Northern Muslims and the Nigerian Civil War: Between Achebe and other Igbo intellectuals

BY IBRAHEEM A. WAZIRI/THE GUARDIAN NIGERIA

It’s just that ignorance reign in Nigeria or our public intellectuals do not have passion for details and deep philosophical enquiry into the nature and realities of our socio-cultural formation and its history for the best of their opinions. These can be the only open and not so stretched explanations to Chinua Achebe’s blatant, below status and insincere depiction of the Nigerian Civil War of 1967 to 70 in the light of a so called jihadist expansionist goal of Muslims of northern Nigeria. The opinion summary of his latest book, There Was a Country, as he published in The Guardian of London Tuesday, 2nd 2012, make bold this meaningless assertion:

“But if the diabolical disregard for human life seen during the war was not due to the northern military elite’s jihadist or genocidal obsession, then why were there more small arms used on Biafran soil than during the entire second world war? Why were there 100,000 casualties on the much larger Nigerian side compared with more than 2 million–mainly children–Biafrans killed?”

Needless to mention that Achebe is not alone in this kind of portrayal that is typical of recent Igbo ‘intellectuals’ when it comes to discussing the civil war. The task of re-educating them and the crop of their students is therefore necessary if the dream of a greater Nigeria in fair neighbourliness is to be realised.

Yes, northern Nigerians are mainly and majorly proud and faithful Muslims with unique culture and a record of close interactions with other world civilisations since time. They have for long known and understood that not everybody must look like them or believe in what they believed in, before peace, social cohesion and fair neighborliness are justifiably established. In fact it can be authoritatively said that northern Nigeria of the 1960s, formed one the most cosmopolitan and accommodating social spaces in the whole world.

When the former Ghanaian president Kwame Nkrumah wanted to initiate and draft then Nigeria’s Prime Minister Abubakar Tafawa Balewa and the Premier of the Northern Region Ahmadu Bello into his Pan-Africanism, they clearly told him that they were not racists and believed in the universal nature of truth, justice, fairness and equality of humankind regardless of race or ethnicity and that reflected the way they managed northern Nigeria and the country in general.

It was this world-view with its values and norms guiding intra and inter-pinning of human relations that saw a northern Nigeria of the 1960s as a home to many Igbo. In modern history the top one percent of the most literate and influential Igbo personalities once lived in northern Nigeria or spoke Hausa, the dominant language in the North. It was here that Major Chukuma Kaduna Nzeogwu’s parents settled and gave birth to him in 1937. He grew up with all opportunities unhindered and got the award of love, justice and trust of the then Premier of the Northern Region, Sir Ahmadu Bello until he finally, easily and safely got access to him, in the night, in his house, in the privacy of his bedroom and killed him in front of his wife with no struggle, no any suspecting guard to check him or even ask him hard questions. It is finished. Brutus killed his Caesar in cold blood of treachery, hatred and breach of trust. Describing a similar situation in the same operation kill, where Major Ifeajuna, an Igbo soldier and Major Nzeagwu’s co-kill planner and partner, shot Brigadier Maimalari, Bernard Odogwu, an Igbo Nigerian diplomat at the times of the events, in his book, No Place to Hide - Crises and Conflicts inside Biafra, clearly put it, “I am particularly shocked at the news that Major Ifeajuna personally shot and killed his mentor, Brigadier Maimalari. My God! That must have been Caesar and Brutus come alive...”

What then could have been the fate of other Igbo in many parts of the North who enjoyed the same love, trust and protection of the other northerners who began to see a new streak of arrogance, condescension in the behavior of the Igbo, who were illusioned in the new leadership of General Ironsi to the extent that, as told by our parents, they used to mock the northerners, imitating the cries and squeaks of Abubakar Tafawa Balewa before he died in the hands of Major Ifeajuna. Still Igbo intellectuals engage in this mockery as the Nigerian military historian Max Siollun, recently re-told the story of Nzeogwu’s kill, which clearly portrayed Ahmadu Bello as a coward and a simpleton, who hide behind his wife when he saw that Nzeagwu was certain to get him. These provocations and the details of stories such as captured by David Muffett, a British colonial officer who wrote the account of the 1966 coup in a book titled, Let Truth Be Told, outlining the Igbo elite’s detailed plan to take control of not only the political structures but even the social structures of the North by killing all the then northern emirs in the final.

Some including Achebe are still contesting that the kill was not an Igbo carefully planned affair but rather a coup plotted against all Nigerian leaders of then. Yet all Igbo in prominent positions were missed in the fire and it was said Dr. Nnamdi Azikwe was missed because he was out of the country for a medical checkup. The question is could they have missed Sir Ahmadu Bello or Abubakar Tafawa Balewa if any was on a medical trip or they would have postponed the operations for more appropriate date that would guarantee and ensure an all inclusive kill?

Yet, the pogroms that followed the events and the civil war were unfortunate (more objective details of which were written by Elechi Amadi in Sunset at Biafra). But the characterisation of northerners as Muslim jihadists who were already prepared and ready to stage a ‘holy jihad’ against Igbo, as a reason for the war is very untrue and intellectually insincere. Just because Igbo intellectuals have to find reasons then it doesn’t mean every reason must be dashed out. Just because they need someone to blame doesn’t mean the 21st century image of fundamentalist Islam must be projected backward into the story of Nigeria to justify a perspective.

Besides what religion did the major actors of the war on the federal side professed? General Yakubu Gowon, General Theopilus Danjuma and General Joseph Garba, were Christians. Chief Awolowo, the intellectual architect of the war was a Christian. General Olusegun Obasanjo and General Adekunle were all not northerners. The prominent name in the commands that is a core Muslim northerner was only General Murtala Muhammed. Even if all the others were Muslims, what sense could it have made for the Muslims to have fought the Igbo only to establish the leadership of General Yakubu Gowon who was a Christian, the same and only reason they supposedly could have fought the Igbo? Gowon enjoyed the support of all Muslim northerners as my good friend Alhaji Yakubu Musa, currently a media assistant to President Goodluck Jonathan, who is from a devout Muslim family, once mentioned how he was named Yakubu in celebration of Gowon’s visit to Kano on a day that coincided with his birthday.

No. The truth of the matter is Igbo betrayed the trust given to them in the then northern Nigeria by the singular act of betrayal of Nzeagwu on Ahmadu Bello and the subsequent poor management of their relationship with their hosts that bred suspicion of complicity in the plans of the kill and a thought of greater conspiracy.

The way forward is not to employ a wider and more efficient propaganda machinery to score cheap sympathy and sponsor the production of a sensationalist movie in the Holly Wood, Tears of the Sun, starring Bruce Willis and displaying that northern Nigerian Muslim Hausa will attempt to do the same in the present Nigeria and in the recent future and can be stopped only by the Americans.

The way forward is to always tell the truth, accept faults, take responsibilities for errors and constantly preach the gospel of keeping trust, commitments and fair neighbourliness. Let’s make the younger generation and the entire world know that we are one in Nigeria and the top one per cent of Igbo most informed political and public intellectuals lived in the North or even spoke Hausa.

