re not sure where all of the money they spent on the 2018 election came from — there are a lot of questions about the dark money that the NRA had access to during that election cycle, including the $30 million they gave to Donald Trump. But that ROI didn’t turn out well either because even though there was a Republican president and a Republican Congress for two years, the NRA was not able to pass its two pieces of priority legislation: concealed carry reciprocity and deregulating silencers. And, as I mentioned, we outspent them in the midterm elections.

That answers the money question.
Yeah! And we’re not sure where it came from and if they even have any more left. Although, Wayne LaPierre does seem to have a very large budget allowance for his clothing.

In Fight Like a Mother, you write about this notion of “losing forward.” This became your mantra of sorts after the bipartisan Manchin-Toomey bill was rejected by the Senate just months after Sandy Hook. The idea of “losing forward” is to see the somber Rose Garden speech given by President Obama in the aftermath of the bill’s defeat as a dispiriting moment that in no way reflects the power of a movement.

You stole that from Hamilton, by the way! [Laughs.]

Subconscious plagiarism! I’ve never seen Hamilton, which is probably more embarrassing than stealing a phrase [“this is not a moment, it’s the movement”]. But after that bill went down in the Senate, a lot of us became dispirited, including yourself. “I wondered whether Moms Demand Action would survive this blow,” you write. However, you soon realized this was only a moment and the movement was the path to carry you forward — “If we wanted to change the nation’s culture of gun violence, we’d have to change our lawmakers one at a time.” Instead of backing down, the failure of that bill inspired a longer, more powerful strategy.

Absolutely. We never think about backing down, we always double-down. The failure of that bill to pass, the silver lining is that I don’t think we would have had six years to build this grassroots movement. Moms Demand Action is a political powerhouse in just about every statehouse in the country, and we would not have pivoted to doing this work in statehouses and boardrooms if that had passed. Passing background checks is important and it’s foundational to all of the other work that has to happen, but there is so much more that needs to be done. That includes showing lawmakers that when they do the right thing, we’ll have their backs and when they don’t, we’ll have their jobs. That takes several election cycles to accomplish.

What about the self-described “grim reaper,” Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell? You can only “lose forward” so far until you reach the immovable object that is Senator McConnell. He will never bring a vote to the floor if it upsets the NRA. How do you face down that enormous obstacle and still remain optimistic about making any progress when the Senate is off limits?
We’ve thought that about this a lot. Look, who thought [former Republican House Speaker] John Boehner would come out in favor of legalizing marijuana? Things do change. A lot of what the Senate and Congress does is dictated by whether or not they will get to keep their jobs. If enough Americans tell their lawmakers that this issue is a priority for them, slowly things will change. Mitch McConnell won’t be there forever. But, in the meantime, we have to keep doing this work on the ground. I mentioned Lindsey Graham and Pat Toomey — two Republican senators who think that we need to be doing more on this issue. So, what Mitch McConnell decides to do may be based on political expediency, which could very well be that Americans are demanding it. But, in the meantime, we’re not going to wait. We’re going to keep playing defense at the federal level, and keep playing offense and defense in statehouses. We have a 90 percent track record of killing bad NRA bills every single year in state houses. Last year, we beat over 1,000 bills that included guns on campus, arming teachers, permit-less carry, and stand-your-ground laws. And, then, just last year, we also passed stronger gun laws in 20 states, nine of which were signed by Republican governors.

There is an argument from gun owners and NRA members that goes something like this: guns are part of America’s story, the fight for our independence, it’s a right enshrined in the Constitution, and it is part of the fabric of our nation’s culture. There is no going back, and any violence that occurs as a result of this culture is “the price of freedom.” People actually say this.

I would say a big part of our nation’s culture around guns has actually been inculcated by the NRA. They promote this idea that we are always in danger, at all times, and we must always be armed to protect ourselves, despite what the data tells us. This view has been cultivated particularly among gun extremists. The average gun owner is a responsible gun owner. That’s why they support stronger gun laws. An example of this is responsible gun storage. Only 11 states require gun owners to responsibly store their guns, and if they don’t and someone gets one and injures themselves or someone else, it’s a misdemeanor and a $400 fine. Where I live, in Colorado, there is absolutely no law around responsible gun storage. You could say the same thing about drunk driving in the 1980s. The culture didn’t change until there were laws that held people accountable for getting in a car after drinking. So, that is part of it — responsibility.

We also have a program called Be SMART. It’s all about responsible gun storage for gun owners and non-gun owners alike. When you send your kids over to a friend’s or family’s home, it is incumbent upon you as an adult to ask whether someone has guns and how they are stored. Not to make a judgment, but to decide if you want to send your kids over there. That’s not because they have guns, but only if they are not storing them safely, which is locked, unloaded, and separate from ammunition. In this country, at least 4.5 million children live in homes with unsecured guns. That is a dangerous culture. Again, you want to ask where that comes from. In 2016, the NRA had instructors at its annual meeting encouraging people to keep loaded guns in their children’s room because that’s where burglars were least likely to look for them.

In 2008, during his first campaign for president, Barack Obama infamously said — about voters in cities where lagging industry led to massive job loss — that “they cling to guns or religion or antipathy to people who aren’t like them or anti-immigrant sentiment or anti-trade sentiment as a way to explain their frustrations.” It sounds more prescient now, instead of an elitist “gaffe” as it was mostly reported at the time, because these are the same issues that are bringing people out to Trump rallies. Trump has seized on the sentiments that Obama described. Guns are a major part of some people’s political identity. How do you convince those voters to help you flip the necessary seats in statehouses and Congress to pass common-sense gun safety legislation?

I think it’s obvious that this country is becoming increasingly polarized, particularly since the election of Donald Trump. I think it is about a demographic shift. The NRA, if you remember, in 1999, said they supported a background check on every gun sale and they opposed guns in schools. Then, flash forward, in the next decade they quickly abandoned those principles and started trying to pass laws that would force guns onto college campuses, that would arm teachers, and that would allow permit-less carry. This was because they were selling more guns to fewer people. They convinced white men over the age of 50 or 60 that they needed an arsenal. But that is a demographic that is aging out. In order to maintain the profit margins for gun manufacturers, the NRA had to put forward an agenda of guns for anyone, anywhere, anytime, no questions asked. That is, in part, why we have this culture right now. They also fully aligned themselves with the Republican Party, and in particular, Donald Trump.

The shift in the NRA is also because these gun groups, smaller than the NRA, have sprung up in just about every state in the country. Where I live in Colorado, they’re called the Rocky Mountain Gun Owners. Every state has some version. They’re even further to the right of the NRA. They’re like Gun Owners for America in that they believe that any law at all is an infringement on the Second Amendment. Just as the Republican Party was pulled further right by the Tea Party, the NRA has been pulled right by these smaller, state-based gun organizations.

In the book, you write about new recruits to Moms Demand Action and their astonishment when they make their first visit to their statehouses: “[I]t doesn’t take long for them to realize that many of the lawmakers who represent them aren’t exactly rocket scientists. […] [They are] men who are more interested in power and perks than policy.” This is a problem that also appears to be getting worse, that the “best people” are not representing us.