This ranging from Chinua Achebe himself, Cyprian Ekwensi, Major Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeagwu, General Emeka Ojukwu or Dr. Nnamdi Azikwe. Cyprian Ekwensi even copied and translated the literary work of my uncle; John Tafida Umaru titled, Jiki Magayi, from Hausa to English, titled it, African Night Entertainment, and dubbed it his own without acknowledgement, adding to his literary stock, achievement and fame. The world must know the good contribution their living in the North and speaking its language brought into their skills and perspectives, that, which won them the accolades they so celebrate and rejoice in, today. A fact, which they and their friends always want to hide!

MS-13 Labeled an International Crime Group by Treasury

Ultra-Violent Gang’s Cash, Assets Targeted for Seizure

ASSOCIATED PRESS

United States Agency for International Development (USAID) Administrator, Dr. Rajiv Shah, sitting left, and Los Angeles Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa sign a Memorandum of Understanding with USAID, a $1.5 million grant from the Department of Justice to share best practices for gang reduction, during a news conference in Los Angeles Thursday, Oct. 11, 2012. Standing rear, from left: Contance Rice, Co-Director Advancement Project, LAPD Chief Charlie Beck, and Guillermo Cespedes, Los Angeles Deputy Mayor in charge of the Gang Reduction and Youth Development program. (AP Photo/Damian Dovarganes)

WASHINGTON (AP) -- The Obama administration declared the ultra-violent street gang MS-13 to be an international criminal group on Thursday, an unprecedented crackdown targeting the finances of the sprawling U.S. and Central American gang infamous for hacking and stabbing victims with machetes.

The Treasury Department formally designated MS-13, or Mara Salvatrucha, a transnational criminal organization. The aim is to freeze it out of the U.S. financial system and seize what are estimated to be millions of dollars in criminal profits from drug and human smuggling and other crimes committed in this country.

The gang was founded by immigrants fleeing El Salvador's civil war more than two decades ago. Its founders took lessons learned from that brutal conflict to the streets of Los Angeles and built a reputation as one of the most ruthless and sophisticated street gangs, according to Immigration and Customs Enforcement Special Agent Jason Shatarsky.

With as many as 10,000 members in 46 states, the gang has expanded far beyond its initial roots. Members are accused of major crimes including murder, kidnapping, prostitution, drug smuggling and human trafficking.

The group established itself in Los Angeles before spreading across the U.S., said Shatarsky, an MS-13 expert assigned to ICE's national gang unit. The group's violence - using a machete to hack a victim to death or shooting someone in the head in broad daylight, for instance - surprised authorities and even rival gangs.

"They saw a level of violence that hadn't been seen before," Shatarsky said, adding that as the gang has expanded it has also become more sophisticated than many rivals.

The gang, which is allied with several of Mexico's warring drug cartels, has a strong presence in Southern California, Washington and Northern Virginia, all areas with substantial Salvadoran populations. Shatarsky said its members target residents and business owners for extortion, among other crimes. The gang is also active throughout Central America and in parts of Mexico. Authorities in Europe have reported evidence of MS-13 expanding operations there.

Among the most high-profile killings attributed to MS-13 in Virginia was the 2003 slaying of a pregnant teenager who had become an informant. Brenda Paz, 17, was stabbed to death and her body was left along the banks of the Shenandoah River. Gang members have also been linked to the 2007 execution style shooting deaths of three friends in a schoolyard in Newark, N.J. One victim was slashed with a machete before being shot. Six people have been charged in the case.

By labeling MS-13 an international criminal organization subject to sanctions by the Treasury Department's Office of Foreign Assets Control, the government hopes to stymie the gang's ability to funnel money back to its leaders in El Salvador or launder criminal proceeds through otherwise legitimate businesses.

George Grayson, an expert on Mexico's Los Zetas drug cartel who has also studied other criminal organizations, said the Treasury sanctions are likely to be successful throttling the group's finances in the U.S. but may not affect its operations in El Salvador or the rest of Central America. With the gang having significant numbers of members operating outside the U.S., he said, it may be hard to have as significant an impact as the government wants.
"You've got to have cooperation with the Central American authorities," said Grayson, a professor at the College of William & Mary and a senior associate at the Center for Strategic & International Studies in Washington.
The Treasury Department's undersecretary for terrorism and financial intelligence, David S. Cohen, said that while no specific members of the gang have been listed as part of the group's sanction, anyone identified as a gang member or associate trying to do business with gang members could be subject to criminal prosecution.

The government is also making it more difficult for gang members to use banks and wire transfer services to move profits from the group's crimes.

ICE Director John Morton described the designation as a "powerful weapon" for his agency's effort to dismantle the gang. The action "allows us to strike at the financial heart of MS-13," he said.

Other international criminal groups that have been subject to similar sanctions by the Treasury Department include the Yakuza, a Japanese organized crime group, and the ruthless Mexican drug cartel, Los Zetas.

BOOK REVIEW: My First Coup d'Etat, by Ghana's accidental president

BY SIMON ALLISON/DAILY MAVERICK

Ghana's President John Dramani Mahama

Very few leaders can meet the demanding challenges of both politics and prose. John Mahama, Ghana’s president, is one of them. SIMON ALLISON reviews his evocative memoirs, which should be required reading for anyone trying to understand where Ghana went wrong – and what Mahama might do about it.

I tried and failed to get even a glimpse of the exterior of Osu Castle, the president’s residence in Accra, Ghana. As I approached the building, I was stopped on its periphery by two burly guards who were happy to chat with me about world politics but weren’t going to allow me even a foot closer to the centre of power. Turns out I didn’t need their permission. If books are a window into the soul – and they surely are – John Dramani Mahama’s memoirs are a floor-to-ceiling glass pane, offering an unrivalled insight into the mind of the Ghanaian president.

This is an accident. Mahama wasn’t president when he wrote it, nor when it was published in July. At that time, he was deputy to John Atta Mills and expecting at least another term as backup. Then Mills died, without much warning, and Mahama was thrust into the global spotlight. He was swiftly confirmed as president and as party leader and will contest the elections at the end of this year, which are expected to be very tightly fought.

Outside of Ghana, not all that much is known about Mahama, except that he is a teacher turned career politician and a loyal member of the ruling party. His book, My First Coup d’État, fills in some of these gaps.

It is clearly aimed at an international audience. Some of the more laborious passages come when Mahama is filling in the basics of his country’s political history, or explaining terms and concepts that would be obvious to any Ghanaian. As foreigners, however, we need the explanations, and some of them form the basis for fascinating anecdotes in their own right. You know those large, square plastic bags that are ubiquitous across the continent? The colourful ones with the chequered patterns that can, if required, magically accommodate the contents of an entire household? In Nigeria, these are called “Ghana must go” bags, because that’s what Ghanaian refugees used to carry their things when they were unceremoniously booted out of Nigeria in the 1970s.

Mahama’s pain as he describes this incident is clear, especially given that many of these refugees still felt unable to return to Ghana. “Things had come to this,” he writes. “The feeling that life anywhere else, no matter how dangerous it was to get there or how difficult it was to live there, was better than life in Ghana, the home we had all once loved and cherished and had never before dreamt of leaving.”

Mahama was born just a year after Ghana achieved its independence in 1957, and his coming of age – as told in a series of loosely connected, almost fable-like stories – mirrors Ghana’s own development. In the good days, as Kwame Nkrumah is promising his African renaissance and Ghana is revelling in its new found freedom, Mahama is the most promising son of a wealthy minister, spending his time shuttling in a chauffeur-driven car between his elite boarding school and his various houses.

His family’s wealth and prosperity is relative, of course. “Only a few houses in town, the houses of affluent people were roofed with corrugated iron sheets. Ours was one of them.”

Things swiftly go downhill for Ghana and its future president. Nkrumah is overthrown and a seven-year-old Mahama, accompanied by a school matron, has to wander the streets of Accra looking for his father, who has been arrested. This is the first coup d’état referenced in the title, and it is followed in due course by a second and a third. Political instability and misguided leadership destroys Ghana’s promising economy and throws Mahama’s family into chaos, and as he grows up he is looking for other political models.

It’s the middle of the Cold War, and socialism is the most obvious alternative. There’s only one problem, as far as Mahama is concerned: how to reconcile his leftist leanings with his obviously bourgeois background and his father’s new career as an enormously wealthy rice producer?

In fact, Mahama’s father looms large in the narrative, much as it does in another presidential memoir: Barack Obama’s Dreams from my Father. Unlike Obama, Mahama doesn’t delve at all into his father’s failings, choosing instead to present him as a wise, gentle patriarch. This doesn’t always ring true. Questions left unanswered include how Mahama senior obtained a lucrative rice export licence during a notoriously corrupt period of Ghanaian history; why he couldn’t keep a marriage together; and what exactly persuaded him to give away one of his sons to a British couple.

This criticism aside, Mahama’s is an engaging, eloquent and very readable memoir. As a person, he has experienced many of the issues which have stunted African development for so long: coups, corruption, closed borders, xenophobia, economic stagnation and autocracy. He has lived through all this, and recognized the flaws in the system. On this evidence, it is hard to think he will make the same mistakes as a politician.

NIGERIA: Court Remands Oil Subsidy Scam Suspects In Custody

The Lagos Margistrate Court presided by Margistrate Martins Owunmi Thursday, October 11, 2012, ordered the Special Fraud Unit of the Nigeria Police Force to remand Dr. Patrick Ubah and his four employees in custody for economic sabotage in an ongoing investigation in "obtaining money by false pretense, stealing the property of Nigeria, money laundry and forgery. Ubah and his workers -- the Head of Trading, Nsikan Usoro; the Depot Manager, Godfrey Okorie; General Manager, Operations, Chibuzor Ogbuokiri; and the Executive Director, Operations, Orji Anayo -- have been accused of fifty-six billion naira fuel subsidy scam.

In another related separate incident at the same court, Owunmi also ordered the Special Fraud Unit of the Nigeria Police Force to remand Abdulkabir Aliu, Managing Director and Chief Executive of Matrix Energy Limited; his Operations manager, Yusuf Oyilola and his accountant, Adewale Akinde, for fifteen days until the ongoing investigation in an alleged over thirteen billion naira fraud is completed.

Meanwhile, the suspects who have not been charged with any offense were entitled to apply for bail before expiration of the remand order, said Owunmi, scheduling both cases for next hearing on October 31, 2012.

I Won Imo Governorship Poll in 2011, Says Ohakim

A THIS DAY NEWSPAPER INTERVIEW

Former Imo State Governor, Chief Ikedi Ohakim, finally broke his silence after over one year of leaving office. In this exclusive interview with Amby Uneze, Ohakim bares his mind on issues that cut across board. Excerpts:

Nigeria is 52 years, does that mean anything to Nigerians?

What that should mean to Nigerians is that we have come a long way as a people. And having stayed together for 52 years, it means that our collective destiny is irrevocably tied together. It has been a long and tortuous journey but the beauty is that we have not left anybody behind. On the weight of the several challenges facing us as a nation, it is common these days to hear some people query the continued existence of Nigeria as one country. For me, that should not arise. A break-up of Nigeria is inconceivable. It is like somebody suggesting that your parents who have been married for 52 years should divorce? Can you image that? So, for me, 52 years of independence means that Nigerians are now inseparable and that whatever challenges we face can best be tackled by remaining and working together.

But there is deep-seated bitterness out there?

I acknowledge the fact that there is widespread disaffection among Nigerians for reasons that are quite obvious. And of course, the grievances are quite legitimate especially for the youth who are facing a bleak future for no fault of theirs. The situation is unfortunate but I am also aware that every well meaning Nigerian realises the need to address all the factors responsible for the distortions in the system. Having said that, I hasten to add that the situation calls for caution; we should avoid things that would deepen the socio-economic crisis that is currently confronting us. We have what it takes to overcome the economic crisis. Since we have been able to get a handle to our political problems by being able to sustain our democracy for thirteen unbroken years, we should find a consultation in that. The fact that our democracy is working should afford us the impetus to face our economic problems with the hope that we shall soon overcome them. Yes, I agree that people are not happy but we should not write-off our country.

What do you consider Nigeria’s biggest challenge?

As far as I am concerned, there are two major challenges facing our country today. One is the pervasive lack of respect for the rule of law and non adherence to due process in governance. These two factors make it difficult for us to build strong democratic institutions. And without strong democratic institutions we will not make progress. Once we make our system to be such that those in authority become less idiosyncratic in their style and approach to public administration by respecting the rule of law, then we will make a quantum leap into sustainable socio-economic development. The other major challenge is that of unemployment. But I think the two are related because I believe if we do the proper things by obeying the rule of law and observing due process in governance, we will find ourselves in better position to create job opportunities for the younger ones.

What is your take on the current security situation?

My take is not different from that of every other well meaning Nigerian; which is that it is so unfortunate that we have found ourselves where we are today.

But do you think the right approach is being taken to addressing the issue?

You see, I laugh when I hear people say the federal government is not doing much to solve the problem. Nigeria is like a big petrol tanker, not a car. It is difficult and even dangerous for any driver to try to turn it away or maneuver it easily on the road in the face of danger. Any attempt so to do will portend calamity. The world not only Nigeria is going through a great change, the type never seen in the last 50 years. The truth is that no president or Head of state would be happy to preside over this type of situation. President Jonathan, I am sure is having sleepless nights. I sympathise with him as much as I sympathise with every Nigerian especially in the areas that are so vulnerable. I believe the Federal Government has shown enough concern over the matter. All we need do is to co-operate with it. My view is that we are being too harsh and hasty in our views about the current regime.