I worked at the Missouri State House right out of college and I can tell you that it’s the same as it ever was. Except at least we now have more women sitting in statehouses. But I always recommend to people that if they haven’t spent any time in their statehouse, they have to go do it. Because you will realize that you would not trust many of these lawmakers to get you a cup of coffee, let alone make the laws that protect your families and communities. Our chapter leader in North Carolina, when she became a volunteer, she thought she would go to the statehouse and they would want to hear from her. When she realized that wasn’t the case, she decided to run and she won. I’m thrilled to live in Colorado where at least one of our chambers is majority women. I think Nevada, their entire legislative body is majority women. When you look at how this issue polls with women, more women support stronger gun laws than men do and when you move from shaping policy to making it, you’re just going to have that added impact of turbocharging how quickly this issue gets addressed.

You also make the case that stand-your-ground laws have created particularly harmful consequences, especially for people of color. What do you say to a person in a state with a stand-your-ground law that thinks they must have a gun for protection because they are part of a marginalized community in their own city?

Well, first of all, you can’t talk about gun violence in this country without talking about race and social justice. They are tied together. That is because black men — and boys, in particular — are disproportionately impacted by gun violence in this country. The data shows having a gun does not make you safe. In some cases, we are talking about gun violence involving police. There are nearly 400 million guns in this country. If more guns and fewer gun laws made us safer, we would be the safest country in the world. Instead, we have the highest rate of gun homicides of any developed nation. We’re 25 times more likely to be shot and killed in this country. In terms of laws like stand-your-ground that impact people of color, that is because we are encouraging armed vigilantes to shoot first and ask questions later. This happens in a variety of public places. The idea that everyone is going to be armed and that is somehow going to make us safer by resulting in shootouts is just a fallacy. It’s an NRA fantasy.

What about the relationship between guns and misogyny? You receive threats on a near-daily basis and a lot of these threats, especially online, are about the fact that you are a woman. Domestic violence happens everywhere, but in this country it often involves gunfire.

There’s definitely an issue with toxic masculinity in this country. I think Nicholas Kristof [of The New York Times] said it best, “In other countries, brutish husbands put wives in hospitals. In America, they put them in graves.” Every nation is home to domestic abusers. Only in America are they given access to arsenal and ammunition. But in terms of this of this trolling and bullying culture, I received threats of death and sexual violence against me and my daughters within hours of starting that Facebook page. At first it was frightening, but then it became sort of white noise, because I realized the intention is to intimidate or silence me and I just am not willing to do that. I decided a long time ago that if I lose my children, I have nothing left to lose. Now was the time to stand up. If it weren’t for Moms Demand Action, this agenda of the NRA would have sailed through statehouses these last six years. Time was of the essence and this type of bullying eventually became white noise.

After the Christchurch mosque shootings, New Zealand’s Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern took immediate action, which included gun buyback programs and banning military-style semi-automatic weapons along with assault rifles. Do you think the fact that she is a woman was a coincidence in relation to the immediacy of her actions?
No! I believe that because the prime minister is a woman that action was taken so quickly. Obviously, New Zealand has not struggled with an all-powerful gun lobby and it makes it easier for the lawmakers there to make these decisions. They have a different culture. But I think it is an important example of how women who lead with compassion and courage create quick change.

All signs point to the NRA self-immolating from overspending, internal quarrels, and the recent cancellation of NRA-TV, including the dismissal of some of their exorbitantly compensated “personalities.” If the NRA goes away, does the fight still continue in the same manner? What happens if the enemy retreats?
Well, first of all, the NRA has been counted down and out before, as recently as the ’90s. But like cockroaches, the NRA leadership always comes back. What I think happened that has put the NRA in this position now is they thought if they elected a Republican they would pass all the legislation they wanted and would put money in their coffers. That didn’t happen. On top of that, gun manufacturers are at least $100 million in the hole because there is no boogeyman in the White House to make gun owners afraid every time there is a mass shooting that their guns will be taken away. So that has been a really bad recipe for the NRA. They’ve overspent, they’ve misspent, and they’ve mismanaged funds that are no longer coming in the door. Now, what they’re waiting for at this point is to have Democrats in the White House and in Congress so they can again have a boogeyman that makes everyone afraid their guns will be taken. So, while the NRA is at its weakest point, it doesn’t mean, by any means, that they are down and out. There’s always Gun Owners of America waiting in the wings to take on the gun extremists who are unhappy with the NRA. So, we have to keep working, we have to be vigilant, and just like MADD — it took them 10 years to pass the laws they needed to reduce drunk driving deaths, but they still show up in statehouses to protect the gains they’ve made. This work is no different.

You said if you lose your children, you have nothing left to lose. People have gone to Moms Demand Action events with the intent to intimidate, sometimes with open-carry, and you are threatened constantly online. If your own family loses you to a cause, is it worth it to them?

I have to make sure that I don’t sound flippant. I work with gun violence survivors every single day, and the pain and suffering they experience is profound and unimaginable. So I’m not saying that I am some courageous hero who is putting my life on the line. All I’m saying is that there are causes that are so important, that the danger that is inherent is not as important as the cause itself. I am very fortunate in that my family is incredibly supportive, they are very brave, and they allow me to do this work and I don’t have the burden of them being worried. I’m not sure I could do it if they were. I’m not sure it would be fair. But we all made this tacit agreement at the beginning that this is what I was going to do and that I felt good about doing it and that I would take important safety precautions. This cause is my passion.

There’s an old joke that goes something like, “The only people who think about God every day are priests and atheists.” You spend every waking hour thinking about guns, maybe even more than members of the NRA. How does that end up affecting your psyche over time?

I’m a full-time volunteer, and an experience I’ve had over and over is waking up to the news of a horrific shooting tragedy in this country and then my day is done. The rest of the day is going to be reacting to that, doing media, talking about potential solutions based on what happened, and working with volunteers who are in that area. That is a scenario that has played itself out over and over and over again these last six years. Similar to secondhand smoke, in this country, we have secondhand trauma from gun violence because it is so ever-present, especially if you’re doing this volunteer work. I talk in the book a lot about the importance of self-care. I always say this work is a marathon, not a sprint. But it’s also a relay race. You have to pass the baton when it becomes too much. I think we have created a structure among our volunteer chapters where they can step out and back in as they need to. For me, personally, I do a lot of hiking. I meditate. But for reasons I am not very clear on, because I’ve never been personally impacted by gun violence, this is my passion. I wake up and I live, eat, sleep, breathe trying to solve this problem. I’m honored to do the work.

To Restore Peace, Government Must Implement 2014 Confab Report – Ndigbo


President General of Igbo socio-cultural organisation, Ohanaeze Ndigbo, Chief John Nnia Nwodo. Image via The Guardian

‘Attending Peace Meeting With Miyetti Allah, An Insult’



ENUGU (THE GUARDIAN)
-- In the wake of the recent peace parley organised at the instance of former Head of State, Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar, leaders of Ndigbo have asked Nigerians to prevail on the Federal Government to implement resolutions of the 2014 national conference as a way of restoring peace in the country.

Their reason: No sort of peace meeting by any individual or group could usher peace into the country than an implementation of the outcomes of the 2014 confab, which, according to them, was reached by representatives of various ethnic nations and stakeholders that own the country.

The leaders explained that their absence at the peace meeting called on Monday by Abubakar was premised on the perception that lumping ethnic groupings in a meeting with the Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders Association was an insult.

The apex Igbo socio-cultural organisation, Ohanaeze Ndigbo stated that the former head of state was wrong in calling a meeting of ethnic groupings in Nigeria with leaders of the Miyetti Allah, a trade organisation, representing cattle dealers.

The Deputy National Publicity Secretary of Ohanaeze, Chuks Ibegbu said: “Ohanaeze Ndigbo, PANDEF, Afenifere and Middle Belt Forum absented themselves because they were lumped together with Miyetti Allah and killer herdsmen.”

He further said: “We are not against Gen. Abubakar’s move to end the insecurity in Nigeria but things should be done properly. Apex socio-cultural groups in the country should not be expected to be on the same pedestal with an association of Cattle breeders. Miyetti Allah should have a roundtable with fishers, farmers, goat breeders, poultry farmers and artisans who are in same category with them.”

Ibegbu stated that Ohanaeze Ndigbo and other major groups in the country have continued to promote peace, unity and justice, among other ideals that could move the country forward. He explained that various ethnic groups, which presented their positions for a better Nigeria, attended the national confab of 2014.

“Those things have not been implemented and we feel that anyone interested in the peace and security of the country should look at the resolutions reached and pressure the government to implement them.”

In the same vein, former secretary of Ohanaeze Ndigbo, Dr Joe Nworgu, wondered how the resolutions of the meeting by Gen Abdulsalam could be implemented, when it did not have support of the government.

He stated that the decision taken by ethnic groups to boycott the meeting was the best thing to do, “otherwise, the organisers would have succeeded in telling the world that there was nothing left in the ethnic groups.”

He added: “What can we lose, what locus does the meeting have? How can he (Abdulsalam) call a trade group for cow owners to come and have meeting with Afenifere, PANDEF, Ohanaeze, and the Middle Belt Forum? It is an insult to have even thought of it.

“My advice is that he should re-invite the four groups because these people (Miyetti Allah) are already represented by the Arewa Forum and northern elders forum. Miyetti Allah is a recent invention,” he said.

Nworgu, who was a member of the 2014 national conference, insisted that there was no better way of resolving lingering issues in the country than taking another view at the resolutions of that conference, which he said represented the views of Nigerians.

The President emeritus of Aka Ikenga, Chief Goddy Uwazuruike, who dismissed the meeting as a further denigration of the ethnic groups in the country, stated that its motive was revealed by the comments attributed to one of the Media aides to President Buhari.

“I do not think that the meeting set out to achieve any peace or security than to further mock the ethnic regions that make up the country. Ndigbo and other Nigerians have always met and resolved issues plaguing the country. The problem is that those at the leadership seem to have resolved to look away from the issues. Ndigbo are interested in peace and development of the nation and will like anything that could foster it. Doing so does not mean that it should stoop so low to accept anything in the name of peace talk,” he said.

For the National President of Civil Liberties Organisation (CLO), Ibuchukwu Ezike, Abdulsalami, being one of the country’s leaders, need not call a meeting of ethnic nationalities to call the federal government to action over security challenges.

He said that government’s apparent lack of interest in security has now made most regions resolving to oversee security issues by themselves.

Ironsi, Fajuyi & 53 Years Of Unitary System’

Aguiyi-Ironsi


BY MARTINS OLOJA
THE GUARDIAN

There is an issue of historical significance that members of the old and new set-ups in our society can learn from. Barely a week ago, the nation actually marked the 53rd anniversary of the military’s politics of power grab that led to the revenge-seeking counter-coup led by some young officers from the North on July 29, 1966.

Our young ones need to note that the counter-coup led to the assassination of General Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi, the then Head of State and Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces. The Head of State had gone to Ibadan on July 28, 1966 to address a conference of traditional rulers of Western Nigeria and there was a successful counter-coup in the dawn of July 29. In a twist of fate, his chief host in Ibadan, Lt. Col. Adekunle Fajuyi, first Military Governor of Old Western Region who had opportunity to escape, gave his life too and the two of them (General Ironsi & Lt. Col. Fajuyi were killed in a forest along Iwo road, Ibadan. That gruesome episode was 53 years ago old last week.

The anniversary of this tragedy, which some significant colleagues noted last week, is remarkable at such a time like this.

It is still relevant to remind the young ones that though federalism as a bait actually emanated from one of our colonial rulers called Sir Hugh Clifford in 1922, solidified in 1946 by Sir Arthur Richards whose constitution laid the foundation for the prosperous regional governments that built the legacies we still see in the South West, South East and the North till date, the Decree. No 34 of 1966 by AguiyiIronsi killed federalism. And behold, for the past 53 years, death has held federalism captive in the grave.
The anniversary is a sad reminder of the gruesome murder of two young promising officers from the East & the West by their colleagues from the North. And history tells us that two factors could have triggered the reprisal killing in Ibadan that took the lives of the 42 year-old Ironsi and 40 year-old Fajuyi. The first factor fingered then was the bloody overthrow of the civilian regime of Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa’s government, which had taken place six months earlier. The first bloody coup then did not only take the life of Balewa from today’s Bauchi state, many other top functionaries especially of northern extraction, were also killed.

Again, apart from perception that the first coup (January 15, 1966) was led by a group of Igbo soldiers, which was curiously successful in the North and failed in the South, General Ironsi who later became Head of State hailed too from the East: he hailed from Umuahia-Ibeku, present-day Abia State. And this is the origin: On January 14, 1966, soldiers of mostly Igbo extraction led by major Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu, an Igbo from Okpanam, near Asaba in today’s Delta State, literally eliminated the top echelon of politicians from the Northern and Western provinces. This, among other critical factors effectively led to the fall of the then republican government. It was said that though Ironsi was effectively marked for elimination too, he curiously took effective control of Lagos, the federal capital then. And again with the president then Nnamdi Azikiwe, an Igbo refusing to intervene to ensure the survival of civilian rule, Ironsi courageously forced the remnants of the Balewa’s government to resign. After that, he (Ironsi) made the Senate President then Nwafor Orizu, another Igbo, who was serving as acting President in Azikiwe’s absence to surrender power to him. And he (Orizu) did, thus ending the first republic.

That was how Ironsi inherited a deeply divided country worsened by ethnic and religious cleavages. The fact that none of the high-profile casualties of the 1966 first coup were of Igbo origin and most of the beneficiaries of the coup were Igbo fuelled the belief in the North that the whole coup story was an Igbo conspiracy. Though he tried to dispel this notion by doling political appointments to the aggrieved parties, his failure to punish the coup plotters and promulgation of Decree No. 34, which scrapped the country’s federalism structure and adoption of a unitary system confirmed the conspiracy theory in a way.

In any case, this anniversary is not just about Ironsi and how the nation has not significantly appreciated the sacrifice made by Fajuyi from Ado-Ekiti. Rather this Aguiyi-Fajuyi story is to nudge us about the devastating effects of military intervention in Nigerian politics 50 years ago. And it is sad that the consequences will remain with us longer than we expect. What is more, today, one of the state actors of the time – military rule, is Nigeria’s elected president and one of the hot potatoes he still does not like to be discussed is federalism or restructuring. The ancient grudge was 53 years old, last week. And lest we forget, 53 years on, there is still no love lost between the North and the South. Even in politics, the East is also still crying and one of the Oriental brothers who would like people to listen to Radio Biafra for whatever it is worth at such a time like this, is still being held in Abuja by a government headed by a retired General of northern extraction.