My position is that the more we give the impression that government is not capable of solving the problem, the more impetus we give to those perpetrating the mayhem and all other acts of criminality. We should be able to repose confidence in our government. We should be able to make it have the confidence to lead us. A situation where we find pleasure in rubbishing the leadership of the country is most unfortunate. Go to the internet and other social media and see what is posted about our leaders on a daily basis.

It's been over one year since you left office. Unlike some of your colleagues, not much has been heard from you; even when issues bordering on your tenure are raised by those at the helm of affairs in the state. Are you so much into the silence is golden rule?

Yes, silence could be golden but to an extent. I chose to remain calm and watch events generally. There are so many people talking at the same time over the same issues. We cannot all be talking at the same time. You will notice that because of "me tooism" in this country, people end up re-echoing what others have said to the extent that original views are most often drowned by those who think that it is their prerogative to be listened to.

Besides, having served a full term of four years as governor, I had opportunity to make inputs into how the country should be generally run. My tenure gave me opportunity to see and be seen. So, let those at the helm of affairs now talk. I don't miss anything in government or governance because I had a wonderful outing. It was really great and I thank God almighty for giving me that opportunity. I may not have been the best but it pleased Him to choose me to lead my people for good four years. In those four years, I ended every of my address with the footnote: Imo is in the hands of God. Above all, He gave me the grace to prove my mettle; to serve my people satisfactorily. I am quite contented. These days, I prefer to listen than talk. Let those there now prove their own worth.

But there have been allegations bothering on alleged financial impropriety during your tenure. Do you still feel you needn't stand up to those allegations?

If you also listened well, you would have noticed that it is Imo people themselves that have risen to challenge the people making such allegations and asked them to substantiate them. What could be better than when the people you served are the ones defending you and challenging those whose pre-occupation seems to be that of casting aspersion on my personality. Surprisingly, apart from my party, the PDP, other parties like the ANPP and ACN have consistently challenged those making the allegations to substantiate them. But even more note worthy is the fact that the people of Imo state have since discovered that those making allegations against me were on a mission to deceive them by bandying lies against me. Over one year later, the people have discovered that those lying against me have no proof over their allegations. That's why Imo people react the way they do each time anybody opens his mouth widely to say something against Ikedi Ohakim. I give it to Imo people. They are very discerning. They are not a people who can be deceived for long. They have now seen the truth.

What about the Rev. Father you allegedly flogged and the allegation that there was no such thing as Wonderlake Project and that you did not create any 10,000 graduate jobs? There is also the controversy over the local government election. As a matter of fact, it is generally believed that you lost the election mainly on account of those issues?

Before I go into that, let me quickly correct you. I did not lose the governorship election held last year. I did not lose. So, have that in your mind but I shall return to that. Now, you talk about the Reverend father issue: Yes, the people of Imo state have also discovered that it was all lies; that I didn't touch any Reverend Father. The man has told his colleagues and his superiors that he never set his eyes on Ikedi Ohakim. I read an article where one prominent Imo citizen said that may be the people may have to wait until Fr. Okorie becomes a Bishop or Arch Bishop, when he will have the power and authority to come out boldly and tell his congregation what really transpired. May be until then, Ikedi Ohakim will continue to be the martyr. Between me and my God, the truth is that I never touched any Reverend Father.

The people I worry for are the hapless citizens who were mentally and psychologically enslaved to believe that such an abomination happened. The real tragedy is that up till now, those who so enslave Imo citizens have refused to free them from that psychological bondage, so that they can see the truth and engage in the necessary pertinence that is required of our Christian faith.

With regards to the allegation that 10,000 jobs, was a hoax what you should do is to follow the ongoing litigation between the recipients of the 10,000 jobs and the Imo State Government. That project was a well researched and thought out project targeted at addressing the issue of employment.

But it is believed that none of your projects saw the light of the day?

You are wrong in saying that.

May be I would have said that the projects were not completed?

Which project? Let me tell you, anybody can award contracts for the building of houses or roads. It is the easiest thing to do. And from what we have now seen, you do not even need to pay contractors any money for them to start building roads and houses. So, you see, anybody can ask people to go and demolish houses and build new ones I am not saying refurbishing houses is not good but that was not our priority. Our priority was to do projects that will create jobs and lay a foundation for the economy of the state. Economically viable projects take considerable time to materialize.We felt we should pre-occupy ourselves with things that are deep and as the late sage, Obafemi Awolowo, would say, only the deep can call to the deep.

Are you not worried that some of your projects have been abandoned?

Naturally, I am worried, not because I feel anybody has succeeded in rubbishing my legacy but because I am aware that Imo people have been denied huge benefits that would accrue if those projects are completed. Personally, I don't like talking about that because I am aware that Imo people are themselves taking up the matter. The other day, the Owerri-based newspaper owned by the Catholic Church carried an Editorial that was querying why the projects we began, majority of which were already over 70 per cent completed, were abandoned.

Again, it is left for Imo people to determine whether those projects should have been abandoned simply because they were stated by Ikedi Ohakim. I am under no illusion that I am a genius but our people know that I had bright ideas and that I meant well. We were prudent and creative with resources that were available to us. We had the capacity and discipline to go to the capital market for N40b multiple tranche debt issuance programme to part finance projects like the Wonderlake Resort and Conference Centre, Oguta designed to create over 20,000 jobs and we raised the first tranche of N18.5 billion which had 167% subscription. Of that amount, we left N13.3 billion in the project account which we handed over to my successor. At the time we went for that bond, hell was let loose by opposition, that Ohakim had borrowed N100 billion. Two court actions were taken against the bond which invariably delayed our access to the fund thereby delaying the project.

Are you going into opposition?

What is going into opposition? If trying to make sure that things are properly done is what you call opposition, well I don't have an answer to that. Even if it is opposition, it will be one with a difference. It will not be one that will feed the people will lies. The problem we encountered was that some people took advantage of the easy going nature of Imo people to deceive them with lies. Unfortunately, that has continued. We will not say anything that is not backed with facts. That is the difference between me and many politicians.

Back to Nigeria, there's the belief that the political situation accentuated the insecurity?

I don't know what that means. Even if it is politics, why don't we wait till the next election to decide on an alternative? If everybody gets killed before 2015, who will be there to vote or be voted for? Just the other day, a Senator died in Jos during the recent crisis there. So, you can see that anybody could fall victim to the situation. I believe that in spite of the current problem, Nigerians should find solace in the fact that we have managed to run our democracy non-stop for 13 years. It has never happened before. We should have confidence in our collective ability to grow our democracy. Even those of us who are victims of deliberate sabotage of the democratic process have put that behind us and chosen to work for a better Nigeria.

How are you a victim?