And here is the thing: When will Peace and Reconciliation Committee for the purpose of burying the ghosts of January 15 and July 29, 1966 be set up? When will the ‘militicians’ (military politicians) in the country accept responsibility for killing federalism with Decree No.34 50 years ago? When will the people power prevail against Unitary System (we call federal government) that is so entrenched in Abuja where they continue to tell us that Nigeria is not negotiable? When shall we lift the ban imposed on federalism principles by the Generals who have been ruling us and have been helping other lackeys that have been ruining us since 1966?

BIAFRA AND ECHOES OF 1966: Ironsi Exposed My Dad To Coup Plotters — Son Of Ojukwu’s Deputy

Philip Effiong. Image via Vanguard

BY CHARLES KUMOLU, DEPUTY EDITOR
VANGUARD INTERVIEW

This interview with Philip Effiong, II, a Prof of Drama in Michigan State University, whose father, Lt. Col Philip Effiong, was the Second-in-command to then Head of State, defunct Republic of Biafra, Lt.Col Emeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu, brings you face-to-face with many untold events of the Nigerian Civil War. From the position of a witness to history, Effiong corrects some long-held notions about key events during the civil war, with emphasis that the January 15, 1966, coup which some still regard as an Igbo coup wasn’t really the major reason for the massacre of the Igbo during and after the July 29, 1966, counter-coup. His revelations on how the Biafran first families left the break-away republic, his father’s escape from Kaduna, Ojukwu’s conversations with his father, and life as the privileged people in Biafra among others, speak to the futility of war.

Your dad was a Lt Col in the Nigerian Army when the second coup, otherwise known as counter-coup, took place on July 29, 1966. Where precisely was your family and how did your father survive since many officers of Eastern origin were killed?

We lived in a barrack called AN Barracks. It is here in Lagos. When the first coup took place, my father was reposted to the State House under Major General Aguiyi Ironsi, who was the Head of State. He was the Principal Staff Officer to Ironsi. As Principal Staff Officer, his roles were not defined like the Director of Ordinance, which was the position he held before being posted to work with Ironsi. He was trained as an ordinance officer. His posting to the State House almost cost him his life. When he was sent there he learned that the July 29, 1966 Coup was being planned and told his boss, Gen Ironsi. Instead of working with the intelligence, Ironsi brought my father before the Supreme Military Council and asked him to repeat what he told him. That experience was painful to my father and made him a marked man. As an Ibibio, no one could have easily marked my father but what Ironsi did made him a target. From that moment, the planners of the coup considered him a threat to their plans.

If Ironsi had succeeded in thwarting the coup based on the information my father provided, what could have been the fate of people like Gen Theophilus Danjuma, Gen Murtala Mohammed and then Governor of Northern Region, Gen Hassan Katsina among others, who took part in the coup? My father became a targeted man from that day. I am not here to insult anybody but exposing my father to danger for trying to save him was not the right thing for Ironsi to have done. He betrayed my father and posted him to Kaduna to be the acting Commander of the First Brigade. Kaduna was not a place my father wanted to go because he knew what was coming. The coup took place a month after my father was posted to Kaduna and we were in Lagos at the time.

How did he survive in Kaduna when the second coup took place?
He had to go into hiding in Kaduna. We are grateful to a lot people, who helped him to escape. The American Consulate in Kaduna, the Catholic Church and his Brigade Commander, Samuel Ogbemudia saved him from being killed like other officers from Eastern Nigeria. He escaped in disguise from Kaduna to Lagos and we had to leave the barrack. We left the barrack without taking anything along. When we left, the family of another military officer, Col Rudolf Trimnell, harboured us. Col Rudolf Trimnell was from Ukwuani, Igbo-speaking group in Delta State, like my mother but they are also classified as Igbo. He was in hiding but we stayed at the family compound of his wife at Spencer Street, Lagos. His wife is a Yoruba woman. They were gracious but the place was crowded. Food was not a problem but it was difficult feeding many people because the Trimnell children were six and we were seven. That was in addition to other relatives living with them. We didn’t know where my father was and my mother cried everyday thinking he had been killed. That was our situation when the first and second coups took place. Eventually, my father managed to escape to the east. I didn’t know how he made an arrangement for us to take a boat from Lagos to Port Harcourt. The boat that took us was a big boat which was captained by a white man. Till date, I get scared any time there is lightning because of the sounds of shelling I heard during the war. I also got scared any time I found aeroplane flying after the war because of the air raids we witnessed.

I was young and the things I can recall are the things that affected me. Virtually everything about the war affected me. That is why I can tell vivid sad stories of the things that happened during the war.

Some authors, and even eminent people, who gave first-hand information about the war like Frederick Forsyth, Alexander Madiebo, and Nnamdi Azikiwe among others, said Ojukwu literally ran a one-man government in Biafra. What type of working relationship did your dad have with him?

I am sure another opinion of Ojukwu from another person would sound differently. Many people say that. Officers found themselves in a very difficult situation during the crisis. My father joined the army in 1945 before many people joined. He was already an officer before some of them including Gen Yakubu Gowon joined the army. In the picture of Nigeria’s first military officers in 1951, they sat and stood according to their ranks. The highest rank was Major. There were about three Majors and the next in order of seniority were Captains and my father was one of those Captains. The remaining people were Lieutenants and Second Lieutenants. That was where Ojukwu and Gowon belonged. When my father found himself in Biafra, he had to submit himself to Ojukwu, who had been his junior and that is not easy in the military. At that time my father’s concern was not about himself but the welfare of the people. He was not the Second-in-command immediately he found himself in the Biafran Army. He was assigned to different positions. At some point, he headed the Biafran Militia before he was made the Deputy Head of State. The official designation was Chief of General Staff. Brigadier Njoku could have been given the position but he had a fallout with Ojukwu for the reasons we are talking about. Let me give Ojukwu some credits.

We can only imagine what it was like for him as the Governor of Eastern Region to suddenly have a refugee crisis on his hands. How old was he then? He was only 34 years old. They were quite young and did what they could. On that level, he handled the refugee crisis and created a safe passage for non-Igbo to leave the east. Though some people were angry and the house of the Mayor of Enugu, who was a northerner was burnt. When he went to Aburi, he did well by negotiating well. Unfortunately, the federal government revised it because they did not renege completely.

Are you saying the declaration of Biafra was not an immediate result of the failure of the Aburi Accord?

We have to remember that the creation of 12 states by Gowon was the immediate reason for the declaration of Biafra by Ojukwu. The implication of the creation of states was that Ojukwu no longer had the authority to govern the eastern region. The voiding of Ojukwu’s position was not reassuring for the Igbo because Ojukwu was the only one, who spoke for them until that point. The appointment of Ukpabi Asika, someone, who they didn’t know as the Governor of East Central State, was a clear message that their authority in the army was now being removed. That didn’t go down well with the people and they wanted to maintain what was left of their autonomy with this leader they trusted. That was a major reason Biafra was created. Biafra was blessed with respected statesmen like the late Chief Michael Opara, Sir Francis Akanu Ibiam, and Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe among others. The federal side didn’t have much like the eastern region but they had Awolowo, a well-respected man. What did Gowon do? He immediately made him his deputy and listened to his wise counsel. On the side of Gowon, the creation of states was brilliant from military and political standpoints. I don’t believe it was Gowon’s original idea but it showed that he was listening to those, who were more experienced than him, probably, Awolowo. In Biafra, the opposite was happening because most of the eminent people were asking Ojukwu to listen to them. Their argument was that they were not getting a lot of cooperation from Gen Ojukwu. The people who complained were Dr. Opara, Dr. Azikiwe, among others. Azikiwe eventually left Biafra. Essentially, he didn’t only change sides but talked about his problems. Now, this is what he said not what I know. He said it was hard to get along with Ojukwu. He said he had made significant gains in trying to get support for Biafra for some African countries to get a peace deal, but added that Gen Ojukwu was always countering his proposals.

He said Ojukwu believed in a military solution while Biafra didn’t have the military might. The Secretary to the Biafran Government, a man from my place, Mr. N. Akpan, who was very close to Ojukwu also said the same thing in his book. In my father’s book, Nigeria and Biafra: My Story, he also said there were some problems getting Gen Ojukwu to see things differently. It is a common complain. The reason I told the Aburi story is to present a balanced picture because it is not all about condemnation like people tend to do. People look at Ojukwu’s faults and use them to speak completely against Biafra but it goes beyond his personality. My father once talked about how he told Ojukwu that Biafran forces needed to protect Ikot Ekpene which leads to the heart of Biafra. He said when he made the proposal, Ojukwu said maybe Biafra needed reinforcement to protect Nnewi, where he, Ojukwu, hailed from. Ojukwu thought my father made the statement because of the assumption that he was from Ikot Ekpene. We are not from Ikot Ekpene but Ibiono. My grandfather only settled in Ikot Ekpene which is Ananland while Ibiono is Ibibio. Some also said there were problems with the Igbo and minorities in Biafra. These minorities didn’t play minor roles in the war. Some problems arose because some had been given states. It contributed to the saboteur narrative in Biafra. Some non-Igbo were killed by Biafran forces for suspicions of being saboteurs.

Was it like the public execution of Major Emmanuel Ifeajuna and Col Victor Banjo on September 25, 1967?
Ifeajuna and Banjo were even assumed to have plotted a coup against Ojukwu. I am talking about innocent civilians, who were targeted and accused of being sympathetic to the federal troops. They were killed. My father’s younger brother, Etim, who fought for Biafra and rose to the rank of Sergeant, was almost killed. When Ikot Ekpene fell to the federal troops, they were trekking to Umuahia, along the way, a vigilante group stopped them. When Igbo was spoken to them, my father’s younger brother was not able to speak Igbo and they almost killed him. They were just fortunate enough to convince the vigilante members that he was my father’s younger brother. Some would argue that enough was not done in Biafra to consolidate the unity between the Igbo and non-Igbo. The person that suggested the name, Biafra, Chief Opigo was not an Igbo man but Ogoja. My father said he insisted that if the problem was not handled, it would be among the forces that would work against Biafra. Maybe Biafra would have fallen, but that also contributed to the loss of the war. However, I still want people to look at the leader of Biafra from a different angle and not to condemn him.

Would it be safe to say that what made your father’s escape from Kaduna and your family’s refuge at the home of the father of Col Trimnell’s wife was the absence of mistrust among Nigerians at the time?

I agree absolutely because many of the people, who helped my father at the time were not easterners. When he was hiding in Lagos also, a lot of people who helped him were Yoruba. The mistrust was not there but we have increasingly established boundaries among ourselves and it is causing problems. However, we managed to escape and ended up at Ikot Ekpene, which is my parents’ adopted home. Our real home is Ibiono. From there, we went to Enugu. I was there when the war started and when Enugu was shelled.

The January 1966 coup is widely belived to have been conceived by Major Ifeajuna and led by Major Chukwuma Nzeogwu. There were other majors like Timothy Onwuatuegwu, Chris Anuforo, Don Okafor, Humphrey Chukwuka, and Adewale Ademoyega. Some roles were played by some rustics like non-commissioned officers. Does the ethnic composition of the leading actors not justify the labeling of the coup as an Igbo coup?

I am not a fan of Nzeogwu, I am not a fan of Ifeajuna, and I am not a fan of Ademoyega, who were the three principal actors in the January 1966 coup. We talk of others like Nwobosi, and Onwuatuegwu. There are many others that people don’t talk about including Atom Kpera, who later became the military governor of Benue and Anambra states. There were also other non-commissioned officers, who people don’t talk about. The coup can’t be called an Igbo coup because most of the principle players were Igbo-speakers. There is no doubt about that and I am not exonerating them. Therefore, to hold the entire Igbo ethnic nationality responsible for the coup is wrong. We have to look at the real reasons Igbo were slaughtered in the second coup. It is not because of the first coup or the Decree 34 ,Unitarisation Decree, because a lot of people involved in the slaughter of the easterners didn’t even know the tenets of Decree 34 at the time. If that was the case, why did they kill for what they didn’t understand? When people lie about reasons for an atrocity like that, it only creates problems because people become angry and indignant. Even people, who were not born at the time, are going to learn about what happened to their communities, families, businesses and homes and there are going to be reactions. That is why it is important to tell the truth. Some of my greatest heroes are not from my tribe. One of the things the Igbo people have done is that they have excelled tremendously in business and other areas. Before independence, they had excelled in education, sports, military and other sectors of the Nigerian society, They played leading roles everywhere even in the north where they were in the majority of the non-indigenes and were very aggressive commercially before independence. Unfortunately, independence brought rivalry and people became territorial. It was a situation that made the Igbo become very powerful and visible but it created problem because indepence had created new boundaries and rivalries. The prominence of the Igbo became a threat and there was a question of what to do with them. If people are marked for attack or elimination flimsy reasons are always given. Long before the coup, then Premier of Northern Region, Sir Ahmadu Bello, who was very powerful spiritually and politically, in an interview, talked about the Igbo in the north. He complained that the Igbo always wanted to be the head and take charge. If he had said the Igbo in the north were committing crimes, I would have agreed with him but he was saying good things about the Igbo, which to him were reasons they were threats to them in the north. That made me realise that even before the pogroms of 1966, there were already plans to attack the Igbo. The first coup and Decree 34 presented themselves as opportunities to attack the Igbo.

Do you mean the Nzeogwu coup and the Decree 34 , Unitarisation Decree, were not the reasons they struck on July 29, 1966? 

The reasons were that the Igbo were considered as economic and political threats. But the decree and first coup were used as reasons. That was just an excuse and not a justifiable reason. The decree gave many powers to the centre. 

Has it changed?

This question is germane to your concerns about the profiling of the coup as an Igbo coup.