You said earlier that I lost the last election and I corrected you by saying that we did not lose that election. I am surprised you even said that. You were here in Imo. You saw what happened. We won the election on April 26, 2011. INEC cancelled the election in Ohaji-Egbema, Oguta and Mbaitoli. Those are the areas we got votes that off-set what happened in other places where result was written in favour of our main opponent. We protested but INEC refused to listen. It went ahead to conduct the so-called supplementary election even when our main opponent was in court challenging that decision. Up till today, three parties are still challenging the so called supplementary election.

Your colleagues from different media that covered the event have given a vivid account of what happened. It was clear that some officials were acting out a script. My party went to the Tribunal to challenge the declared result by INEC. Our major argument was that we won the election once the result from Ohaji-Egbema, Oguta and Mbaitoli are taken into account. Even after INEC had had a rethink and brought certified true copies of results from those areas, the Tribunal went ahead to dismiss our petition. We went to the Appeal Court and you are aware of the drama that played out there. We went to the Supreme Court and another drama played out there.

The apex court refused to hear the case due to technicalities. But today, what do we have? Just last week, the PDP candidate for the Oguta state constituency, Hon. Eugene Dibiagwu, was sworn as a member of the state house of Assembly. Dibiagwu is a product of the April 26 2011 election which INEC said was inclusive. But the Appeal court had ruled that the election in Oguta was not only conclusive but that the PDP candidate won in seven out of the eleven wards in the LGA and ordered INEC to conduct election in the remaining four. That election was conducted about two months ago and PDP candidate, Dibiagwu, won decisively. If you remember that INEC had declared the entire result from Oguta, Ohaji-Egbema and Mbaitoli non-existent, you then begin to appreciate the matter. It was the same results that the Appeal court has now said existed. And mind you, the voting for both the State House of Assembly and governorship took place the same time, in the same booths.

The judgement on Oguta, and subsequent swearing in of Dibiagwu as a member of the state House of Assembly is the most eloquent testimony that a particular official was part of the plan to stop me from returning to office. But like I said, I have put all that behind to work for the progress of my state and Nigeria in general.

Do you nurse any fear about the 2015 presidential election?

That's what we keep on hearing everyday. Nigerian will break today, it will break tomorrow. Some of us are fed up with all that crap. This is a country that the outside world never gave a chance of nurturing its democracy for even four years. By the year, 2000, there were already prophesies that Nigeria was going to break. But here we are, thirteen years after. As I said earlier, I am a personal victim of political rascality and gangstarism but that does not in any way vitiate my belief in the country.

Of course, 2015 will come. There will be struggle for power which is what democracy is all about. Some will win, some will lose but Nigerian will move on. Those making prophesies of doom are not helping us. You talk about the North and fears but I wonder why the North would want Nigeria to be torn apart because if that happens, which country will they now rule over? So, I see that as a big fallacy. It doesn't hold water. Nigerians should not be scared from competing among themselves.

Healthy rivalry is good. We have demonstrated to the whole world that we have what it takes to sort ourselves out. The other time, it was the South-west because of June 12 but Nigerians came together and decided that the presidency should go there. Later, it was the Niger Delta. Today a Niger Delta man is there. So, why can't we give ourselves a pat on the back for always being able to find a way out of our political logjams?

So, how do you think the Igbo fits into this template?

If I understood your question, my answer is short and simple. The Igbo will be similarly factored in one day. We didn't need to break Nigeria for the South-west if you like the Yoruba to occupy the presidency. We didn't have to break up for the Niger Delta people to go there. So, in the same manner, the country will not break up for an Igbo to become president of Nigeria. It is both imperative and imminent.

Shell Faces Oil-Spill Compensation Claims

LONDON—Royal Dutch Shell RDSA +0.68% PLC Thursday appeared in court in the Netherlands for the first time to face compensation claims for environmental damage from oil spills in Nigeria, in a case that could set a legal precedent over how companies are held responsible for the actions of foreign subsidiaries

The suit has been brought by environmental group Friends of the Earth Netherlands and four Nigerian farmers, who are seeking compensation over claims that oil spills from Shell pipelines in Nigeria have damaged their livelihood. They also say they want the Anglo-Dutch oil company to complete a cleanup of the spills.

Shell argues that the three oil spills in question were caused by sabotage of pipelines and as such it is not liable to pay compensation. A spokesman for the company said its Nigerian subsidiary has cleaned up the pollution at the three locations and that this has been certified by the Nigerian authorities.

The case is important because it is the first time a Dutch multinational is being sued in the Netherlands over the actions of an overseas subsidiary. It could set an important legal precedent, said Channa Samkalden, a lawyer at law firm Bohler, which is representing the Nigerian farmers.

"If the verdict of the Dutch court turns out to be beneficial for my clients, a major precedent will be set," in relation to how companies are held legally responsible in the Netherlands for the actions of international subsidiaries, said Ms. Samkalden.

The verdict will be delivered Jan. 13, 2013.

The recent case against privately-held oil trader Trafigura, over the dumping of chemicals in the Ivory Coast, differed as it was a criminal case.

The oil spills at Oruma, Goi and Ikot Ada Udo in the Niger Delta took place between 2004 and 2007. The total amount of oil spilled in all three incidents combined was about 1,100 barrels.

In addition to demands of a more thorough clean up of the spill site, Friends of the Earth is asking the judge to rule that Shell must improve maintenance and safety of its Nigerian pipelines, some of which are decades old.

Shell said a joint investigation found that sabotage was the cause of the spills in each of the three cases. In the first case a hole had been bored into the pipeline, in the second it had been cut with a hacksaw and in the third a valve had been manually opened, the investigation found.

Pipelines are commonly tapped in Nigeria to steal the oil inside. Many parts of the Niger Delta have a thriving trade in oil stolen in this way, known locally as "bunkering". A report by the UN Office on Drugs and Crime in 2009 estimated as much as 150,000 barrels of oil a day were being stolen in this way.

The local environmental damage in the Niger Delta from oil spills is well documented. A 2011 report from the United Nations Environment Program, funded by Shell, said cleaning up the damage caused by more than 50 years of oil production in one part of the vast Niger Delta would require $1 billion of spending in the first five years.,br />
Shell has said the vast majority of the pollution in its Nigeria operations in recent years has been caused by oil theft and militant attacks. Around 1.6 thousand metric tons of oil were spilled into the Niger Delta in 2011 as a direct result of sabotage or theft, three quarters of total onshore spills, Shell said in its annual sustainability report.

Friends of the Earth Netherlands said that the videos and photographs from the joint investigation into the oil spills at Oruma, Goi and Ikot Ada Udo don't provide incontrovertible evidence of sabotage in all three cases.

..........SELINA WILLIAMS, WSJ

Achebe and the Biafran Memoir

THE VERDICT ACCORDING TO OLUSEGUN ADENIYI

OLUSEGUN ADENIYI/THIS DAY

“…I had sent one copy of the novel (A Man of the People) to J.P. Clark two days earlier. When J.P. arrived at the meeting his voice rang out from several hundred feet away. ‘Chinua, you know, you are a Prophet. Everything in this book has happened except a coup!’ That very evening, unbeknownst to us, a military coup was being launched that would change Nigeria forever..”