In your conversations with your dad, who was the Director of Ordinance when Nzeogwu carried out Operation Damisa , did he ever mention names of non-Igbo, who were involved in the coup whose names were never made public?
I know I have a list of those involved which is a product of research. The point is that there was a more diverse group of people, but the non-Igbo have been isolated and the focus has been on the Igbo. We should remember that Nzeogwu is from Okpanam—a town close to Asaba. We need to identify the fact that he was of Igbo background, but there were people I met from Igbo-speaking area of Delta who said they are not Igbo. Let us assume that everybody that participated in the coup were Igbo, it is still not enough to call it an Igbo coup. There have been coups in this country that have been affiliated to certain groups but no coup was ever profiled as northern or Hausa coup. There was never an Igbo coup and I hope there would never be. Saying that it is an Igbo coup implies that the Igbo came together, planned and executed the coup. For instance, the fact that Major Ademoyega was involved does not mean that Yoruba people planned the coup. He operated as an individual not as a representative of the Yoruba people. It is obvious that war times are not interesting times.

Was that the case for your family which was the number two family in Biafra after Ojukwu’s family?
There were privileges but we have to look at them within the context of Biafra. When planes came to bomb Biafra, they didn’t look for privileged people to bomb. Everybody was a target. At some point, we were homeless. When Umuahia fell, we were destitutes and were taken in by my father’s first ADC’s family. The father of the ADC kept us in his house. My father’s ADC, Hillary Iroegbulam was a young man then. He is still in New York. We stayed in his father’s house until Owerri was recaptured and we went to Owerri. There was Ojukwu Bunker in Umuahia, which was said to have been the place Ojukwu stayed when Umuahia fell.

Why didn’t your family take refuge there?

That is what people say but if there was a bunker, I never saw it and we didn’t have one. Maybe there was but when Umuahia fell, regardless of the bunker, Ojukwu had to leave Umuahia. There may be truth in some but it is important to verify before believing. For instance, some said he left Biafra with his Mercedes-Benz. The truth is that we left Biafra on cargo planes.

Which of the tiny cargo planes would have contained the Mercedes Benz? When you people were boarding the “last flight in Biafra” at Uli Airstrip, did you leave with Ojukwu?
Towards the end of the war it was clear that Biafra was losing. This talk about Ojukwu leaving Biafra for peace deals was not the case. I am not here to insult anybody but to say the truth. Biafra had engaged in a few peace talks. That was the first time he was going for the purported peace talks with his entire family, including his mother. Everybody that was remotely connected to Ojukwu was flown out of Biafra. When it was clear that he was leaving, he told my father. At the time and my mother was pregnant with my younger sister, Philipa. My father told him that if that if he was leaving for him , my father, to stay back, he must take his wife ,my mother, and her children, which included my older brother, Charles, my younger brother, Francis, I and my cousin, who was staying with us. Prior to this time, some countries were taking Biafrans out as refugees. About a year earlier, my oldest brother and my older sisters were taken out. My siblings were taken to Ireland but I was in Biafra until the last minute with my older brother Charles.

So what was the picture of the last flight from Biafra?
The flight took place before my father announced the surrender of the Biafran forces which ended the 30-month civil war. I remember what happened vividly because it was not planned for us to leave. My [dad] had gone to Ojukwu in Nnewi to make the request for us leave with them. Other people said my father threatened Ojukwu that he must include us among those leaving Biafra with him. The wife of a military officer, who was a colleague of my father, told me that my father had the conversation with his riffle drawn. The woman is old now and lives in Maryland but that was not true. Before our departure, we were in Owerri which had been recaptured by Biafrans and the recapture was a major victory for Biafra. There was a night my father was away and there were explosions. It was common to hear the gunshot sounds but the sounds of the explosion were so loud that we had to leave. My mother had a driver, Goddy. It was a special arrangement because the car belonged to Goddy. We left with the car but we didn’t have a destination. The car was very slow and eventually stopped. We stood at the roadside and saw a convoy of four vehicles coming. We knew it was someone of importance because convoys were used by Ojukwu, my father and Madiebo. We waved and the convoy stopped. My dad emerged from one of the cars. He took us to a place we slept that night before leaving for Nnewi the next day. Nnewi was one of the few places that were never captured by the Nigerian troops.

Was it a stroke of luck that Nnewi was never attacked?

Biafran forces really protected the town because it was a target of the federal troops. Biafran soldiers deserved credit for protecting Nnewi. They also protected the Uli Airstrip. Sometimes when the Airstrip was bombed, Biafran engineers fixed it within three days. Those people deserved credit for their ingenuity. The next day we left for Nnewi. At a point we were driving behind a lorry that was carrying bags of rice. Some of the bags were leaking and were streaking on the roads. People were packing them into their containers. It was a sad sight and showed how people starved in Biafra because I never starved in Biafra. When my mother, older brother, my younger brother, I and my cousin arrived at Ojukwu’s personal house in Nnewi, I was shocked. They took us into the house and I saw children playing with toys that I had never seen since the war started. I am talking of cars and aeroplanes running with batteries. They gave me Bournvita that I had never drank since the war started and I drank it and felt as if I was in heaven. My brother and I were not comfortable there and they took us outside where we sat. At that point, they were making plans for us to leave with Ojukwu’s family. In that house all Ojukwu’s relatives were there, meaning that they had assembled. The plan was to evacuate them. It was at that point that my father made the request. We were there and his official car drove in at some point. It was so strange that he came and left without speaking to us. Apparently that was when they concluded the negotiations of our exit inside Ojukwu’s house. We didn’t know what was happening. In the night, they put us in a car and took us somewhere. As we were driving, we got to a place where some people with torch-light asked us to turn off our light. The place turned out to be the Airstrip. I saw cargo planes with two propellers with no seats inside. There was a ladder leaning on the aeroplane and people were climbing. I can recall Ojukwu’s mother who was an elderly woman, having problems while climbing the ladder. After struggling, she entered the plane, and they invited us to climb the ladder. We didn’t have any property with us. We flew the same plane with Ojukwu’s mother. We left two days before Ojukwu. We landed at Sao Tome. From there, people started going to different places, because there was really no plan. 

You said your plane landed at Sao Tome but Ojukwu departed Biafra for Ivory Coast, How come? 

We joined Ojukwu later in Ivory Coast but we first stayed in Sao Tome, after which we left for France and Portugal because there were no plans. These countries were sympathetic to Biafra. I had a Biafran passport but didn’t know what we were travelling with. We ended up in Bourke, Ivory Coast where his family was staying. Ojukwu was staying in Yamoussoukro where Felix Houphouët-Boigny hailed from. We visited him once but his family stayed in Bourke with us. We used to go to school in a refugee camp. I am grateful to Ivory Coast because if not for what it did, those children taken from Biafra would have died of Kwashiokor. Some of the children were able to trace their families while others didn’t return and integrated into the country. That is why I believe that there are descendants of Biafra in Ivory Coast. We stayed there until the war ended. Based on the instructions my mother gave my brother and I, we flew to Ireland where we stayed.

 As of late 1968 and 1969, it was obvious that Biafra was losing the war. Now, in your conversations with your dad, did he ever say that the war was fought with the conviction that the war would end in favour of Biafra? 

When Biafra started, it didn’t have resources in terms of trained soldiers and weapons of war. That was always source of concern but as a Biafran, my father and other Biafrans felt it was a just cause and they felt they had the right to defend themselves. Along the way, a number of them believed there would be some international interventions. I am not going to say that there wasn’t any belief because people thought they would be able to defend themselves. A number of people also didn’t imagine that Gowon would use maximum force against Biafrans. At the initial stage people volunteered to join the army but as at 1968, people were conscripted into the army. That showed that the morale was dropping.