Courtesy of Mallam Abba Kyari, I got on Monday a copy of Professor Chinua Achebe’s latest offering, “There Was A Country (A Personal History of Biafra)." Released in the United Kingdom last Thursday and due in the United States today, it is a book I will gladly recommend to anyone who wants a better understanding of our country and how we arrived at our current bind. But I have followed the debate (or lack of one) on the internet as Igbo writers, comprising mostly those in the Diaspora, and their Yoruba counterparts trade abuses, curses, insults and even threats.

It all started on October 2 when The Guardian of London published excerpts lifted from pages 233 to 236 of the book. There Achebe wrote: “The wartime cabinet of General Gowon, the military ruler, it should also be remembered, was full of intellectuals like Chief Obafemi Awolowo among others who came up with a boatload of infamous and regrettable policies. A statement credited to Awolowo and echoed by his cohorts is the most callous and unfortunate: all is fair in war, and starvation is one of the weapons of war. I don't see why we should feed our enemies fat in order for them to fight harder. It is my impression that Awolowo was driven by an overriding ambition for power, for himself and for his Yoruba people. There is, on the surface at least, nothing wrong with those aspirations. However, Awolowo saw the dominant Igbos at the time as the obstacles to that goal, and when the opportunity arose - the Nigeria-Biafra war- his ambition drove him into a frenzy to go to every length to achieve his dreams. In the Biafran case it meant hatching up a diabolical policy to reduce the numbers of his enemies significantly through starvation - eliminating over two million people, mainly members of future generations.”

This interpretation of Awo’s role in the course of the war and what Achebe considers his (Awo’s) place in history has been a long-held position by the author. But the late Biafran leader, Ikemba Emeka Odumegwu Ojukwu, had a better appreciation of Awo within the context of Nigerian politics and his view was at variance with Achebe’s. Ojukwu is on record as having said: “In political terms, he (Awolowo) would be considered an adversary of the Igbo given the intense rivalry between him and Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe. As a leader of the modern cast, he has left Nigeria standards which are indelible, standards beside which future aspirations to public leadership can be eternally measured. He was, for a long time, the only Nigerian leader that enunciated principles and played down personalities. He was a brilliant political administrator and a most erudite teacher.. At his death I had the singular honour of proposing for him this epitaph that has endured as the best President that Nigeria never had… Nigeria must continually regret that he never, for many reasons, had the opportunity to serve at the presidential level. That he did not fulfill a presidential ambition cannot detract from his leadership, and us, poor us, who were not his people, must continue to regret that our own leaders had not led us as he did his people or achieved for us as he did for his people.”

What the foregoing suggests is that Achebe is not an authority in this matter, and does not have the last word on Awo, so he is entitled to his opinion. The book is broken into four sections and is interspersed with interesting Igbo anecdotes that is vintage Achebe. It is easy for readers to see how his worldview was shaped by an inquisition into the traditions of his people. It is also quite revealing that Achebe actually got a scholarship to study Medicine at Ibadan but after spending a year, he had to follow his heart by changing to English, History and Theology yet by doing so he lost the bursary and would have paid tuition but for providence. Such providential intervention in his life is even more vivid in the story of his novel, “Things Fall Apart”. The account should inspire every aspiring writer who has faced rejection because given the naivety he recounted, the hand-written manuscript could even have been lost and the world would have missed what is without doubt the number one novel to come from Africa.

However, considering the patently Igbo-centric slant of his narrative, Achebe’s memoir will provoke a lot of reactions, especially from the North and the South-west but my hope is that the challenge will be only at the intellectual level so that our nation can benefit from the engagement that can only enrich our quest for a better society. There will be disputes about some facts and figures in the book while questions indeed would be asked about Achebe’s attempt to paint the Igbo people as the only ones who believed in the idea of one Nigeria and solely worked towards one.

According to Achebe, the pre-independence structure of the country was such that “there was an inbuilt power struggle among the ethnic groups, and of course those who were in power wanted to stay in power. The easiest and simplest way to retain it, even in a limited area, was to appeal to tribal sentiments, so they were egregiously exploited in the 1950s and 1960s. The original idea of one Nigeria was pressed by the leaders and intellectuals from the Eastern Region. With all their shortcomings, they had this idea to build the country as one. The first to object were the Northerners, led by the Sardauna, who were closely followed by the Awolowo clique that had created the Action Group. The Northern Peoples Party of the Sardaunians was supposed to be a national party, yet it refused to change its name from Northern to Nigerian Peoples Congress, even for the sake of appearances…”

However one may feel about his account, Achebe provided the philosophical underpinning for his thesis by arguing that African writers should have “some kind of commitment, some kind of message, some kind of protest. In my definition I am a protest writer, with restraint…the whole pattern of life demanded that one should protest, that you should put in a word for your history, your traditions, your religion, and so on.”

I am aware that many Yoruba people feel offended by what they consider Achebe’s unfair characterization of Awo. But whether we agree with him or not--and I certainly don’t, given Awo’s documented rebuttal of these same claims in the past--the fact remains that Achebe has been consistent because he wrote nothing in the book that he has not said before about Awo. Besides, what I expect is that those who contest his position should write their own account, not insult Achebe who deserves nothing but respect.

In the book, Achebe also raised pertinent questions about the late Ojukwu and the events leading to the war. He explained his role in the Ahiara Declaration while giving rare insights about Biafra that were never provided by anybody before. There is also an interesting account of how he and Christopher Okigbo declined from publishing Emmanuel Ifeajuna’s manuscript on the January 1966 coup because they considered it a vain attempt at self-glorification aside the fact that Nzeogwu had dismissed it as containing “lies”.

In all, there can be no doubt that Achebe is disappointed with what Nigeria has turned out to be. But can we honestly say he is alone? Instructively, there is the anecdote of a pre-civil war period in Lagos when some soldiers invaded his office with one of them saying he would find out which was more powerful, their guns or Achebe’s pen. While his pen has endured long after the last shot was fired, at the end what comes out of Achebe’s efforts is a regret of what might have been not only for Biafra but also our beloved country, Nigeria.

UNIPORT Killings: Soldiers, Police Take over Omuokiri

Rivers State Governor Rotimi Amaechi

By Ernest Chinwo, Adebiyi Adedapo and Chiemelie Ezeobi/This Day

Soldiers and policemen under the Joint Task Force have taken over security at Omuokiri Village of Aluu where four students of the University of Port Harcourt were killed by a mob last Friday.

This came as the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) Wednesday decried recent serial killings of about 46 students of the Federal Polytechnic in Mubi, Adamawa State, and four students of the University of Port-Harcourt by villagers of Aluu community, describing both incidents as evidence of total system collapse.

Meanwhile, the Inspector General of Police (IG), Mohammed Abubakar, has condemned the gruesome murder of the four students from the University of Port Harcourt.