9 Killed In Ohio In Second US Mass Shooting Within 24 Hours

Shoes are piled outside the scene of a mass shooting including Ned Peppers bar, Sunday, Aug. 4, 2019, in Dayton, Ohio. Several people in Ohio have been killed in the second mass shooting in the U.S. in less than 24 hours, and the suspected shooter is also deceased, police said. (AP Photo/John Minchillo)

BY DAN SEWELL, JOHN MINCHILLO

DAYTON, OHIO (AP)
— A gunman wearing body armor and carrying extra magazines opened fire in a popular nightlife area of Dayton, Ohio, killing nine and injuring dozens, authorities say, in the second U.S. mass shooting in less than 24 hours.

Dayton police patrolling the area responded in less than a minute to the shooting, which unfolded around 1 a.m. Sunday on the streets of the Oregon District, Dayton Mayor Nan Whaley said at a press conference.

Whaley said if the police had not responded so quickly, “hundreds of people in the Oregon District could be dead today.”

The Oregon District is a historic neighborhood that Lt. Col. Matt Carper described as “a safe part of downtown,” home to entertainment options, including bars, restaurants and theaters.

The gunman, who has not been identified by authorities, was shot to death by responding officers. Whaley said he was carrying a .223-caliber rifle and had additional high-capacity magazines with him. Police believe there was only one shooter, and have not yet identified the suspect or a motive.

At least 26 others are being treated at area hospitals, though no details about their conditions have been released.

Miami Valley Hospital spokeswoman Terrea Little said the hospital had received 16 victims, but she couldn’t confirm their conditions. Kettering Health Network spokeswoman Elizabeth Long said multiple victims from a shooting had been brought to system hospitals, but she didn’t have details on how many.

Nikita Papillon, 23, was across the street at Newcom’s Tavern when the shooting started. She said she saw a girl she had talked to earlier lying outside Ned Peppers Bar.

“She had told me she liked my outfit and thought I was cute, and I told her I liked her outfit and I thought she was cute,” Papillon said. She herself had been to Ned Peppers the night before, describing it as the kind of place “where you don’t have to worry about someone shooting up the place.”

“People my age, we don’t think something like this is going to happen,” she said. “And when it happens, words can’t describe it.”

Tianycia Leonard, 28, was in the back, smoking, at Newcom’s. She heard “loud thumps” that she initially thought was people pounding on a dumpster.

“It was so noisy, but then you could tell it was gunshots and there was a lot of rounds,” Leonard said.

President Donald Trump has been briefed on the shooting and praised law enforcement’s speedy response in a tweet Sunday morning.

Gov. Mike DeWine issued his own statement before 7 a.m., announcing that he’s ordered flags in Ohio remain at half-staff and offered assistance to Whaley.

“Fran and I are absolutely heartbroken over the horrible attack that occurred this morning in Dayton, the statement said. “We join those across Ohio and this country in offering our prayers to victims and their families.”

The FBI is assisting with the investigation. A family assistance center was set up at the Dayton Convention Center.

The Ohio shooting came hours after a young man opened fire in a crowded El Paso, Texas, shopping area, leaving 20 dead and more than two dozen injured. Just days before, on July 28, a 19-year-old shot and killed three people, including two children, at Northern California’s Gilroy Garlic Festival.

Sunday’s shooting in Dayton is the 22nd mass killing of 2019 in the U.S., according to the AP/USA Today/Northeastern University mass murder database that tracks homicides where four or more people killed — not including the offender. The 20 mass killings in the U.S. in 2019 that preceded this weekend claimed 96 lives.

The shooting in Dayton comes after the area was heavily damaged when tornadoes swept through western Ohio in late May, destroying or damaging hundreds of homes and businesses.

“Dayton has been through a lot already this year, and I continue to be amazed by the grit and resiliency of our community,” Whaley said.

___

This story has been corrected to say the shooting took place around 1 a.m., not 1:22 a.m., per a Dayton police update.



Saturday, August 03, 2019

Texas Governor: 20 dead in El Paso shopping center shooting

People walk into an elementary school to look for loved ones near the site of a shooting at a shopping mall in El Paso, Texas, on Saturday, Aug. 3, 2019. Several people were killed in the shooting Saturday in a busy shopping area in the Texas border town. (AP Photo/Rudy Gutierrez)


BY CEDAR ATTANASIO, MICHAEL BALSAMO, DIANA HEIDGERD

EL PASO, TEXAS (AP)
— A young gunman opened fire in an El Paso, Texas, shopping area packed with as many as 3,000 people during the busy back-to-school season Saturday, leaving 20 dead and more than two dozen injured.

Gov. Greg Abbott called the incident in the Texas border city “one of the most deadly days in the history of Texas.” Police said authorities were investigating if it was a hate crime.

The suspect was arrested without incident outside the Walmart near the Cielo Vista Mall, said El Paso Police Chief Greg Allen. Two law enforcement officials who spoke to The Associated Press on condition of anonymity identified the suspect as 21-year-old Patrick Crusius. El Paso police didn’t release his name at a news conference but confirmed the gunman is from Allen, near Dallas.

Many of the victims were shot at the Walmart, police said.

“The scene was a horrific one,” said Allen, adding that many of the 26 people who were hurt had life-threatening injuries.

The chief said police found a post online possibly written by the suspect.

“Right now we have a manifesto from this individual that indicates, to some degree, it has a nexus to potential hate crime,” Allen said.

The shooting came less than a week after a gunman opened fire on a California food festival. Santino William Legan, 19, killed three people and injured 13 others last Sunday at the popular Gilroy Garlic Festival, and died of a self-inflicted gunshot wound.

El Paso, which has about 680,000 residents, is in West Texas and sits across the border from Ciudad Juarez, Mexico.

Residents quickly volunteered to give blood to the injured after the shooting, and police and military members were helping people look for missing loved ones.

“It’s chaos right now,” said Austin Johnson, an Army medic at nearby Fort Bliss, who volunteered to help at the shopping center and later at a school serving as a reunification center.

Adriana Quezada, 39, said she was in the women’s clothing section of Walmart with her two children when she heard gunfire.

“But I thought they were hits, like roof construction,” she said of the shots.

Her 19-year-old daughter and 16-year-old son threw themselves to the ground, then ran out of the store through an emergency exit. They were not hurt, Quezada said.

She said she saw four men, dressed in black, moving together firing guns indiscriminately. Police later said they believed the suspect, who was armed with a rifle, was the only shooter.

Ryan Mielke, a spokesman for University Medical Center of El Paso, said 13 of the injured were brought to the hospital with injuries, including one who died. Two of the injured were children who were being transferred to El Paso Children’s Hospital, he said. He wouldn’t provide additional details on the victims.

Eleven other victims were being treated at Del Sol Medical Center, hospital spokesman Victor Guerrero said. Those victims’ ages ranged from 35 to 82, he said.

President Donald Trump tweeted: “God be with you all!”

At a candidate forum Saturday in Las Vegas, presidential candidate and former Texas congressman Beto O’Rourke, who is from El Paso, appeared a bit shaken after news of the shooting in his hometown was reported. The Democrat said the shooting shatters “any illusion that we have that progress is inevitable” on tackling gun violence.