Villagers and residents of the community had fled the community on Tuesday when the students, led by the South-south and South-east zones of the National Association of Nigerian Students (NANS), went on rampage in the community in protest against the murder of their colleagues.

No fewer than 12 houses and 30 cars were destroyed in the protest, which was later brought under control by the JTF.

When THISDAY visited the university and the community yesterday morning, students were seen leaving the campus in droves, following the closure of the university and the consequent directive for them to vacate their hostels immediately.

UNIPORT’s Deputy Registrar, Information and Communication, Dr. Williams Wodi, had said Tuesday night that the school had been closed indefinitely, pointing out that the decision was to forestall further breakdown of law and order due to the students’ unrest.

At Omuokiri, five persons who were seen near the spot where the four students were killed were yesterday arrested by security operatives who had been deployed to the town to maintain law and order. They were handcuffed and driven off in two patrol vans.

A truck load of mobile policemen (MOPOL) were seen near the scene of the killings, while about 50 other heavily armed men of the JTF, Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS), Department of State Security and policemen were seen moving round the town.

Some of the security operatives were spotted retrieving some items suspected to have been used on the students before they died, including motor tyres, sticks and stones, at a place called ‘burrow pit’ in Umuokiri, probably for forensic analysis.

Non-security men seen in the community were only those whose houses and cars were burnt by the protesting students on Tuesday.

Meanwhile THISDAY observed that some of the students, especially those from outside Rivers State had taken refuge with friends at Choba, one of the host communities of the university.

NBA President, Okey Wali (SAN), said this yesterday at a press conference preceding the inauguration of the NBA working group on strategic planning. He also reiterated its support for the call for state police in the country, saying that the Nigerian police lacks adequate funding, training and intelligence gathering.

According to Wali, internal security was the biggest threats to national development, integration and progress of the nation.

He however disclosed that NBA was planning to organise a National Summit on Peace and Security in Nigeria, aimed at addressing the security challenges in the incessant security challenges rocking the country.

He stated further that the alarming state of insecurity in the country has led to a disregard for the sanctity of human life.

Wali urged security agencies to restore the confidence of Nigerians in their ability to protect lives and property of the citizenry.

“There is no disputing the fact that these show a total system failure, neither of this dastardly act took place in a time frame that the security agencies would not have arrived the scene and prevented the murders, if there had been timely intervention,” he said.

NBA charged the government should identify and prosecute the perpetrators of the inhuman acts and their collaborators to assuage the feelings of Nigerian’s. “Nothing short of the identification and prosecution of the Mubi and Allu Killers and collaborators will assuage the feelings of Nigerian’s,” he added. Abubakar pledged that the police would thoroughly investigate the matter and ensure that justice runs its full course.

Abubakar, who made this disclosure on arrival from Turkey to Lagos, however declined to reveal the actual number of persons that had been arrested in connection with the murder so far.

He said, “Even though I was not around then but I am aware of the situation and I was briefed on this even while in Turkey. We are on it and we have commenced investigation to the incident.

“The investigation would tell what exactly had happened, but I want to assure all Nigerians that we are doing our best to bring out the culprits of that very ugly incident.

Police Arrest Nigerian Woman For Trafficking 7 Girls

The Western Regional Anti-Human Traffic Unit of the Ghana Police Service has arrested a 41-year-old Nigerian woman for trafficking seven girls from Nigeria to Abidjan, allegedly for prostitution.

The suspect, Elizabeth Love Inabah, drew attention to herself at the Elubo Border in Ghana, when she engaged in a heated argument with a man, who claimed was a member of a Nigerian anti-human traffic body.

The argument was over an alleged bribe of CFA70,000 Elizabeth had agreed to pay to the man to facilitate the venture.

The police said following the argument at the entry point on October 7, 2012, the suspects were escorted to the Elubo Border Police Station, where the man, Frank Ike, 38 alleged that Elizabeth was a known human trafficker.

In reply, Elizabeth told the police that Ike demanded a bribe of CFA70,000 from her, for him to keep silent over the issue.

The girls all Nigerians, have since given their names as: Jessica Joseph, Annabel Joseph, Ebie Teli Okoire, Tressure Ovwigo, Sonia Bright, Glory Ayese, and Princess George.

According to the police, suspects Ike and Elizabeth have been placed in police custody by the Jomoro District Police Command while the victims are in the custody of the command.

The police told graphic.com.gh that CFA70,000 had been found on Ike, following a search on him, which had confirmed the claim by Elizabeth.

The police said upon interrogation, Ike told the police that Elizabeth, a known human trafficker, was wanted by the Nigerian Police. He claimed that upon seeing her in the company of the girls from Nigeria, he knew what Elizabeth was up to.

The suspect told the police that he managed to identify all the girls and also established that they were all travelling with Elizabeth.

The police said Ike alleged that Elizabeth told him she was sending another batch to Abidjan for prostitution and offered him a bribe of CFA70,000.

However, Elizabeth told the police that she was taking them to Abidjan for them to learn hairdressing.

She could not explain how she managed to cross with them from Benin and Togo to the Ghana border and was on the verge of crossing into Cote d'Ivoire.

She was also not able to explain why the girls could not learn hairdressing in Nigeria but had to travel to Abidjan for that purpose.

The girls told the police they did not know that they were being trafficked stating also that Elizabeth was responsible for their travel expenses.

When contacted, the Jomoro District Police Commander, Supt John F. Dzineku, confirmed the arrest and said the victims were being taking care of at the district command, while the two suspects are in custody.

........Ghana Web/Daily Graphic

Feds: Man arrested at LA airport not cooperating

AIKEN STANDARD/AP

AP file photo In this 2009 photo, airport police monitor the entrance of Los Angeles International Airport in Los Angeles.

LOS ANGELES – A man arrested at Los Angeles International Airport wearing a bulletproof vest and flame-resistant pants is not cooperating with federal officials working to discover why he was headed to Boston with a suitcase full of weapons, authorities said.

Yongda Huang Harris, 28, was taken into custody recently during a stopover on a trip from Japan when U.S. Customs and Border Protection officers reported noticing he was wearing the protective gear under his trench coat, triggering a Homeland Security investigation.

A search of Harris’ checked luggage uncovered numerous suspicious items, including a smoke grenade, knives, body bags, a hatchet, a collapsible baton, a biohazard suit, a gas mask, billy clubs, handcuffs, leg irons and a device to repel dogs, authorities said.

Harris has not cooperated with authorities attempting to interview him, according to a U.S. official who spoke on condition of anonymity to discuss an open investigation Tuesday.

The official said Harris, who was taken into custody Friday, is not believed to be linked to a terrorist organization. His motive, however, has not been determined, the official said.

Harris has been charged with one count of transporting hazardous materials, an offense that carries a maximum penalty of five years in prison. He made a brief court appearance Tuesday, but his arraignment was delayed until Friday and he was ordered held until then.

Harris is a U.S. citizen whose permanent residence is in Boston, though he recently started living and working in Japan, officials said. Attempts to reach Harris’ family in Boston and his associates were unsuccessful.