He said he heard early reports that the shooter might have had a military-style weapon, saying we need to “keep that (expletive) on the battlefield. Do not bring it into our communities.”

El Paso Mayor Dee Margo said he knew the shooter was not from his town.

“It’s not what we’re about,” he said at the news conference with the governor and police chief. El Paso is nearly a 10-hour drive from Allen.

In the hours after the shooting, authorities blocked streets near a home in Allen that is associated with the suspect. Officers appeared to speak briefly with a woman who answered the door of the gray stone house and later entered the residence.

El Paso has become a focal point of the immigration debate, drawing Trump in February to argue that walling off the southern border would make the U.S. safer, while city residents and O’Rourke led thousands on a protest march past the barrier of barbed wire-topped fencing and towering metal slats.

O’Rourke stressed that border walls haven’t made his hometown safer. The city’s murder rate was less than half the national average in 2005, the year before the start of its border fence. Before the wall project started, El Paso had been rated one of the three safest major U.S. cities going back to 1997.

Heidi Beirich, director of the Southern Poverty Law Center’s Intelligence Project, also said the El Paso shooting suspect wasn’t on her group’s radar screen prior to the shooting.

“We had nothing in our files on him,” Beirich wrote in an email.

The shooting is the 21st mass killing in the United States in 2019, and the fifth public mass shooting. Before Saturday, 96 people had died in mass killings in 2019 — 26 of them in public mass shootings.

The AP/USATODAY/Northeastern University mass murder database tracks all U.S. homicides since 2006 involving four or more people killed, not including the offender, over a short period of time regardless of weapon, location, victim-offender relationship or motive. The database shows that the median age of a public mass shooter is 28, significantly lower than the median age of a person who commits a mass shooting of their family.

Since 2006, 11 mass shootings — not including Saturday’s — have been committed by men who are 21 or younger.

This story has been corrected to show that the suspect’s last name is Crusius, not Crucius.

Balsamo reported from Orlando, Florida, and Heidgerd from Dallas. Associated Press writers Martha Irvine in Chicago, Eric Tucker in Washington, D.C., Michelle L. Price in Las Vegas, Jeff Karoub in Detroit and Jake Bleiberg in Allen, Texas, contributed. AP data editor Meghan Hoyer also reported from Washington, D.C.

Priest’s Murder: Ohanaeze Youths Plan Killer Herdsmen’s Eviction From Forests


Image: Punch

BY MUDIAGA AFFE

ENUGU (PUNCH) -- The youth wing of the Ohanaeze Ndigbo on Saturday said it would intensify efforts to flush out killer herdsmen from the forests in all the 95 local government areas in the South East.

The move, according to the President-General of the Ohanaeze Ndigbo Youth Council Worldwide, Okechukwu Isiguzoro, is necessitated by the killing of a Catholic Priest, Rev. Fr. Paul Offu, by suspected herdsmen along the Ihe-Agbudu Road in Agwu LGA of Enugu State on August 1.

He said plans were allegedly underway to kill more church leaders in the South East, urging that steps be taken to avert the impending negative development.

To address the situation, Isiguzoro urged Igbo youths, all Biafra agitators and volunteer security groups to enter the forests to flush out killer herdsmen in the South East.

He said, “We read with rude shock the murder of a Catholic priest, Rev. Fr. Paul Offu, who was shot dead by hoodlums suspected to be the notorious and murderous Fulani herdsmen along Ihe-Agbudu Road in Agwu LGA on August 1, 2019. This is a calculated but provocative action with evil intent aimed at rubbishing the proposed establishment of forest guards and Community Neighbourhood Watch by the South East governors.

“With the rising tensions in Southern Nigeria, it is time for us to flush out all the remnants of killer herdsmen hiding in all the forestry reserve areas across the 95 LGAs of South East. This is a Clarion call on Igbo youths, all Biafra agitators and volunteer groups to do the needful across the bushes and forests in search of the killer herdsmen in the South East in bid to flush them out.

“These volunteer youths will serve as temporary Forestry Guardsmen until we pressurise the South East governors to fund them. Their mandate will be to take decisive actions against any armed herdsman found and should be handed over to security agents.”

The Ohanaeze youths also called on the federal government, especially the office of the Vice President, to protect Christians all over the country, adding that there might be deliberate plans to unleash terror on the church leaders in Southern Nigeria.

He also warned that there might soon be revolt along religious and ethnic lines in the country, adding that there was the need to beef up security around churches nationwide.

He also called for the unconditional release of the abducted ministers of the Redeemed Christian Church of God who were waylaid along the Ijebu-Ode axis of the Sagamu-Benin highway while on their way to attend a church conference at the RCCG Camp.

Police: Deaths, Injuries In Texas Shopping Complex Shooting

Police in El Paso, Texas, on Saturday said they received reports of multiple shooters at a shopping complex and are urging the public to stay away from the area. (August 3)

BY CEDAR ATTANASIO

EL PASO, TEXAS (AP)
— Multiple people were killed and injured and at least one person was in custody after a shooting rampage Saturday at a shopping mall, police in the Texas border town of El Paso said.

Police responded in the early afternoon to an active shooter scene at the Cielo Vista Mall, which is near Interstate 10 on east side of the city, and were advising people to stay away from the area.

Shortly after, Sgt. Enrique Carrillo, a police spokesman, said there were multiple victims, that a suspect was in custody and there was no longer danger to the public.

El Paso, which has about 680,000 residents, is in West Texas and sits across the border from Juarez, Mexico.

Texas Gov. Greg Abbott called the shooting “a heinous and senseless act of violence” and said the state had deployed a number of law enforcement officers to the city.

A family of three was one of a dozen waiting outside a local bus station, trying to get back to their car, in blocked-off Walmart parking lot.

“I heard the shots but I thought they were hits, like roof construction,” said Adriana Quezada, 39, who was in Walmart with in the women’s clothing section with her two children.

She said she saw four men, dressed in black, wearing shirts, moved together firing guns indiscriminately.

“I saw four men, shooting everywhere,” Quezada said “I told my son, those are gunshots.”

Her daughter, 19, and son, 16, threw themselves in the ground, then ran out of the Walmart through an emergency exit. They were unhurt.

White House staff said President Trump was briefed on the shooting and spoke about it with Attorney General Barr and Governor Abbott.

Presidential candidate and former Texas congressman Beto O’Rourke appeared a bit shaken as he appeared at a candidate forum in Las Vegas on Saturday shortly after news of the shooting in his hometown was reported.

O’Rourke said he had called his wife before taking the stage and said the shooting shatters “any illusion that we have that progress is inevitable” on tackling gun violence.

The Democrat said he’d heard early reports that the shooter might have had a military-style weapon, saying we need to “keep that (expletive) on the battlefield and do not bring it into our communities.”

“We have to find some reason for optimism and hope or else we consign ourselves to a future where nearly 40,000 people are year will lose their lives to gun violence and I cannot accept that,” O’Rourke said.

Nigeria’s Federal Police Force Has Failed, But What Does History Say About Local Forces?

The Dogarai police system was reformed in 1907 to become the Native Authority Police Force. Wikimedia Commons BY SAHEED BALOGUN AMUSA PROFES...