His attorney, Steven Seiden, was unavailable to comment, said Chris Williams, a spokesman for Seiden, who also represents Mark Basseley Youssef, the man behind the anti-Islam video that recently sparked violence in the Middle East.

It’s unclear what Harris had on his body and what he had checked in baggage, which will be crucial information to the defense, said Williams, who declined to comment on why Harris was carrying any of the weapons.

“It raises a lot of questions, and those questions will need to be answered. Right now, the case is very early,” Williams said.

The defense attorney’s spokesman described Harris as “very intelligent,” earning A’s in high school and college calculus.

The smoke grenade was X-rayed by police bomb squad officers, who said the device fell into a category that is prohibited on board passenger aircraft.

Such a grenade “could potentially fill the cabin of a commercial airplane with smoke or cause a fire,” federal officials said in a news release.

Many of the other items authorities say they found in Harris’ luggage – including the hatchet and knives – wouldn’t violate Transportation Security Administration guidelines for what is permissible in luggage that is checked. Also, bulletproof vests and flame-resistant pants are not listed among items prohibited aboard flights.

However, customs officers Kenny Frick and Brandon Parker believed in their initial investigation that the lead-filled, leather-coated billy clubs and a collapsible baton may be prohibited by California law, according to an affidavit filed in U.S. District Court.

A customs official said Tuesday night that Harris was not enrolled in any of the U.S. government’s trusted traveler programs, which could have allowed faster processing through security or customs. The official spoke on the condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to discuss details of the ongoing investigation.

Harris traveled from Kansai, in western Japan, to Incheon, Korea, before landing in Los Angeles.

An immigration officer at Kansai International Airport, Masahiro Nakamoto, said authorities did not report anything suspicious at the time Harris boarded. Spokesman Keisuke Hamatani said Kansai security officials had not reported any suitcases containing the hazardous materials U.S. authorities say they found in Harris’ luggage.

Nakamoto said arriving passengers are checked more closely than those leaving the country.

Yasunori Oshima, an official at Japan’s Land and Transport Ministry’s aviation safety department, said there had been no official inquiry or request from U.S. authorities to look into the case, which he said would have been more of a concern if the hazardous materials were brought on board rather than checked.

“The case does not seem to pose any immediate concerns about aviation security measures in Japan,” he said.

Airport police said they do not believe the case constitutes illegal conduct under the Japanese domestic criminal code, but Japan may cooperate at the request of U.S. investigators.

Spagat reported from San Diego. Associated Press writers Rodrique Ngowi in Boston, Eric Talmadge and Mari Yamaguchi in Tokyo and Alicia A. Caldwell in Washington contributed to this report.

"There Was A Country: A Personal History Of Biafra" - Jumoke Verissimo Comments

Chinua Achebe Reflects On Biafra, But For Whom?

Jumoke Verissimo, Africa Is A Country

It is a long time already since the Biafran War (1967-1970) to write a memoir, and it makes me wonder how affective Chinua Achebe’s narrative in The Guardian is to his audience. Achebe’s new book, There Was a Country: A Personal History of Biafra appears to have reopened old wounds and resulted in widespread debate, whether in op-ed columns, on blogs or on social media.

I question, however, if it is possible for Achebe to remain faithful to a forty-five year-old war story? While it is important to account for history for posterity’s sake, when left too long, it might decline in veracity and become romanticised. I found an example in an excerpt of Achebe’s book quoted in the review by writer (and Achebe admirer) Chimamanda Adichie, where Achebe relays the death of his beloved friend, the poet Christopher Okigbo (Achebe has described him on occasion as “Africa’s greatest modern poet”) to his family:

When I finally got myself home and told my family, my three-year-old son, Ike, screamed: ‘Daddy don’t let him die!’ Ike and Christopher had been special pals. When Christopher came to the house the boy would climb on his knees, seize hold of his fingers and strive with all his power to break them while Christopher would moan in pretended agony. ‘Children are wicked little devils,’ he would say to us over the little fellow’s head, and let out more cries of feigned pain.

I stopped. How would a three-year-old conceive of death this imaginatively? This for me appears to be an affective narration of an adult’s hurtful experience transferred to a child. Is it not possible that other narrations in the story have also been idealised? Interestingly, this “much awaited” book is supposed to be a response to the war, and perhapsto become a reference point, as there are, in his words: “little relevant literature that helps answer these questions.”
Achebe’s Guardian article, for me, seems to have ended up promoting a self-serving perspective that encourages ethnocentricity. It has furthered ethnic cyber-war on social media and online pages of national newspapers like the The Nation, Punch, and in the Vanguard Newspaper, where a review of the book generated hate comments like:

You will never see me in a Yoruba Church, I don’t care if the pastor’s name is Jesus. This people lie like their father the devil, do you wonder why even the Hausa hates them, is not ironically that despite everything, Hausa’s still find Igbos more credible and trustworthy than Yorubas, even the south-south people can no longer trust this debased Yoruba characters, archtechs of crime and yet like the devil, always accusing others of sin, when they live and dine with the devil everyday. OGBONI-YORUBA MEANS SATAN WITH YORUBA, THE ONLY IGNORANT RACE THAT HAS PATH WITH THE DEVIL IN NIGERIA.(sic)

Some of the comments in The Guardian suggest that Achebe is propagating Igbo propaganda, especially, with his slight on Chief Obafemi Awolowo, who is accused of encouraging starvation during the war with his now infamous quote: “All is fair in war, and starvation is one of the weapons of war. I don’t see why we should feed our enemies fat in order for them to fight harder.” Ironically, this action was commended by Alex Ekwueme in a Vanguard article in 2010 as an act that displayed Awolowo as “a prudent manager of human and material resources by maintaining strict fiscal discipline in government spending and equally ensured that the Federal Government did not borrow money to fight the war.”

The Biafran War defined many things about Nigeria’s future. My father once told me that “we stopped being Nigerians after Biafra.” Many Igbos believe they have always been marginalised and were never really a part of the country before the war and even after. The debate on the marginalisation of the Igbo deepens each time the Federal Government is accused of attempting to exterminate Igbos during the Biafra war. Forty-five years since the war, this dirge is again revived in Chinua Achebe’s Guardian contribution.

Perhaps there are those who still see Achebe as a credible source for understanding Nigeria’s history and even that his newly published book would enlighten Nigeria on the ethnic divide since the 1966 war, it is important to note that it is not just the Biafran War that is missing in Nigeria’s school curriculum at this time; history and social studies have for a long time not been taught to students.

What is worrisome is that forty-five years after this war, it is difficult to know who exactly Achebe’s audience is: the Nigerian who lacks history or those with a manipulated history told to them by foreign media and regurgitated by the local media.

* Jumoke Verissimo is the author of I Am Memory. She is a postgraduate student of African Studies (Performance Studies), Institute of African Studies, University of Ibadan. Her Twitter handle: @awapointe.